CENTRE for REFORMATION and RENAISSANCE STUDIES VICTORIA UNIVERSITY T O R O N T O ,, " --)RGÊ SQU,RE HISTORY OF ENGLAND I6O3-1642 VOL. ¥I. BIBLIOGRAPttICAL .NOTE TO MR. GARDI2VER'S , ttI...çZ'OA' I/Ot  ENGL41VD.' HISTORY of ENGEAND, from the ACCESSION of JAIES I. to the DIGRACE of CHIEF-JIdSTICE COKE x6o3-x66. 2 vols. 8vo. I863. PRINCE CHARLES and the SPANISH MARRIAGE, x67-1623. 2 vols. 8vo. 869. HISTOR¥ of EI;GLAND under the DURE of BUCKII'qGHAI andCHARLES I. x64-x68.  vols. 8vo. The I'ERSONAL GOVERNMENT of CHARLES I. from the I)EATH of BUCKINGHAM to the I)ECLARA- TION of the JUIgGES in FA¥OUR of SHIP-/IONE¥. 68-x637. 2 vols. 8vo. x877. The FALL of the MONARCH¥ of CHARLES I. x637-x642. 2 vols. 8vo. i88i. The above Volumes were revised and re-issued in a cheaper form, under the title of 'A History of England, frorn the Accession of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War, x6o3-x642.' xo vols. Crown 8vo. x883-4. HISTOR, " of the GREAT CIVIL WAR. I64Œ-I649. (3 vols.) vol'. t. x64-x644. 8vo. x886. Vol'. II. x644-x647. 8vo. x889. Vol.. II1. x647-x649- 8vo. x89x. These Volumes bave heen revised and re-issued in a cheaper forna, in 4 vols. crown 8vo. uniform with the ' History of England, I6o]-164.' x893. HISTORY of the COMMONWEALTH and PRO- TECTORATE, z649-x66o. Vol. I. x649-z65. 8vo. t894. HISTORY OF FROM THE ENGLAND OF THE CIVIL VAR ACCESSION OF JAMES TO THE OUTBREAK [6o3-642 BV SAMUEL R. GARDINER, D.C.L., LL.D. FELLO'*V OF I|ERTON COLLEGE t OFORD, ITC, IN TEN VOLUMES NE IV EDITION I.ONGMANS, GREEN, AND LONDON, NEkV YORK, AND BOlkIBAY 1896 CO. AIl rdKlts teser¢,ed RF.F. & THE CONTENTS OF SIXTII VOLUME. CHAPTER LV. THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. PAGE 1625 Buckingharn's intentions . x Brçach of the engagements betwecn Louis X I I 1. and the Huguenots . 2 Determinatio of Charle to send out the fleet :3 The Queen at Titchfield . 4 Rusdorf's diplomacy . . 5 The Treaty of Southampton 6 Buckmgham to go to the H ague . . 7 The Èsex tràined bands t Harwtch 8 De th of Sir .. Mortn-" Sir j. Coke Secretary . 9 Sir E. Ceci] appointed to cornmand the exped]tion against Spain xo He reports on the defi- ciencies of the troops . I The K i ng and Buckingham ai Plymouth _ . The fleet driven back by a storm I It puts to sea . Arrives at Cadiz x 5 Attaek on Fort Pntal x6 8urrender of the fort . . Cecirs march to the bridge Failure o! the expedition . x 9 The look-out for the Mexico lleet o ;he fleet'to Return of Eng- land. No serious ivestitio into the causes of failure CHAPTER LVI. GROWING ESTRANGEMENTS BETWEEN THE COURTS OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 1625 Euckingbam's intention to visit France . . Objections of Louis . . Buckingham's instructions Blainville's interview with Charles . . His visit to Buckingham . The Peers of the Opposi- tion . . . 2 9 Dismissal of "vVilliams 3 Coventrv Lord Keeper . 3 a The Opboition leaders ol CONTlïNTS OF PAGE the Cornrnons ruade sheriffs . . 3 The Dunkirk privateers . 34 BuckinRham visits the Hague and proposes to attaek Dunkirk • • 35 The Congress of the Hague 35 Treaty o! the Hague . 36 Prospect of var with Fran.e 37 Difficulties about tlle Queen's household . 38 Ernbassy of Holland and Crleton • - 39 Difficulties about the law of prize . 40 Sequestration of the rnoney on board the French prizes . . 4 I Orders given for he saIe of prize goods 41 Blain411e protests. 4 2 Reprisais in France fol'- lowed by an order for the restitution of the °t. Peter ' 43 x626 PAG Irritation of Louis . 44. Charles deterrnines to re- lieve Rochelle 44 The prize goods sId 45 The 'St. Peter' re-ar- rested . • 46 Interference of Clarles in French politics 7 The Queen refuses to bë crowned . 48 Charles's coronation . . 49 Negotiation betxveen Louis and the Huguenots 5 ° An agreernent corne to . 5* The Huguenots look to Charles for support . 52 Richelieu proposes to join Englaud against Spain. 52 Charles rejects his oer- tures • • - 53 Fresh dispute between Charles and the Queen. 56 Blainville ordered to ab- sent himself frorn Court 57 CHAPTER LVII. THE LEADERSHIP OF SIR JOHN ELIOT IN THE SECOND PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. a626 Opening of Parlimnent . Eliot's position in the House . He dernands inquiry into past rnisrnanagernent Laud's sermon The conference on Monta- gue's books . . Case of the 'St. Peter' of Havre de Grace Release of the ship and reprisais in France . Inquiry in the House of Cornrnons State of feeling in the House of Lords Fresh overtures rom Richelieu The riot at Durha Housë The rnarriage of Lord Mal- travers Arundel sent t the Twe; q-he Çornrnons wish to quire into the proceed- 59 60 62 63 64 6ç 66 59 70 ings of the council of war 73 The councillors refuse to reply • 74 Charles supports hern in their refusal 75 Dr. Turner's queries . 76 Charles derends his rninister 77 Question of rninisterial re- sponsibility • 78 Eliot counsels thë Corn- rnons to persist . 79 Eliot's speech against Buckingharn . 8o Charles refuses to accept the doctrine of minis- tefial responsibility 8i Coventry's declaration o'f the King's pleasure . Buckingharn's 4ndication of his proceedings . 84 Remonstrance of the Com- mons . . . 84 The Cornrnons are allowed to proceed with their in- THE IXTH VOLUAIE. qulry into I3uckingham's eonduct 8 5 They vote tht common faine is a good ground for their action. 86 The French Governmen favours the English al- liance . . 87 Charles throws obstacles in the way of an agree- ment 131ainville lëaves Egland Treaty between France and Spain--End of the French alliance vii PAG 88 89 9 ° CHAPTER LVIII. THE IMPEACHMENT OF THE DUKE OF BUCK.LNGHAM. 16z6 The House of Lords de- mands Arundel's libera- tion . . 9 x Bristol's confinement at Sherborne 9 z He is forbiddën to eome to Parliament 93 Petitions the Lo'rds foi his writ, cornes to l.on- don and accuses Buck- ingham ls accused by he Kin _ 9594 lnterference of the Klng in Buckingham's favour 97 Buckingham impeached by the Cmmons 9 8 Prologue by Diggës . . 99 Charges brought against Buckingham roo Eliot's summing up . . xo3 Buckingham eompared to Sejanus . . fo5 Chafles's indignation, • xo7 He replies to the Lords' demand for Arundel's liberation, zo8 Imprisonment of liot and Digges . . . to 9 Carleton threatens the House with the danger of Parliaments falling into disuse ltO I)igges eleared "by thë House of Lords t r Digges released, but Èlio kept in prison . . xx The Commons suspend their sittings i t 3 Eliot released i t 3 Bristol's case beore thë Lords t r4 Liberation of .rundel" I x 5 13uckingham elected Chan'- cellor of Cambridge University . . r t 6 The King demandssupply xx 7 The Commons decide that remonstrance must pre- cede supply . x t8 They demand Bckin- ham's dismissal.  x9 Parliament dissolved . rt CHAPTER LIX. THE RUPTURE WlTH FRANCE. t626 Proclamation for the peace of the Church Buckingham's case to bë tried in the Star Cham- ber . . , 12 3 "I'he Parliamemary mana- gers refuse to eounte- nancethetrial . . xz 3 The City refuses to lend money Demand of a freegift from the counties . • 5 Dismissal ofjustices of the peace . . . x Wentworth's character and political position Nature of his opposition . xz 7 His overtures to Bucking- ham.. His dismissal rom oce viii COArTENTS OF PAGE The free gift refused in the counties. Ships demanded from thë nmritime counties . . x32 Willoughby's fleet at Ports- mouth . . • 33 Disagreement between Charles and the Queen. 34 The Queen at Tyburn • 35 Dismissal of the Queen's French attendants . 36 Proposaltodebase the coin x38 Defeat of Mansfeld and Christian IV. . 139 Bassompierre's mission . 4 I Capture of French prizes x42 The forced loan '43 Sequestration of Eiiot' Vice-Adnfiralty. • '44 Buckingham proposes to go to France . x46 Seizure of the wine fleét at Bordeaux . x47 Buckingham prepares fo go as ambassador to France . . i47 Prospects of the loan ,48 Resistance of the judges-- Dismissal of Chief Jus- tice Crew . x49 PAGff Resistance spreading in the country. . • xSo Pennington ordered to attack French ships at Havre . 151 But finds no ships there . Mutiny in Pennington's fleet .... Partial success of the loan ' 54 Groçing resistance to it x55 The chief opponents sum- moned before the Council Resistance of Hampden, Eliot, and Vv'entworth . x57 Charles looks forward to a war with France. '59 Pennington's attack upon the French shipping . 6o Negotiations opened with Spain . . . 6o Interwews between Rubens and Gerbier Alarm of the Duch am- bassador 62 Agreement betveen Fancë and Spain . x63 Progress of the war in Germany . . x64 Morgan takes four regf- ments to the Elbe x6 CHAPTER LX. THE EXPEDITION" TO RHÉ'. I627 \Val,er Montague's mis- sion. Preparations for the r'elie 67 of Rochelle Buckingham's inst'ruction ,70 Sailing of the fleet • x7x Buckingham's landink in the lsle of Rhé . Marches to St. Martin's . x73 Lukewarmness of the Ro- chellese . . Commencement of thë 174 siege of St. Martin's '75 The siege converted into a blockade . . 17_ 5 Need of reinforcements ,76 Eagerness of the King to snpport Buckingham . 77 Difficulties of the Exche- chequer. . ,78 13echer carries a few re- crnits to Rhé i8o Death of Sir John Borug i8x Supplies mtroduced into St. Martin's x8. Buckingham reslves t carry on the siege . 8 3 Holland expected with re- inforcements . . 84 Rohan's insurrection meets with no general support x84 Failure of the negotiation with Spain . • . I8, Christian IV. overpowered i85 Misery in Morgan's regi- ments . . . ,86 Seizure ofa French ship in the Texel . . 187 English feeling against Buckingham THE SIXTH VOLUIE. i, PAGE DeIays in HoIIand's saiIing The King's anxiety . . l-lol]and is unable fo leave . Disorganisation f thé Government . . 193 The King constant fo Buckingham i94 Gloomy prospects of" thé force at RbW95 Landing of the French on the island . . . 195 Buckingham attempts to storm the fort . . 196 The retreat from St.Martin's 97 Slaughter of the English . 98 Re-embarkation of the troops . . Buckingham's part in thé 98 disaster. I99 67 CHAPTER LXI. PREROGATIVE GOVERNMENT IN CHURCH AND STATE. Buckingham's reception in England . Increased resistance rg thé 2or loan 202 Ecclesiastical parties 203 Laud's royalism 2o 4 Sibthorpe's sermon on Apostolic Obedience . 2o6 Abbot sent into confine- ment for refnsing to li- cense Il 207 blanwaring's serinons on Religion and AIlegiance 208 Manwaring's theory of government . 209 Eliot's petition from thë Gatehouse . . 2x2 Five kmghts demand a habeas corpus . . 2  3 Arguments in the King's Bench on behaff of the rive knights 2x 4 Heath's argument for tle Cro%ql , . . 215 ŒEhe prisoners remanded . 216 The sailors ready to mutiny BaC condu« oithe bilfetA 2,8 soldiers . 2  9 Schemes for raising money 2x 9 Chmles- and Buckingbam resolve to carry on the wg.r o o Excise propooed in thé '-0 Council. 22 A standing force Çroposel 223 German horse sent for 2 4 Abandonment of the pro- posed excise . . 25 The prisoners released and Parliament summoned . 225 Ship-money demanded and then abandoned . 226 Cmmission to inquire how excise can be levied . 227 Bad state of Denbigh's fleet . 228 The elections . 9 CHAPTER LXII. THE PAIZLIAMENTAR%" LEADERSHIP OF SIR THOMAS WENTWORTH» I628 Laud's sermon . . 230 Opening of the session . 23I Coke's Imprisonment Bill 32 Seymour and Eliot on grievances . . 233 Wentworth's demand . 235 Comparison between Went- worth and Eliot. 236 Secretary Coke acknow- ledges that the law has been broken. . . 237 The Jesuits at ClerkenweIl. 238 ecretary Coke trles to frighten the Commons . 239 E)ebate on the liberty of the subject 240 x CONTENTS OF r . Coke's «rarement of the lw . . . 4o OEhe Çommons' resolution against unparliamentary taxation. . . 241 llethersole's argument from political exqoediency 24r The legal argument . 242 Controversy between Cokè and Shilton . 243 Anderson's judgment pro- dueed . • . 244 The Commons" resolu- tions on inlprisonment . 245 Debate on supply. 246 Debate on billeting . 247 Question of pressing men for the army . . 249 Five subsidies voted in committee, but hot re- ported aSO Wentworth proposes a Bill on the liberties of the subject . 25x The King pleased at thé vote of supply . aS 2 Arguments before thë Lords on the resolutions 253 Further discussion on bil- leting . . • aS3  Good Hdy's debte on martial law . • 254 The Lords incline towards the King . - a56 The Commons refuse to proceed further with su pply • • 257 Debate in the Upper Hous'e on the resolutions 258 The Lords" propositions . 2.59 Criticism of the Commons 26r Noy and Ventworth for a ltabeas Corpus Act . 262 Coventry declares that the King's word rnut be taken . . The Commons order thé 263 preparation of a Bill on the liberty of the subject 264 The Bill brought in by Coke . Wentworth proposes a Bill 264 of his own 266 The King rejects VCent- worth's terres . 267 Wentworth's appeal to thé King . 268 Coke's proposal . . 269 End of Wentworth°s leader- ship . . 270 CHAPTER LXlII. THE PETITION OF RIGHT. Dissatisfaction of the House . . Coke proposes a Petition of Right . The Petition of ligh[ 274 brought in 275 The Petition beore me Lords . 76 The King's de'fence o[ his daim to imprison with- out showing cause 276 The Lords attempt mediate . Clause proposed bi 277 Williams 278 Clause preparel by'Arun'- del and Weston adopted 279 The clause rejected by the Commons . 28o The Lords try to explait away the clause . 28z The Commons persist in rejecting it 282 Wentworth proposes a further accommodation. 283 Eliot's rejoinder 284 Wentworth's repl; . 285 The Colnmons decide against Wentworth 286 Fresh propozal by th Lords . 287 Buckingham opposes it 288 The Lords give way . 89 The petition passes botl Houses . 289 The surrender of tade 29c Denbigh's failure to re- lieve Rochelle 29 x Resolution of Charles to make another effort • 29 Charles hesitates about the petition ., 295 TftE SLYTtt PAGE Qu«stens the judes 94 Consults the Council a96 Answer agreed on . . 297 Worthlessness of the answcr . . 297 Eliot's resolulion 298 His speech on the state of the nation A Remonstrance proposed 3oi The King tries to stop it . 3or Distress of the House • 3ou Phe}ips proposes to ask leave to go home , • 303 VOLUME. xi PAG Eliot stopFed by the Speaker. . . 3o4 Coke attacks Buckingham byname • • 305 Sdden moves ihat the im- peachment be renewed. 3o6 Intervention of the Lords. 306 Charles draws back - 3o7 The Lords ask for a clear answer fo the petltion 3o8 Charles gives the Royai assent to the Petition of Right . 3o9 CHAPTER LXIV REMONSTRANCE AND PROROGATION 1628 The petition compared with Magna Carta . 3ri Impeachment of Man- waring . . . Pym's deelaration of prin- eiple . Subsidies voted nd thë Remonstranee proeeeded with. . . Charles will hot give up Buckingham . 3r8 Murder of Dr. Lambe . 319 The King's answer to the Remonstrance 320 Buckingham seeks to meet the charges against him . 32i Debate on tonnage and po'undage . 322 Remonstrance on tonnage and poundage . o 393 The King's speech 324 Parliament prorogued" 325 Was tonnage and pound'- age inclnded in the Ptition of Right? . 326 Ecclesiastical promotions. 3z9 Buckingham's foreign policy . 33 r Cadisle's mission. Prosp«cts of peace witl 332 France and Spain . • 333 Changes in the Govern- ment . 334 Wentworth's peerage, • 335 Expectations held out to him of the Presidentship of the North , • 337 Wentworth's political posi- tion. • 337 CHAPTER LXV. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE DLIKE OF BUCKINGHAM. t6u8 Lady Buckingbam's over- tures to Williams • 339 Reconciliation between Buckingham and Nilliams • 340 Influence of Crleton over Buckingham . . 34 r Buckir_gham surrenders the Cinque Ports . 342 Resistance of Rochelle • 343 13uckingham prepares to relieve it . • • 3-14 He welcomes Contarini's offer of Venetian media- tion . . • 345 The King hesitates 347 Forebodings of evil • 347 Mutiny at Portsmoutl xii CONTENTS OF TtfE SIXTH VOZU]IIE. Murder of the Duke by Felton . Seizure of the assassin Story of Felton His popularity Towniey's verses Alexander Gill at Oxfrd Buckingham's funeral His career Fehon threatene'd with the rack His execution " Charles personall; under" takes the government Character and position o XVeston . Lindsey takes the" fleet t the relief of Rochelle Failure of the attempt Montague'æ negotiation 349 35c 352 353 354 355 356 358 359 359 360 36t 363 365 r629 Mission of Rosencrantz 366 Influence of the Queen 367 Charles rejects the terres offered 367 Orders Lindsëy to perse- vere • 36ri Surrender f Rochelle 369. Charles's failure 37c A Spanish alliance sug- gested by Carlisle • 37 Arundel and Cottington in the Council . . 37t Dorchester becomes Secre- tary. 372 The Council agrees to ne- gotiate with France • 373 Feeling of the nation about the war . 373 Dutch successes . 374 End of the war period 37.5 MAP OF CADIZ HARBOUR ., ,¢ "£HE ISLE OF Rt-t, MAPS. • ..... l . » HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER LV. THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZo THE gloomy anticipations of some of the members of the dis- solved House of Commons with respect to their personal safety were not realised. Phelips and Seymour, Coke and Aug. I. The leaders Glanville returned in peace to their homes. Mansell, of the Copinons indeed, was summoned belote the Council; bu he o,,ced. answered boldly tl»t he could not be touched without a violation of the liberties of Parliament, and was dismissed with nothing worse than a reprimand. 1 In fact it was no part of Buckingham's policy to drive the nation to extremity. Full of confidence in himself, he fancied that he had but to use the few lnonths' breathing Bucklng- ham's inten- space allowed him to convince the electors that their tio,s, late representatives had been in the wrong. The tilne had corne which he had apparently foreseen when he conversed with Eliot at Westminster. IIe had asked for neces- sary support, and had been denied. A few days would show the King of France at peace at home, turning his sword against Spain and the allies of Spain abroad. A few months would  Johnston, Iii.ri. lgerum tritatnicarum, 666. Tillières to Louis XlII., Aug. J k'ng's .'d'.Y: 137, p. 3x  VOL. VI. B  THE tXPtDITIOWTO CIDIZ. c. LV. show the great English fteet returning with the spoils of Spanish cities and the captured treasures of the New World. Then a fresh Parliainent would assemble round the throne to acknow- ledge the fortitude of the King and the prescience of his minister. A few days after the dissolution news came from France which dashed to the ground the hopes which had been formed "rhepea«e of the cessation of the civil war. Many persons with the about the Court of l.ouis had no liking for Riche- Huguenots o,,e o lieu's polie), of toleration. The Prince of Co,.dé, if nothing. ,eport spoke truly, sent a hint to Toiras, w,o com- manded the French troops outside Rochelle, that peace must in one way or another be ruade impossible. To carry such counsels into execution presented no difficulties to Toiras. The Rochellese, pleased with the news that peace had been made at Fontainebleau, pressed out without suspicion into the fields to gather in their harvest. Toiras directed his cannon upon the innocent reapers. Many of them were slain, and Toiras then proceeded to set tire to the standing corn. Loud was the outcry of the indignant citizens within the walls. aug. . It was impossible, they said, to trust the King"s word. The ratification of the treaty was refused, and the war seemed likely to blaze up once more with all its horrors.  The English ships were now in the hands of the French ad- miral, and in a naval engagement which took place off Rochelle, on September 5, Soubise was entirely defeated, and Sept. 5. r)«eat oC driven to take an ignominious refuge in an English Soubise. pot t. Although such a calamity could hardly have been foretold by anyone, it was none the less disastrous to Buckingham's Howit design of conciliating the English nation. Ail the ectea long intrigue carried on with the assistance of Bucking- hm. Nicholas was rendered useless. The English ships were in French hands, and they would doubtless be used against Rochelle. It was easy to foresee what a handle would thus be given to Buckingham's accusers.  Resolution of the Town of Rochelle, Aug. to. J.,orkin to Conway, Aug. x_ S. /. _France. 625 FLVANCIA L SCItEJIES. 3 It is probable that the renewal of hostilities was already known to Charles when the Privy Çouncil met at Woodstock on August 4, the Sunday after the dissolution. It was Aug. 14. evidently the King's intention to show that he would take no serious step without the advice of the Privy Council. Its U.-nish,ent members unanimously approved of a proclamation o«thepies, for the banishlnent of the Rolnan Catholic priests, resolved on. of the continuance of the preparations for sending The fleet to out the fleet, and of the issue of l'rivy seals, to raise go, and Pri',-y to  what was practically a forced loan, in order to meet issued, its expenses. 1 If money had been needed for the fleet alone, there would have been no such pressing need. In addition to the borrowed in August, no less than 98,ooo/. were brought into the Exchequer in the months of August and Septelnber on account of the Queen's portion,  and Charles, before August was over, was quietly talking to the French ambassador diverting part of the new loan to some other purpose.  In sept. I7. point of fact the order for preparing the Privy seals The Privy .-,t t was not issued till September 17,  and the fleet was issaed, at sea before a single penny of the loan came int the King's hands. Charles, however, had many needs, and ho ,nay perhaps have thought that there would be less opposition to the loan if he demanded it for the purpose of fitting out the fleet.. Charles had thus, after dismissing his Parliament, been able to convince or cajole his Privy Council. But ho could neither August. convince nor cajole his wife. The promises lightiy Charles's ruade when hope was young be had repudiated domestic oUe. and flung aside. He was unable to understand why the Queen, who had, upon the thith of those promises, con- sented to leave her mother's tare for a home in a strange land,  Meautys's Note, Aug. 4, S. t'. Data. v. 4t ; Tillières to Louis XIII., Aug. 2_x Aïng's MSS. 37, P" 2. 2 Regei2t Books of the Ex«heqt«'r.  Tillières to Louis XIII., Aug. - A7ng's eIISS. 37, P. 3. 3 x  The King to the Council, bept. 7, S. P. Dom. ri. 70.  THE EXPEDII'ION TO C.dDIZ. cH. Lv hould feel aggrieved when the Catholics, whom she had corne fo protect, were again p]aced under the pressure of the pena[ iaws. A fev days after the dissolution he was at Beaulieu, hunting in the New Forest, whiist Henrietta Maria was estab- TheQuen iished at Titchfield, on the other side of Southamp- t Tit«hnld. ton Water. There he visited ber from time to time ; but, in the temper in which they both were, there was little chance of a reconciliation. Charles never thought of taking the slightest blame to himself for the estrangement which had arisen between them. It was his wife's business, he held, to love and obey hiln, just as it was the business of the House of Commons to vote him money. Sometimes he snt Buck- ingham to threaten or to flatter the Queen by turns. Some- times he came in person to teach ber what ber duties were. If he was blind to his own errors he was sharpsighted enough to perceive that his wife's French attendants were doing their best to keep her displeasure alive, and were teaching ber to regard herseif as a martyr, and to give as much time as possible to spirituai exercises and to the reading of books of devotion. 1 To counteract these tendencies in the Queen, Charles l)isute Uoth wished to place about ber the Duchess of Bucking- Ladres of the  «h- haro, the Countess of Denbigh, and the Marchioness of Hamilton, the wife, the sister, and the niece of his own favourite minister, and he desired ber at once to adroit them as Ladies of the Bedchamber. Although this demand was hOt in contradiction with the let- ter of the marriage treaty,  it was in complete opposition toits spirit, and the young Queen fired up in anger at the proposal. She told Charles that what he asked was contrary to the con- tract of marriage. Nothing, she told her own followcrs, wouid induce ber to adroit spies into ber privacy.  See a curious letter, said to be from a gentleman in the Queen's household (Oct. , & -P. Dom. vii. 8}, which looks genuine. But even il it is hot, he statements in it are in general accordance with what is known from other sources.  By Article 1 t all the attendants taken from France were to be Catho- lies and French, and ail vacancies were to be filled up ith Catholics. Louis had forgotten to provide for the case of Charles wishing to add Protes:ams when there were no vacancks. 625 THE QUEEA" MT TITCHFIELD. 5 The strife grew tierce. The guard-room at Titchfield was used on Sundays for the service of the English Church, accord- "rb« Englisla ing to the custom which prevailed in bouses occupied «mo, at by the Kin. Against this the Queen protested as "l'itchfield.  an insult to herself, and argued that whilst Charles was at Beaulieu, she was herself the mistress of the bouse. Lady Denbigh, however, took part against ber, and the service was hot discontinued. At last the Queen lost all patience, ruade an incursion into the room at sermon time, and walked up and down laughing and chattering with her French ladies as Practical loudly as pessible. The preacher soon round him- iok«.p self a butt for the practical jokes of the I"renchmen the preacher. of the household. One day, as he was sitting on a bench in the garden, a gun was fired off behind a hedge close by. The frightened man fancied an attempt had been ruade upon his lire, and pointed to some marks upon the bench as having been lnade by the shot aimed at himself. "l'illires, who had corne back to England as chamberlain to the Queen, was called in to adjudicate, and, having sat down on several parts of the bench, gravely argued that as he could hot sit any- where without covering some of the marks, and as, moreover, the clergyman was very corpulent, whilst he was himself verv thin, the shot which had nmde the marks must certainly have passed through the person of the complainant, if his story Imd been true.  If Charles was hardly a match for his wife, he had no doubt at all that he was a match for hall the Continent. "l'hose vast enterprises which he had been unable to bring himself to dis- aoff avow in the face of the House of Commons had still urges Cha.o a charm for his mind. In vain Rusdorf, speakingon assi.t the behalf of his toaster, the exiled Frederick, urged upon King of Den- .rk. him the necessity of concentrating lais forces in one quarter, and argued that the ten thousand landsmen Ola board the fleet would be useless at Lisbon or Cadiz, but would be invaluable on the banks of the Elbe or the Weser, where  TArE EXPEDITYOV TO CIDIZ. CH. Christian of lOemnark was with dicu[ty making head aainst Tilly.  As the attack upon Spain was the first object with Charles, he listened more readily to the Dutch Commissioners, who The Itch had corne to England in order to draw up a treaty of C.;mmis- alliance. Naturally the l)utchmen cared more about .:,g«. the war with Spain than about the war in Germany, and when the treaty which they came to negotiate was com- p!eted If fixed accurately the part to be taken by the two countries in common maritime enterprise, whilst everything re- lating to hostilities on land was expressed in vague generalities The States-General had already agreed to lend Charles 2,ooo ]:mglish soldiers in exchange for the saine number of recruits, and to send twenty vessels to join the fleet at Plymouth.  Sept. S. the new treaty, which was signed at Southampton on The Treaty September 8, an alliance offensive and defensive was of South- ampton, established between England and the States-General. The Flemish harbours were to be kept constantly blockaded bv a Dutch fleet, whilst the English were to perform the saine task off the coast of Spain. Whenever a joint expedition was con- certed between the two nations the States.General were to contribute one ship for every four sent out by England. The details of a sonaewhat similar arrangement for joint operations by land were left, perhaps intentionally, in some obscurity.  To Rusdorf the preference shown for maritime over mili- tary enterprise was the death-knell of his master's hope of recovering the Palatinate. Charles was far too sanguine to take so gloomy a view of the situation. He had now openly ,ve. bech broken with Spain. He had recalled Trumbull, his ,,-kh Spi,. agent at Brussels, and he had no longer any minister residing in the Spanish dominions. He had followed up this step by the issue of letters of marque to those who wished to prey on Spanish commerce. Yet he had no idea of limiting hostilities to a combat between England and Spain. "By the I Rusdorts advice, Aug. 3t L;moires de Rusdorf, i. 6I I. Sept. - Agre-ment, July 3 Ail:ema, i. 468.  Aug. 2  Treaty of Southmnptott l, id. i. 469 . 16 2  1 UCA'INGttA .I 'S AHSSIOA r. 7 grace of God," he said to a Swedish alnbassador who visited him at Titchfield, " I will carry on the war if I risk my crown. I will have reason of the Spaniards, and will set matters straight again. My brother-in-law shall be restored, and I only wish that all other potentates would do as I ana doing." 1 In fact, it was because Charles had not been content to pursue a mere war of vengeance against Spain, that he had entered upon those extended engagelnents which more than anything else had brought him into collision with the House of Commons. Those engagements he had no intention of abam doning, and he hoped that if some telnporary way of fulfilling them could be found, the success of the fleet would give him - a clailn to the gratitude of lais subjects, and would enable hiln to place hilnself at the head of an alliance more distinctly Protestant than when he had been halnpered by the necessity of looking to France for co-operation. In the Treaty of South- anapton the foundation for such an alliance had been laid, and it now only remained to extend it, with the needful modifica- tions, to the King of Dennlark and the North German Princes. It was therefore arranged that Buckinghaln should P, uckingham to go to the go in person to the Hague, where the long-deferred n,,g,,e, conference was expected at last to take place. It was useless for him to go with empty hands. If Charles could not procure the money which he had already bound himself to supply to the King of Denmark, it was hardly likely that Christian would tare to enter into fresh negotiations with so bad a pay- master. Yet, how was the money tobe found? One desperate resource there was, of which Charles bad spoken already in a rhetorical flourish, and of which he was now resolved to make use in sober earnest. The plate and jewels of the Crown, The Crown je,l.o b the hereditary possession of a long line of kings, pawned, might well be pledged in so just and so holy a cause. In England, it was truc, no one would touch property to which his right might possibly be challenged, on the ground that the inalienable possessions of the Crown could not pass, even for a rime, into the hands of a subject ; but on the Continent there  Rusdorf to Frederick, Sept. x2 lémoires de /us,lof, i. 623. 0  8 TH XIDITION TO CADIZ. cH. LV. would be no fear of the peculiar doctrines of English ]aw. ']'he danger was that, if once the precious geins were sent te the Continent, there might be seine difficulty in recovering them. At last it was decided that the plate and jewels should bc carried by Buckingham te Holland. It was probably argued that in that rich and friendly country men might be found who would both accept the security and be faithful te their trust. Vant of meney is a sad trial te any Government, and in one part of England it had already brought Charles into difficulties with his subjects. Towards the eud of August serious apprc- hensions were entertained for the safety of Harwich. It was known that I)unkirk was alive with preparations for war, and August. no part of England was se liable te attack as the flal The .sse,, and indented coast of Essex. Orders were thereforc trained bands at Harwicl" issued by the Privy Council te put Landguard Fort in repair, and te occupy Harwich with a garrison of 3,000 men, chosen frein the Essex trained bands. Se far everything had becn done according te rule. Each county was bound te pro- vide men for its own defence. But the Crown was aise bound te repay the expenses which it might incur, and this time there was an ominous silence about repayment. Under these cir- cumstances the Earl of Warwick, Holland's elder brother-- who was new in high faveur with Buckingham--made a proposition which looks like the germ of-the extension of ship- money te the inland counties. The adjacent shires, he said, were interested in the safety of Harwich. Let them, therefore, be called on te comribute te its defence in men and money. The adjacent shires, however, refused te de anything of the kind ; and the vague promises of payment at some future time, which was all that the Government had in its power te offer, were met by the firm resoiution of the Essex men that they, at any rate, would net serve at their own charges. Making a a The earliest mention of Buckingham's intended journey is, I believe, in Rusdort's letter te Oxenstjerna. Sept. 9 (/lL:,n. ii. 63). The first hint about the jewels is in an order frein Conway te Mildmay, the Master of the Jewel House, te give an account of the plate in his hands. Conway te Mildmay, Sept. 4, Conw,O"« Zctter to,l,', 227) S. P. ]QOng.  6,_ 5 A ,VE IV SECI?ET.,4R I: 9 virtue of necessity, the Council ordered the nen to be sent back to the,_'r bornes, and directed Pennington, who, since his return from Dieppe, had been watching, with a small squadron, the movements of the Dunkirk privateerç, to betake himself to the protection of Harwich. Thus ended Charles's first attcmpt so to construe the obligations of the local authorities as to compel them to take upon themselves the duties of the central Govern. me nt. 1 With ail Charles's efforts to conciliate public opinion by a bold and, as he hoped, a successful foreign policy, there was no thought of throwing open the offices of State to those who werc likely to be regarded with confidence by the nation. Yet it was not long belote an opportunity occurrcd of which a Sept. 6. t,th of wise ruler would bave taken advantage. On Septem- «ton. ber 6, Morton died of a fever which seized him a few days after lais return from the Netherlands. The vacant secre- taryship was at once conferred upon Sir John Coke, the only man anaongst the Government officials who had in- Sir John « e, »e««- curred the positive dislike of the Opposition leaders tary. of the Comlnons, in whose eyes the subservier.cy which he always showed to Buckinghmn more than countcr- balanced the excellent habits of business which he undoubtedly possessed. "/'he honesty of purpose upon which that sub- serviency was based was unlikely to make any impression on their minds. Buckingham was hot left without a warning of the dangec he was incurring by his refusal to make any effort to conciliate s»t. 8. public opinion, lord Cromwell, who had left his ser- Com,,-«l' vce under Mansfeld for a more hopeful appointment • «tt. in the new expedition, had brought back with him from the Netherlands his old habit of speaking plainly. "They say," he wrote to the l)uke, "the best lords of the Council knew nothing of Count Mansfeld's journey or this fleet, which discontents even the best sort, if hot all. They say it is a very  Coke to Buckingham, Aug. -5 ; Coke to Conway, Aug. z6 ; Ortier of Council, Aug. 3o ; Sussex t,» the Council, Sept. 9 ; Warwick to Con- wa-, Sept. o ; Warwick to the Cnuncil, Sept. S, 3 ; The Council t Warwick, Oct. , S. 1 . 1_)oto. v. 85, 99 ; ri..38, 44» 76, 9S ; vii. 4. o FIlE IXPEDITIOW TO CADIZ. c. Lv. great burden your Grace takes upon you, since none knows anythng but you. It s conceived that hot letting others bear [)art of this burden now )'ou bear, it may ruin ),ou, which Heaven forbid." l The expedition upon which so many hopes were embarked was by no means in a prosperous condition. For a long time the soldiers had been left unpaid. Belote the end of August. :ad con- August there was a new press of e,ooo men, to fill up dition of the t,,,,,os.t the vacancies caused by sickness and desertion.  The ermouth, farmers of South Devon, upon whom the soldiers were billeted, refused to supply food to their unwelcome guests as soon as they discovered that their pockets were empty. l.ike Mansfeld's men eight months before, the destitute recruits ruade up their minds that they would not die of star- ration. Roaming about the country in bands, they killed sheep before the eyes of their owners, and told the farmers to their faces that rather than famish they would kill their oxen too.  Atone time there had been a talk of Buckingham's taking the command in person, and a commission had been ruade out in lais naine ; but he could not be at the Hague and on the coast of Spain at the saine time, and he perhaps fancied tha« he could do better service as a diplomatist than as an admiral. At all events, whilst, much to the amusement of the sailors, he retained the pompous title of generalissimo of the fleet, he t'««ito coin- appointed Sir Edward Cecil, the grandson of Burghley ,,dth« and the nephew of Salisbury, to assume the active expedltion, command, with the lnore modest appellation of general, a Cecil had served for many years in the I)utch army, with the reputation of being a good officer. He was now for the first rime to be trusted with an independent command, and the selection was the more hazardous as he was entirely un- acquainted with naval warfare. From the first he had attached himself closely to Buckingham, who had in vain supported his ' Cromwell to Buckingham, Sept. 8, S..P. Z)o,. ri. 3 o.  The King to Nottingham and Holderness, Aug. 3, ibi«L v. 6- •  Commissioners at Plymouth to the Council, Aug. t, Sept. agom. vi. 3- • Eliot, léffOl[ttm tgoslerorum. I625 TttE FLEET AN) AR2I}: I t claires to the command in the Palatinate in I62o, but who had now sufficient influence to reverse the decision then corne to in »:ssex,na favour of Sir Horace Vere. The Earl of Essex, who Denbigh. was to go as Vice-Admiral, knew as little of the sea as Cecil himself; and the saine might be said of the Rear- Admiral, the Earl of Denbigh, whose only known qualificaticn for the post lay in the accident that he was married to Buck- ingham's sister. Whatever Cecil's powers as a general may bave been, he had at least a soldier's eye to discern the deficiencies of the Se,t. S. Lroops under his orders, and he professed himself as Ceil'seçot puzzled as the Commons had been to discover why, onthetroops, if no attempt had been ruade to convert the recruits into trained sc,ldiers, they had been levied in May for service in September. Buckingham, too, he complained, had been recommending officers to him who were not soldiers at all, and whom 'he neither could nor durst return.' The arms which the rnen should have been taught to handle were still on board ship in the harbour. On September 8, only three out of the twenty Dutch ships promised had arrived at Plymouth. There was, however, one direction in which Cecil's energy could hardly be thrown away. In answer to the complaints ruade in Parliament it had been announced that Sir takenagainst Francis Steward would be sent out with a squad- pirates. ton to clear the English seas of the Sallee foyers. Steward's attempt had ended in total failure. According to the Mayor of Plymouth, his ships had been outsailed by the pirates. According to his own account the weather had been against him. Parliament, he said, instead of grumbling against the King's officers, ought to ha,,:e passed an Act ensuring them a fait wind.  The outcry from the western ports waxed louder than ever. It was reported that danger had arisen from another quarter. No less than ten privateers had slipped through the Dutch block- t Cocil to Coms'av, Sept. 8. S. 1 . Z?om. vi. 36. 2 The Mavor d.c. fo the Council, Aug. z ; Steward to Buckingham, Aug. 6, S. / 19o». v. 36, 49. 2 THE tï.¥PEI)ITION TO CADIZ. CH. ading squadron in front of l)unkrk,' and were roaming the seas to prey upon English commerce. Cecil, when he heard Sept. 9- Arg.all's the news, sent out Sir Samuel Argall in search of the crulse. enemy. Arga]l, afier a seven days' cruise, returned without having captured a single pirate or privateer ; but he was followed by a long string of French and Dutch prizes, which he suspo:ted of carrying on traffic with the Spanisn Nether]ands. Amongst these was one, the naine of which was, a few months later, to flash into sudden notoriety--the ' St. Peter,' of Havre de Grace.  On Septelnber 5 3 the King himself arrived at Plymouth to see the fleet and to encourage the crews by his presence. r« Ki,, Charles went on board many of the ships, and re d k- viewed the troops on Roborough Downs. « When ingham at P:yrnouth. he lefi, on the z4th, Buckingham, who had accom- panied him, remained behind to settle questions of precedence amongst the officers, and to infime, if it were possible, some o[ his own energetic spirit into the commanders. As usual, he anticipated certain success, and he was unwise enough to obtain from the King a public declaration of his intention to confer a peerage upon Cecii, on the round that the additional rank would give him greater authority over his subordinates. It was given out that the title se]ected was that of Viscount Wimble-  Hippi«ley to lucklngham, Sept. 9, S. 1". Dom. vi. 67, 2o. " Narrative of the Expedition, Sep:. 6 ; Examination of the masters oftbe pAzes; ibid. ri. 67,  Ceeil% Journal, printed iu 6.6, bas been usually aceepted as the authority for the voyage. But it should he compared with his own de- sp:ttches, and with the letters of other offieer, sueh as çr W. St. I.egeï, Sir G. Blundell, and %if -1". L«ve, whieh wHI be round amongst tbe State Papers. We have also now Glanville's official narrative, edite.| by Dr. Grosart for the Cau,le Society. The J«urnal of the ' Swiftsure ' /)o:t. s.i. 22) coltaills a full narrative of the proeeedings of the squadron under Esex, whilst the proceedings of Denbigh and Argall are specially treated of in an anonymous journal (S. t'. Dom. x. 67). Geronimo de la Concepcion's Ca,liz Ilu.rlrata gives tbe Spanish stcrv. In the 'attter JISS. (lxxii. 16) there is a MS. copy of Wimbledon's Journal, annotated by ome one hostile to the author, thus bearing witness to the correctnez-: er his assertions where they are hOt questione.  Glanz'ill,; 3. *6--'5 TttE FLEET A T PZ YMO "TtL 3 don, though there was not time fermally to make out the patent belote the sailing of the fleet. Buckinghaln seems to have forgotten that honours granted before success has crowned an undertaking are apt to becolne ridiculous in case of failure. This was not the only foolish thing done by Bucki,gham at Plymouth. The sight of Glanville, the author of the last addresa of the ContUlOlaS at Oxford, quietly fulfilling his duties Glanville ,too« as Recordcr of the Devonshire port, inspired him the fleet. with the idea of maliciously sending a Parliamentary lawyer to sea as secretary to the fleet. Glanville plcaded in vain that the interruption to his prç, fessional duties would cause him a heavy loss, and that, as no one but his clerk could, even under ordinary circulnstances, decipher his handwriting, it was certain that when he Calne to set dOWll the jargon of sailors, even that confidential servant would be unequal to the task. 1 At last, on October 3, forty sali of the great flect were sent on to Falmouth. The remainder lay in the Sound waiting for Oct. . their Dutch comrades. Thcy had hot long to expect Sailingof their coming ; on the 4th the Dutch ships were part of the Ileet. descried, showing their topsails above the waves, as if, as men said, they had coule to escort the English fleet upon its voyage. On the 5th the anchors were weighed, and the united fleet passed out of the harbour and rounded the point where the sort woods of Mount Edgcumbe slope down to the waters of the Sound. Its fait prospects were soon .;nterruptcd. The wind chopped round to the south-west, .and began to blow hard. Essex, with the foremost vessels, took refuge in Fal- The storm mouth, but the bulk of the fleet put back toits old t Plymoth. anchorage. Plymouth harbour was no safe refuge in such a gale, in the days when as yet the long low line of the breakwater had hot arisen to curb the force of the rolling waves. By the next morning all bonds of discipline had given way be- fore the anxious desire for safety, and the waters of the Sound were covered with a jostliug throng of vessels hurrying, re- gardless of the safety of each other, to the secure retreat of the t Glanville's reasons, Sept. (?) X¥oodford to Nethersole, Oct. 8, S. /. I)o,n. vi. 132 ; vil 44. Was Glanville's objection the origin of the old ioke, or did he use it for want of an argument . 4 THi XPEDITIOW TO CADIZ. c. LV. Catwater. Orders, if given at all, met with but little attention, and Cecil himself was forced to gct into a boat, and to pass from vessel to vessel, in order to exact the least semblance of obedience. Cecil had long ceased to look upon the expedition with his patron's confidence of success. Little good, he thought, would come of a voyage commenced so late in the season. Cecil's despon- The spectacle of disorder which he now witnessed a«ncy, left a deep impression on his mind. The discipline which cornes from an energetic and well-arranged organisation was entirely wanting, and it was hot replaced by the discipline which springs from old habits of comradeship, or froln the devotion which makes each man ready to sacrifice himself to the common cause. Buckingham, who in 624 had fancied that military power was tobe measured by the number of enterprises simultaneously undertaken, fancied in 625 that the warlike momentum of a fleet or army was to be measured bv its numerical size. He had yet to lcarn--if indeed he ever learnt it--that thousands of raw reciuits do not make an arln)-, and that thousands of sailors, dragged unwillingly into a service which they dislike, do not make a navy. Cecil knew it, and the expedition carried with it the worst of omens in a hesitating and despondent commander. 1 On the 8th the fleet, laden with the fortunes of Buckingham and Charles, put to sea once more. It sailed, as it had been ot. . gathered together, without any definite plan. There The fleet were general instructions that a blow should be xgam t:,uts o,. struck somewhere on the Spanish coast belote the treasure ships arrived, but no special enterprisc had been finally selected. Ata council held in the King's presence at Ply- mouth, Lisbon, Cadiz, and San Lucar had been mentioned as points of attack. The general opinion had been in favour of an attempt on San Lucar, which, if captured, might be used as a basis of operations against Cadiz and the expected treasure fleet. Objections had, however, been raised, and the whole question had been reserved for further discussion on the spot.  Glanvi/l.e, 7- Cecil to %oKe, Oct. 8, undated in Caba "a, 37o ; Cecil to Buct.itgham, April 28, SeFt. 26, 1626, S. F..Dom. A.:'doia. 162 5 THE FLEET BEFORE CADIZ. If As soon, therefore, as the fleet rounded Cape St. Vincent, Cecil called a council. The masters of the ships declared that it would be dangerous to enter the harbour of San Oct. o. "l'he council Lucar so late in the year. Some who were present of war at sea. were strongly in favour of seizing Gibraltar as a place of great strength, and easy to be manned, victuallcd, an« held if once taken. The majority concurred in rejecting the proposal, but hesitated between Cadiz and San Lucar. Upon this Argall observed that an easy landing could be effected at St. Mary Port in Çadiz Bay. From thence a match of twelve mlles would bring the troops to San Lucar, a place which wa: certain to capitulate to so large a force without difliculty. Argall's advice was adopted, and orders were given to anchor off St. Mary Port ; but as the fleet swept up to the station a sight presented itself too tempting to be re- "l_'he fleetin sisted. Far away on the opposite side of the bay CadizBay. lay twelve tall ships with fifteen galleys by their side,  covering a crowd of smaller vessels huddled under the walls of Cadiz. Essex, who led the way in Argall's ship, the ' Swiffsure,' disobeyed his orders, and dashed at once upon the prey. No provision had been ruade for this conjuncture of aflairs. To do him justice, Cecil did his best to repair his mistake. Sailing through Essex's division, he shouted orders to right and leff to crowd all sail affer the Vice-Admiral. But he shouted now as vainly in Cadiz Bay as he shouted a few weeks before in Plymouth harbour. The merchant captains and the merchant crews, pressed unwillingly into the service, had no stomach for the fight. Essex was leff alone to his glory and his danger, and Cecil, who did hOt even know the names of the vessels under his command, was unable to call the laggards to account. Of ail this the Spanish commanders were necessarily ignorant. Instead of turning upon the unsupported ' Swift- sure,' they cut their cables and fled up the harbour. It was a t The-e is a discrepancy about the numbers. I take them from Cecil's ]'ournal. Glanville says there were fifteen or sixteen ships, and eigF.t or nine galleys. 6 THE EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. cH. Lv moment for prompt decision. Had a Drake or a Raleigh Iflight of the been in command, an attempt would doubtless bave Spaniards. t:een ruade to follow up the blow. Cecil was no sailor, and he allowed hls original orders for anchoring to be quietly carried out. At nightfall a council of war was summoned on board the flagship. The project of marching upon San Lueur was aban- doned, as it was discoveted that the water at St. Mary Port was too shallow to allow the boats to land the men with ease. Though it was not known that a mere handful of three hundred men formed the whole garrison of Cadiz, t the flight of the Spanish ships had given fise to a suspicion that the town was but weakly defended. Some voices, therefore, were raised for an immediate attack upon the town. The majority, however, too prudent to sanction a course of such daring, preferred to think first of obtaining a sale harbour for the fleet. The coun- Puntal tobe cil therefore came to a resolution to attack the fort attacked. Of Puntal, which guarded the entrance, barely hall a toile in width, leading to the inner harbour, where the vessels had taken refuge. The obstacle did not seem a serious one. " Now," said one of the old sailors, ")'ou are sure of these ships. They are your own. They are in a net. If )'ou can but clear the forts to secure the fleet to pass in safely, yotl may do what you will." Nothing could be easier, it was thought, than to take the fort. Sir William St. Leger alone protested against the delay. Part of the fleet, he argued, would be sufficient to batter the fort. The remainder might sali in at once against the ships whilst the enemy's attention was dis- tracted. St. Leger, however, was nota sailor, and, good as his advice was, it was rejected by a council of war composed mainly of sailors. Failureof Five Dutch ships and twenty small Newcastle the first colliers were accordingly ordered to attack the fort at ai tack.  «t.3. once. As Çecil watched the flashes of the guns lighting up the night, he flattered himself that his nrders had been obeyed. But wen morning dawned he learned  Geranimo de la Con« "13cion, 458. t625 FORT PUNT.4L CAPTLrRED. 17 that the English colliers had taken advantage of the darkness to remain quietly at anchor, vhilst the Dutchmen, overmatched in the unequal combat, had been compelled to draw off bcfore midnight with the loss of tvo of their ships. A rope at the yard-arm would doubtless bave been Drake's recipe for the disease. Cecil was of a milder nature. Rowing from ship to ship, he adjured the cowards to advance for very shame. Finding that he might as well bave spoken to the winds, he went on board the 'Swiftsure,' and directed Essex S:o,d to attack. The ' Swiftsure ' was at once placed op- attack, posite the enemy's batteries, and was well seconded by her comrades of the Royal Navy. Nothing, however, would induce the merchant crews to venture ;nto danger. Clustering timidly behind the King's ships, they contented themselves with firing shots over them at the fort. _At last one of them clumsily sent a shot right through the stern of the 'Swiftsure,' and Essex, losing pat,_'ence, angrily ordered them to cease firing. Such an attack was hOt likely to compel the garrison to surrender, and it was only upon the landing of a portion of Surrendetof the troops that the fort at last capitulated. The Puntal. Spanish commander, Don Francisco Bustamente, struck by the gallant bearing of the ' Swiftsure,' asked who was in command. " Do you know," was the reply, "who took Cadiz before ?" "Yes," he said, « it was the Earl ,f Essex." "The son of that earl," he was told, "is in the ship" "Then," replied the Spaniard, "I think the devil is there as well." A request that he might be allowed to pay his respects to Essex was promptly accorded, and his reception was doubtless such as one brave man is in the habit of giving to another. It was late in the evening before Puntal was in the hands of the English. ]3y that time all hope of taking Cadiz by surprise was at an end. Whilst Essex was battering Puntal Reinforce- ,entsfo Spanish troops were flocking into Cadiz, and that Cadiz. night the town was garrisoned by four thousand soldiers. It was truc that the place was only provisioned for three days, but the Spanish galleys quickly learned that they could bring in succours in spite of the English, and Cadiz was soon provisioned as well as guarded. VOL. VI. C 18 THE EWFEDITIOzV TO C.4DIZ. CH. LVo On the morning of the 24th Cecil was busily employed in getting ashore the army of which, as a soldier, he wished to take the command in person. ]3y his orders Denbigh Oct. 4- "rh«troopto called a council of war, which was to decide what was b«lnd«d, next to be done. The council recommended that provisions should be landed for the soldiers, that an attempt hould be ruade to blockade Cadiz, and that the Spanish ships at the head of the harbour should at last be imrsued. Whilst the council was still sitting, a scout hurried in with intelligence that a large force of the enemy was approaching 'l'«,rch from the north, where the island, at the southern end ,,«,h,,i. of which Cadiz was situated, swelled out in breadth till it was cut off from the nminland by a narrow channel which was crossed by only one bridge. Fearing lest he should be taken between this force and the town, Cecil gave hasty orders to advance to meet the enemy. The Spaniards, how- over, were in no hurry to bring on an action against superior numbers, and prudently drew back before him. After a six mlles' match the English discovered that no enemy was in sight. Cecil, however, did hot appear to be in the least disconcerted. "It seemeth," he said to those who were near him, "that this alarm is false ; but since we are thus forwards on our way, if you will, ,;'e will match on. It may be we may light on some enemy. If we do hot, we may see what kind of bridge it is that hath been so nmch spoken of.': i Cecil, in fact, lighted on ait enemy upon whose presence he had failed to calculate. In the hurry of the sudden match no "1 h« soldiers one had thought of seeing that the men carred pro- among the visions with them. It is true that stores had been wine-casks. sent froln the ships, in pursuance of the decision of the council of war. Yet even if these had been actually landed, they would hardly have reached the army, which was already engaged in its forward march, till too late to provide a meal for  This would be almost incredible, if it did not stand on Cecil°s own authority. The marginal note in the copy amongst the Tanner r_-rnarks : "The first rime an arrny marched so far to answer a false alarm, and it were fit his Lordship would nain*, those someof the council he spake to, that were not against his going tethe bridge." i625 T!tE SOLDIERS ./12[O_ATGST TIIE If'LVE-C.4SA'S. that day. As a matter of fact, they were never landcd at all. The officer in command of Fort Puntal alleged that he had no orders to receive them, and sent them back to the ships. Cecil's force was thus in evil plight. Many of the soldiers had hOt tasted food since they had been landed to attack Puntal the day before. Ever since noon they had been lnarching with the hot Spanish sun beating fiercely on their heads. Cecil, iii mercy, ordered a cask of wine to be brought out of a neigh- bouring house to solace the fasting lnen. Even a little dlop would bave been too much for their empty stomachs, but the houses around were stored with wine for the use of the XVest India flcets. In a few minutes casks were broached in every direction, and well-nigh the whole arlny was reduced to a state of raving drunkenness. Interference was useless, and the officers were well content that the enemy was ignorant of the chance offered him. Disgraceful as the scene was, it had no appreciable effect upon the success or faEure of the expedition. When Oct. ««to morning dawned it was evident that the men could Puntal. hOt be kept another day without food, even if there had beën any object to be gained by their remaining where they »itur« « were.  Leaving therefore a hundred poor wretches the attack upon the lying drunk in the ditches to be butchered by the ships. Spaniards, Cecil returned to Puntal, to learn that the attack which he had ordered upon the Spanish ships had not  Let Cecil be judged by his own Journal. " Now this disorder hap- pening," he writes, "ruade us of the council of war to consider that since the going to the bridge was no great design, but to meet with the enemy and fo spoil the country, neither could we victual any men that should be left there, and that the galle)s might land as many men as they would there to cut them off: .and that when my Lord of Essex took Cadiz, Conyers Clifford was taxed by Sir Francis Vere . . . with mistaking the directions that were given him to go no further from the town than the throat of the land, which is not above two toiles, where he might be se- conded and relieved, and be ready to relieve others ; but he went to the bridge, which was twelve toiles off ; so in regard there was no necessity, this disorder happening and want of victuals, we resolved to turn back again which we did." The marginal note to this is, " Why did his Lordship then go to the bridge without victuals and to lose rime, having such a precedent against it ?" 20 TItE E,Yt'EDITION TO CADIZ. CH. Lv. been carried out. Their commanders had ruade use of their time whilst the English were battering Puntal. Warping their largest vessels up a narrow creek at the head of the harbour, they had guarded theln by sinking a merchantman at the entrance. Arga11, to whom the attack had been entrusted by l)enbigh, had only to report that the thing was impracticable. However great may be the risk in forming an opinion on im- perfect data, itis difficult to resist the impression that a com- bined attack by sea and land would hOt have been ruade in vain, and that if XVilnbledon, mstead of wasting his rime in pursuing a flying enemy, had contented himself with acting in conjunction with Argall, a very different result would have been obtained. However this lnay have been, it was now too late to re- pair the fault committed. A reconnaissance of the fortifica- tions of Cadiz convinced the English commanders that the town was as unassailable as the ships. The Mexico fleet, the main object of the voyage, was now daily expected, and there ot.,» was no tilne to linger any longer. On the 27th the The men re- «nbd. lnen were re-embarked, q'h.e next day Puntal was ot. 8. abandoned, and the great armament stood out to sea as lnajestic and as harmless as when it had arrived six days bcfore. On Novelnber 4 the Eglish fleet arrived at its appointed station, stretching out far to seaward from the southern toast of o,,. «. Portugal. Though no man on board knew it, the The look-out quest was hopeless from the beginning. The Spanish for the Mexico fleet, treasure ships, alarmed by the rumours of war which had been wafted across the Atlantic, had this year taken a long sweep to the south. Creeping up the toast of Africa, they had sailed into Cadiz Bay two days after Cecil's departure) It may be that fortune was not wholly on the side of Spain. Judging by the exploits of the merchant captains before Puntal, it is at least possible that, if a collision had taken place, instead of the English fleet taking the galleons, the galleons lnight have taken the English fteet. At all events, if the Spaniards had trusted to flight rather than to valour, the English vessels would Dec.  S. P. Spain. See, however, Mr. Dalton's t Atye to Acton, Jan.--- ' Lilrc of Sà- E. Cecil, -here i the best acc3unt of this voyage. 62 RETURN OF TttE FLEET. . hardly have succeeded in overtaking them. With their bottoms foui with weeds, and leaking at every pore from long exposure ro,,. ,6. to the weather, they found it hard fo keep the sea at Ret,,,n fo ail. Cecil had at first resolved to keep watch till the Engiand, -',oth, but on the i6th he gave orders to make sail for home with all possible speed. There was indeed no tilne to lose. The officials who had been charged with supplying the fleet had been fraudulent or careless. Hulls and tackle were alike rotten. One ship had Baa eo,- been sent out with a set of old sails which had done ditlon ofthe service in the fight with the Armada. The food was shlps and men. bad, smelling 'so as no dog in Paris Garden would eat it.' 'Fhe drink e was foui and unwholesome. Disea»e raged anaong the crews, and in some cases it was hard to bring together a sufficient number of men to work the ships. One by one, ail through the wintcr monthsç thc shattered remains of the once powerful fleet came staggering home, to seek refuge in whatever port the winds and waves would allow. It was certain that so portentous a failure would add heavily to the counts of the indictment which had long been gathering December. against Buckingham. Some indeed of the causes of Bucking- failure were of long standing. In the King's ships ham's part ;n - the m--u, both officers and men were scandalously underpaid, and many of them thought more of eking out their resources by pcculation than of throving themselves heart and soul into the service of their country. Nor was it fair to expect, after the long peace, that efficiency which is only attainable under the stress of actual warfare. Yet, if the actual conduct of the ex- pedition were called in question, it would be in vain for Bucking- haro, after his defiant challenge to public opinion at Oxford, to argue before a new House of Commons that he was not answer- able for Cecil's neglect of his opportunities at Cadiz, and still less for the accident by which the Mexico fleet had escaped. Sir bi. Geere to W. Geere, Dec.  l, S. 19. Z)om. xi. 49- Beverage, the term used in these letters, is the usual word in Devonshire now for common c).der, but it seems, from a passage in one of Cecil's letters {Glanville, xxxiv.), to have becn ruade with sack. It was probably wine and water. THE E.YPEDITION TO CADIZ. CH. LVo After ail allowances have been made for exaggeration, is it easy to deny that the popular condemnation was in the main just ? The commanders of the expedition, and the officials at home by whom the preparations were ruade, were Iluckingham's nomi- nees, and the system of personal favouritisln, the worst canker of organisation, had never been more flourishing than under hlS auspices. Nor was it only indirectly that the misfortunes of the expedition were traceable to Buckingham. If, upon his arrival at Cadiz, Cecil had been too much distracted by the multiplicity of objects within his reach to strike a colleced blow at any one of them, so had it been with the Lord High Admiral at home. Undecidcd for months whether the fleet was to be the mere auxiliary of an army which was to lay siege to llunkirk, or whether the army was to be the mere auxiliary of a fleet of which the main object was the capture of the Plate fleet. he had no room in his mind for that careful preparation for a special object which is the main condition of success in war as in everything else. If Cecil's errors as a commander were thus the refiec- tion, if not the actual result, of Buckingham's own errors, the other great cause of faiiure, the misconduct of the merchant captains, brings clearly before us that incapacity for recognising the real conditions of action which was the fertile source of almost all the errors alike of Buckingham and of Charles. The great Cadiz expedition, of which Raleigh had been the guiding spirit, had been animated, like all other successful efforts, by the joint force of discipline and enthusiasm. A high-spirited people, stung to anger by a lifelong interference with its reli- gion, its commerce, and its national independence, had sent forth its sons burning to requite their injuries upon the Spanish nation and the Spanish king, and ready to follow the tried and trusted leaders who had learned their work through a long and varied experience by sea and ]and. How different was every- thing now ! It is hardly possible to doubt that the war of 1625 never was and never could have been as popular as the war of I588 and 1597. Charles was not engaged in a national war, but in one which was political and religious, awakening strong poFular sympathies, indeed, so long as the home danger of a CAUSES OF 7CI-t'E F.,41LURE. 3 Spanish marriage lasted, but liable to be deserted by those syn- pathies when that danger was at an end. Nor, if enthusiasm were lacking, was its place likely to be supplied by discipline. The cOlnlnanders were personally brave men, and most of them were skilled in some special branch of the art of war, but they had been utterly without opportunities for acquiring the skill which would have enabled them to direct the motions of that lnOSt delicate of ail instruments of warfare, a joint military and naval expedition. It is possible that after eight or ten years of war so great an effort lnight have been succes, sful. Itwould have been next to a lniracle if it had been successful in x625. The worst side of the matter wasthat Charles did not sec in the misfortunes which had befallen him any reason for attempt- tqo,io ing to probe the causes of his failure to the bottom. investiga- SOllle slight investigation there was into the lnistakes tion. which had been committed in Spain ; but nothing was done to trace out the foot of the mischief at home. Sir James Bagg and Sir Allen Apsley, who had victualled the fieet before it sailed, were hot asked to account for the state in which the provisions had been found, and they continued to enjoy Buckingham's favour as before. No officer of the dock- yard was put upon his defence on account of the condition of the spars and sails. There was nothing to make it likely that if another fleet were sent forth in the next spring it would hot be equally unprovided and ill-equipped. In the meanwhile the King and lais minister had fresh objects in view, and it was always easy for them to speak of past failures as the result ot accident or misfortune. 24 CHAPTEP. LVI. HARLESS RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. EvEn if the Cadiz expedition had not ended in complete failure, the difficulties resulting from the French alliance would bave been likely to cause Charles serious embarrass- September. a'h »,«h ment. Every step which he had taken since the anian«« meeting of his first Parliament had been in the direction of a closer understanding with the Protestant powers. He had begun again to execute the penal laws. He had signed a treaty with the Dutch, and he was about to send Buckingham to the Hague to sign another treaty with the King of Denmark and the princes of North Germany. When Parliament met again, he hoped to be able to stand forth in the character of a leadel of the Protestantism of Europe. Such schemes as these were fatal to the French alliance. Louis's idea of that alli.-mce was evidemly that of a man who u«kil, g- wishes to play the first part. Buckingham wished to h,'s p,oes, play the first part too. He resolved to cross over af once to Holland, and then, when tbe foundations of a great Protestant alliance had been sure!y laid, to pass on Iis proposed sit to tO Paris. Once more he would summon the King of France to join England in open and avowed against Spain and ber allies, no longer, as he had donc in May, as the representative of England alone, but as the leader of a mighty Protestant confederacy, offering to France the choice between the acceptance of English leadership or the isolation of neutrality. 625 A2V 0 ['F.RTURE FRO.Il" FRAA'CE. 5 Buckingham, indeed, had no diflïculty in persuading hilnself that the offer which he was about to make was worthy of the acceptance of Louis. The Spanish treasure of which Cecil had gone in search was already his by anticipation. When the fleet returned there would be enough money to keep up the war in Germany for many a year, and the Flemish ports, so long the objects ot his dcsire, would at last be snatched from Spinola's tenacieus hold. 1 There wcre reasons enough why the husband of Anne of Austria should be unwilling to receive a visit from the audacious obi««t»of upstart who had ventured to pay public court to the Louis. Queen of France ; and Louis, as soon as he heard of the proposal, peremptorily instructed Blainville, the new ambassador whom he was despatching to England, to refuse permission to Buckingham to ente his kingdom. 2 Politics had t The views of the English Government may be gathered from a pas- sage in the instructions drawn up as a guide to some one whom it was in- tended to send to Gustavus. "And because we are seated most properly and best furnished for maritime actions, we bave undertaken that part, though it be of greatest cost, and which will, in a short rime, by the grace of God, render ail the land service easy and profitable to those that shall attempt it. And therefore we shall expect that both our dear uncle the King of I)enmark and the King of Sweden will, upon your reasons heard, go on cheerfully for the stopping of the progress of the enemy's conquests b t" land, xvithout calling to us for contribution in that, wherein principally must be regarded the present conservation of ail the sea towns which might any way give Spain a port of receipt for their ships that may come from thence that may be bought or built in these parts, or may correspond with the ports of Flanders. And it will not be anaiss when you shall fall into deliberation with that king, to consult and consider with him the great importance of taking away the harbours of Flanders from the King of Spain, and to prove how far he might be moved to join with us, our uncle of Denmark, and the States, to make one year's trial to thrust the King of Spain from the seacoasts of Flanders.';Instructions for Sweden, Oct. 7, ymer, xviii. 212. * "Je me passionne de sorte pour votre contentement que je ne crains point de vqus mand.r si franchement mon avis, et vous êtes assez du monde pour pénétrer ce qui ne me seroit pas bienséant d'écrire," is Ville-auxo Clercs' explanation on giving the orders to Blainville, O-0êT.. 4 ' t37, p. 313 • • a6 CHARLES'S RELATION.ç IVITH FRANCE. cH. LVl. undoubtedly as much part as passion in the matter. Not only was the question between Louis and 13uckingham the rem=,«to question of the leadership of hall Europe, but Louis be mate had reason to suspect that he would have to guard uvon.oui, against the interference of England nearer home. 13uckingham, in fact, was instructed, as soon as he reached Paris, to require the immediate restoration of the English ships which had been used at Rochelle,  and to ask that an end should at once be put to the unnatural war between the King and the Huguenots. The demand, that Charles should be empowered to interfere between Louis and his subjects, was tobe ruade in the most offensive way. I}uckingham's instructions ran in the following terres :--"To the end they," that is to say, the French Pro- testants, "may not refuse the conditions offered them for the only doubt of hot having them kept, )'ou shall give them our Royal promise that we will interpose our mediation so far as that those conditions shall be kept with theln ; and if this will not satisfy them, you shall give them our kingly promise that if by lnediation you cannot prevail for them, we will assist them and defend them." In other words, when Louis had once given his promise to the Huguenots, it was fo be considered as given to the King of Englald, so that if any disputes again arose between hiln and his subjects, Charles lnight be justified in intervening in their favour if he thought fit so to do. ]3uckingham, in fact, not content with taking the lead in Germany, was to dictate to Louis the relations which were to exist between himself and his subjects ; and that too at a moment when the English Government was fiercely repudiating a solemn contract on the ground that it did not become a king of England to allow a foreign sovereign to intervene between  Coke, who knew nothing of the clrcumstances which had induced Buckingham to surrender the ships, answers Lord Brooke's inquiries as follows : " For the French, I will excuse no error ; nor tan give you any lood accotmt how the instruction for the ships not to be employed against them of the religion was change& Only this I ean assure your Honour, that I had neither hand nor foreknowledge of it. l,'ow, out eyes are opened, and we shall endeavour by ail means to recover the ships as sool as is possible. "--Coke to Brooke, lqov. 5, ]lIe,'bourne .MSS. 1625 FREA'CH 0 1 "ER TURES. 27 himself and his people, l Belote Buckingham left England, he had to learn that Louis had ideas of his own on tbe manner in which France was to co-operate with England. He was summoned back to Salisbury, where Charles halted on his return from reviewing the fleet at Plymouth, to hear what Blainville had to say. On October i the new ambassador was admitted to an audience. He, indeed, had brought with him instructions to make oct. ,,. proposais, if satisfaction could be given to Louis on Blainville's other matters, vhich, as far as the war was concerned, audience. The tre,ch ought hot to bave been unacceptable. I.ouis was overtur«, ready to furnish too, oool., payable in two years, to the King of Denmark. He also promised to join Charles in giving support to Mansfeld's army, and consented to an arrangement, already in progress, for transferring that force to Germany, and placing lVlansfeld under the command of the King of Den- mark. * If Louis, however, was prepared to do as much as this, he was prepared to ask for something in return. He could hardly avoid asking for the fulfilment of Charles's promise to free the English Catholics from the penal laws ; and now that Soubise had becn defeated he would be likely to press for the entire submission of Rochelle, though he was ready to promise that the Huguenots should enjoy religious liberty, a privilege, as he afterwards wrote to Blainville, which was hot allowed to the Catholics in England. In speaking to Charles, the French- man began in the tone of complaint. To his remonstranccs about the English Catholics, Charles at first replied that he had only promised to protect the Catholics as long as they behaved with moderation. It was for himslf to interpret this promise, and he took upon himself to say that they had hot so behaved. He then added the now familiar argument that the secret article had never been taken seriously, even by the French Government. a Conway to Carleton, Oct. 7, S. t . I-Iolland. Instructions to Buck- ingham, Rymer, xviii. t5 * Louis XIII. to Blainville, Sept. s ; Blainville fo Louis XIII. Oct. ' rt____2 King'sJISS. 37, PP. 74, 35 o, 385 ; Villermont, E. de 3[ans. fel.tt, ii. :2. ,8 CHARLES S RELA TIO,VS The tone of the conversation grew warmer, and a fresh demand of the ambassador did hOt serve to moderate the excited feelings on either side. Soubise had brought with hiln to Falmouth the ' St. John,'a fine ship of the ae ' St. j' French navy, which he had seized at Blavet. 1 This Falmouth. ship Louis naturally claimed as his own property, which Charles was bound to restore Charles, on the othe hand, being afraid lest it should be used, as his own ships had been used, against Rochelle, hesitated and made excuses. The state of the Queen's household, too, lninistered occasion of difference. Charles wished to add English oNcials to those The Queen's who had been brought over from France, and he o,,«. peremptorily refused to discuss the question with Blainville. He intended, he said, to be master in his own house. If he gave way, it would be flore the love he bore to his wife, and for no other reason. The next day the ambassador waited on Buckingham. The conversation was carried on in a more friendly tone than that of oct. . his conversation with Charles. In other respects it Rlainville WS hot more satisfactory. Buçkingham treated all visits Buck- ingham, the subjects in dispute very lightly. If anything had gone wrong the fault was in the necessities of the tilne. Instead of troubling himself with such trifles, the King of France ought to treat at once for an offensive league against Spain. As for himself, he was said to bave ruined himself for the sake of France. He was now going to the Hague to save hilnself by great and glorious actions. If France pleased, she might take her place in the league which would be there concluded. If she refused, England wouid have ail the glory. Buckinghaln, as Blainville pointed out, had two irrecon- cilable objects in view. On the one hand he wished to ingatiate himself with English public opinion by placing himself at the head of a Protestant League ; on the other hand he wished to show, by driving France to follow his lead on the Continent, that his original overtures to that power had not been thrown away.   See Vol. V. p. 304.  Tillières, fdmoire.r, tos; Blainville to Louis XIII., Oct. ' Æ;s 3Zb'S. 37, P. 409, 438- aa' o5 .,4 COA'TROVERSY IUITI-t LAINVILLE. 9 Nether Louis nor Richelieu was likely to stoop as low as was expected of them. Blainville was instructed to announce that the 'Vanguard,' as being Charles's own pro- Bearlng of th« »»«n«h perty, should be given up, but that the merchant ¢3ov«rnn,t. vessels, which had been expressly hired for eighteen months, would not be surrendercd. He was to say that the Huguenots could hOt be allowed to carry on a rebellion against their laful sovereign, and if Charles was so solicitous for religious lil»crty, he had better begin the experiment with his own Catholic subjects.  After this it was useless to lay before Charles the proposal for rendering assistance to Mansfeld which t31ainville had been instructed to make under more favourable circumstances. Even the protcst against ]3uckingham's visit to France was left unuttered for the present. ]3uckingham was too anxious to reach the Hague as soon as possible, to await the issue of these negotiations September. "rhe o»o- at Salisbury. But before he left the King, arrange- sition Peers. ments had been ruade for dealing in various ways with those Peers who had taken part in the opposition in the last Parliament. Of these Abbot might safely be disregarded. He Abbot and had nothing popular about him except his firm attach- P«mbrok« ment to the Calvinistic doctrine, and he had long been left in the shadow by James, who had displayed a strong preference for the cleverness and common sense of Williams, as Charles displayed a strong preference for the sharp decision of Laud. z It was a different matter to deal with Pembroke, the richest nobleman in England, z who commanded numerous x6 __ a Memoir sent by De Vic, Oct.  ; Louis XIII. to 131ainville, Oct. 9, King's MSS. 37, P. 47o, 482.  The idea, almost universal amongst historlans, that Abbot was thrown into the shade by hi» accidental homicide in ta2, is not borne out by con- temporary writers, and his want o[ influence may be easily accounted for from the causes mentioned above. Fuller is doubtless the original autho- rity for the usual opinion, but Fuller's story has long ago been shown by Hacket t« have been based upon a misapprehension of the facts. s To the first subsidy of the reign Pembroke paid 7ooi., standing alone ; then came Northumberland. Rutland, and Devonshire, with 6ool. ; Buckingham, Derby, Cumberland, Hertford, Northampton, l'erre, and 30 CIt.,41LES'S RLL.,4 TIOVS IVITH FRANCE. seats in the House of Commons,  and whose influence was not to be measured by the votes thus acquired. At first, indeed, Charles's temper had got the better of him, and on his journey to Plymouth he had treated Pembroke with marked disfavour. The Earl was hot accustomed to be slighted, and replied with a countcr-demonstration. As he passed through Sherborne he paid a formal visit to Bristol, who was still in disgrace. The significance of the step could not be misinterpreted, and Charles lost no time in renewing the old familiarity to which Pembroke was never insensible. ]3uckingham was with the King at Salisbury on his return journey, when he ruade an early call at Wilton ; and, though Pembroke was still in bed and could hOt see him, it was afterwards understood that the rem porary estrangement was at an end.  Abbot and l'embroke belonged to that section of the Opposi- tion which it was Buckinghaln'S object to conciliate Arundel «u,a-,,a and Willialns were in different case. As a great Wilfiams. nobleman, hOt mixing much in the business of govern- ment, Arundel could hardly be touched; but Williams had incurred ]3uckinghaln's bitterest displeasure, and was easily assailab!e in his official position. His strong sense had led him to condemn alike the extravagances of the new reign and the shifts to which Charles had been driven in order to cover those extravagances froln the popular view. He had shown a sad want of confidence in the success of those vast armaments in which Buckingham trusted, and he had been sufficiently un- courtierlike to dissuade the King from summoning the Commons to Oxford, and to suggest that if Charles had really given his word to the King of France that he woutd relax the penal laws, if was dangerous as well as impolitic to break it. Robartes, with 4ooL tooh of the Subsidy of lhe Nobilily, Oct. 2, S. P. Dont. vii. 6. t Rudyerd fo Nethersole, Feb. 3, 1626, S. P. Dom. xx. 23- « AI1 my Lord's letters were sent out,' means Pembroke's letters, hOt ' the I)uke's,' as given in the Calendar. See also a letter from Sir James 13agg, in S. P. tddcnda. " North to Leicester, Sept. 28, Oct. 7 ; Pembroke to Leieester Sept. 29, Sydney-Pa2,'rs A. 36, ]63. 162 IVILLIA.IIS DIS.IIISSED. 3 t It was casier to resolve to get rid of the Lord Keeper than to find an excuse for dismissing him. At first he had been charged with entering upon conferences at Oxford with the oct. ,s. leading members of the Opposition in the Commons. Di«,issaof This charge, however, he was able to meet with a Williams. denial, though there is reason to believe that he cas so convinced of Buckingham's folly in pitting himself against the House of Commons that he had boasted that if l-.e were turned out of office, all England would take up lais cause. 1 Charles was highly displeased with this language, but it was hardly possible to disgrace a Lord Keeper on the mere ground that he had vaunted his own popularity. At last some courtier reminded the King that his father had entrusted the Great Seal to Williams for three years on probation, and that the time fixed had now expired. Charles caught at the suggestion, and Williams, unable to defend himself against a form of attack in which no direct ilnputation on his conduct was necessarily im- plied, surrendered his office. Charles, glad to be rid ofhim, spoke to him fairly at the last, but the tone amongst Buckingham's followers was different. "May the like misfortune," wrote one of them to his patron, " befall such as shall tread in his hateful path, and presume to lift their head against their maker ! " With Lord Keeper Williams worldly wisdom departed froln the councils of Charles. If he could never have ripened into a great or a high-souled statesman, he had always Greatness of th« o» to at colnmand a fund of strong comlnon sense which Cr«. saved him from the enormous blunders into which men more earnest and energetic than himself were ready to fall.  "Your Lordship, I know, bath fidl information of all proceedings concerning the change of the Keeper, out happily bath hot heard, and will hardly believe, that he was so confident in his party and the opinion of his worth, that he vaunted, if he were deposed, that he could bave intercession ruade for him, not only by the strongest mediators now remaining, but by the generality of the land. Yet it pleased the good Bishop rather to sub- mit himself to his Majesty's pleasure than to use his streng-th."-- Coke to Brooke, Nov. 5, I«lbourne ¢IISS. This extract mu»t be compared with Rushworth's story that Williams said that he meant to stand on his own legs.  _Not ' their keel,' as calendared. Suckling to Buckingham, Oct. 4 ; S. /'. Dom. viii. 37. 3 CHARLES'S RELATIONS IbTTH FRANCE. CH. LVIo Government was to him a balance to be kept between extreme parties. War was distasteful to him, and he cared little or nothing for Continental politics. Dogmatism of ail kinds he regarded with the utmost suspicion. He had no sympathywith the persecution of Laud's fi-iends by the House of Comlnons, and no sympathy with the coming persecution of the Puritan' by Laud himself. Had Charles accepted him as an adviser, the reign would hardly have been eventful or heroic, but it would not have ended in disaster. England would have gained a great step on its way to liberty, by the permission which would, within certain broad limits, have been granted to the free development of thought and action. The last clerical Lord Keeper in English history was in reality less clerical than some of his successors. The Great Seal was given to Coventry, whose legal know- ledge and general ability were beyond dispute, and whose leanings were against ail concessions to the Catholics. Coventry Lord His accession to office therefore was one more Keeper. announcement of the Protestant tendencies of Buck- mgham. "The Duke's power with the King," said a contem- porary letter-writer, "for certain is exceeding great, and whom he vill advance shall be advanced, and whom he doth but frown upon must be thrown down."  Heath succeeded Coven- try as Attorney-General ; and, with far less excuse, Shilton, whose only distinction was that he had been employed by Buckingham in his private affairs, followed as Solicitor-General. The meaning of the change was soon manifest, at least to Trt,e,t« the Catholics. The crder for banishing the priests, t,t:t- given immediately after the dissolution, had hot lics. oct. s. been foltowed at once by any atteml»t to interfere Iir,- with the laitv. On October 5, directions were given lllellt of the « • «t». for a general disarmament of the recusants ; but it was not till Coventry succeeded Williams that any further step ro. ». was taken. On November 3 the Llow fell. A com- "rhe p«,l mission was issued to provide for the execution of laws en- forced, the penal Laws, with instructions to pay over the fine levied to a special fund to be employed in the defence of the  Ingra,m to Wentworth, Nov. 7, Strafford Zell«rs, i. 28. t6z 5 THE A'E ll" SHERIFFS. 3 reahn. On the 7th orders were given to l)rohibit all miuors o,'. r. from leaving England without licence from the King, and to silence ail schoohnasters whose teaching was open to suspicion.  Charles had probably an instinctive apprehension that the persecution of the Catholics would hot alone be sufficient to sêcure for him the approbation of the next House of Commons; but he was never keen-sighted in disceming the real causes of popular dissatisfaction, and he ascribed the attack upon Buck- ingham at Oxford to a mere ebullition ot factious spite. The nference was obvious. If by any means the assailants of lais minister could be excluded from seats in the coming Pallia- ment, the really loyal nature of Englishmen would find unim- pedêd expression. It was like Charles, too, to fancy that if only legal right were on his side no one could be justly dissatis- fie& With this idea in his head, nothing could seem simpler than the course he adopte& A sheriff was bound to attend to his duties in his own county, and if the Opposition leaders wcre named sheriffs it was plain that they could not take their seats TheOpposi- at Westminster. Coke, Seymour, and l'laelips were tion leaders of course marked out for the unwelcome honour. ruade sheriffs. With them were Alford, who had explained that the subsidies voted in x6e4 had hot been voted for the recovery of the Palatinate, and Sir Guy Palmes, who had referred unpleasantly to the fate of Empson and Dudley. To these rive was added a sixth, Sir Thomas Wentworth. Ventworth's peculiar It was hOt unknown to Charles that Wentworth had position, little in common with Seymour and Phelips. He was anxious, if possible, to obtain service under the Crown, and to exercise his undoubted powers of govermnent ; but the war, whether it was to be in Spain or Germany, was in his eyes sheer madness, and it was plain that he wou]d be as cool about the King's Protestant crusade in 1626 as he had been cool about his attack upon Spain in t6eS. "Wentworth," said Charles, as the names were read over to him, " is an honest entleman.  Commission, Nov. 3, S. P. Dom. Sign 21lanuals, i. 87 ; the King fo BucMngham, Nov. 7, S. P. Dom. Addenda. VOL. Vl. D 3 CHARLES'S RELA TIONS lfflTIt FRANCE. CH. LVL The reasons for his exclusion were equally valid whether he were honest or hOt. Such a manœuvre stands self-condemned by the ver), fact that it was a manœuvre. It had, however, at least one sup- porter amcmgst those who favoured the vigorous prosecution of R]d)-erd's the war. "The tank weeds of Parliament," wrote °P''°- Rudyerd, "are rooted up, so that we may expect a plentiful harvest the next. I pray God so temper the humours of our next assembly that out of it may result that inestimable harmony of agreement between the King and his people. '' By this time Charles had hoped to receive news of great results from Buckingham's diplomacy in the Netherlands: but though the Lord Admiral, taking the courtly Holland with him, had left Charles at Salisbury in the second week of October, his voyage had been sadly delayed. On the i3th a terrific storln swept over the Channel and the North Oct. a'h«e.cp Sea. The Dutch fleet before Dunkirk was driven of the ui wia- from its port, and great was the alarm in England es. when it was told that twenty-two vessels, it was said with 4,000 soldiers on board, had escaped to sea. The blow, however, fell upon the Dutch fishing vessels, and the English coast was spared.  With the Dunkirk privateers loose upon the world, the Lord Admiral could not cross without a convoy, and this Bucklng- ham'svoyage was hot easily to be found. The great fleet was still postponed. away at Cadiz, and three English ships had been cast away with all hands upon the cliffs between Calais and * Ingram to Wentworth, Nov., Stra.ord Zetters, i. 29. The naine of Sir W. Fleetwood is here given as a seventh. He had hOt sat in the la.st t'arliament, but in the Patliament of 6z4. He vas found ineligible for the shrievalty, and svas neither a sheriff nor a member of the Common in 16z6. The first suggestion of making sheriffs in this way which I have met with, is in a letter from Sir G. Paul to Buckingham, Oct. 24 ; S. /. Dom. viii. 34.  Rudyerd to Nethersole, 1Yov. z3, S. 29. Dom. x. 6.  Downmg to the Navy Commissioners, Oct. 9; Penninglon to luckingham, Oct. 23, ibid. viii. 5, S. 163.ç  UCA'INGHA:II" IN HOLL AND. 3  Boulogne. What vessels were to be had must be hurried to- gether for the defence of the country before the Duke's convoy could be thought of. At last, however, ships were found for the purpose. On November 9 Buckingham was at the Hague, and was astonish- o`'-9- ing the sober citizens of the Dutch capital by the B,«king,, lavish splendour of his dress and the gorgeous dis- at the vI-gne, play of pearls and diamonds with which it was adorned. He soon allowed it to be known that he had brought with him no friendly feeling towards France. " I acknowledge," he said, "the power of the King of France. But I doubt his good-will." t Buckingham had brought with him, too, his old plan for a joint attack with the Dutch upon Dunkirk. The effort, he told No,,. ,,. the Prince of Orange, should be ruade at once, as npropo the Spaniards were in no condition to defend the to attack i,,kiu, place. The wary Prince knew too much about war to relish the idea of a siege to be begun in November, and refused to entertain the proposition till the swing. Then Buckingham asked that Sluys should be put in his master's hands, as a basis of operations for the English arlny which was to hem in the Flemish ports on the land side. The Prince met him with the same dilatory response. He was probably of opinion that the English army of which Buckingham spoke would never have any rem existence ; and, even if it had been otherwise, he would certainly have been unwiiling to confide to it the guardianship of so important a fortress. The Congress of the Hao-ue, when it met at last, was but a poor representation of that great anti-Spanish confederacy for which Gustavus had hoped when he first sketched The Con- g«s, oftlae out the plan. Though he was himself engaged in ri.g« the Polish war, he had ordered his ambassador to take part in the assembly. Unhappily the ambassador fell ili, and died a few days before Buckingham's arrival. Sweden  Vreede, Inlehling rot eene Ges«hiedenis der Nedcrhmds«he Diplomatie, il. 2, 3.  Ibid. ii. 2» 85, Note 2 ; Cafleton to Conway, Nov. 14, S. 1 o. ttolland. 3 CH.4RLyES'S REL.4TIONS II/ITH I:R,I.VCt?. CH. LvI. was therefore entire]y unrepresented. The French minister stood aloof, and the North German princes took no share in the discussions. The reprcsentatives of the King of Denmark were there alone, to beg for money and men. Çhristian IV. was indeed in sore need. Trusting to the promises ruade to him by Charles, he had gone to war. Afler the first month's contribution Charles had no money to send, and he was in no better plight in November than he had been in June. J3uckinghaln's instructions, undoubtedly drawn up with his own concurrence, authorised him to acquaint the Danish alnbassadors that the original offer of 3c,ooo/. a month, or its equivalcnt in men, paid by the English exchequer, had only becn ruade to give encouragement to the German princes. Whcn those princes had once taken the field it was onlv to be expected that they would sublnit to provide a fair share of the cxpense. 13uckinghaln was therefore to insist upon a large reduction of the monthly charge, though he was first to make sure that Christian was thoroughly embarked in the cause, lest by threatening to stop the supplies he lnight drive him to make his peace with the Elnperor.  It is probable that a little conversation with the Danish ambassadors convinced Buckingham that if the King of Eng- land t.hus withdrew from his engagements Christlan would, without doubt, withdraw froln the war. At all events nothing, so far as we know, was heard of the proposed reduc- lIov. 2 9. a'y« tion. On November 2 9 the Treaty of the Hague thc Haguc. was signed between England, Dt:nlnark, and the States-General. The Dutch agreed to supply the Dancs with 5,oooL a month, whilst Buckingham engaged more solelnnly than ever that the 3o, oooL a month originally promised ffom England should be really sent. Large as the sum was, there is reason to suppose that the promise was now ruade in good faith. Parliament would soon meet, and, as Buckingham hoied , all difficulties would then be slnoothed away. For the ilnmediate future he could  Instructions to Buckingham and Holland, Oct. t7, lymo; xviii. tl,  525 I? UCIJIA'GHA .W'S RE TUR3". 37 trust to the Crown jewels, which would soon be pawned to nec. s. the merchants of Amsterdam. The disaster at Cadiz Bucking- WaS as yet unknown, and everv day might bring the hm's expC- -  tations, happy news of victory. A new fleet was to be speedily prepared to relieve Cecil's force, and to take up the task of blockading the Spanish ports. The flood of mischief would thus be arrestcd at the fountain-head, as when gold no louger flowed from Spain, the armies by which Christain was assailed would break out into open mutiny. 1 Proud of victorics yet to be won, Buckingham had lneditated a continuance of his journey to Paris, in order that he might add the naine of the King of France to the signatures appended to the Treaty of the Hague. His hopes were eut He is refused penm-sionto short by the French ambsador, who plainly told enter France. him that, till better satisfaction had been given to his master's just demands in England, he would not be allowed to enter France. = Buckingham therefore returned to England by the way that he had corne. He was at once met by news of the failure at Cadiz and the return of the fleet. Alone, probably, News of the failureat of all Englishmen alive, Charles and Buckingham Cadiz. failed to realibe the magnitude of the disaster, or the influence which it would exercise upon the delibcra- Dec. 6. Parliament tions of the coming session, a On December 6 the snmmaned. Lord Kceper was directed to issue writs for a new Parliament. 4 It was possible that Parliament might have work on hand even more serious than voting supplies for the King of Den- mark. It was by no means unlikelv that by the time Prospect of war with the members were collected at Westminster, England France.  would be at open war with France. Charles had been seriously vexed at the failure of his effort to frustrate the Buckingham to Christian IV, Dec.  S. P Jffolland. 4_. AS"t.q's «ISS 137 , p. 8I 9. Louis XIII. to Blainville, Dec. , Quod vero Regem et Buckinghamium attinet, illi non multum rcntur aut indigtantur." Rusdorf to Oxcnstjerna. Dec. «|lè#lohes, 1. l@#tcr, xviii 2_t 5. $8 CtfARLES'S RELATIONS 1VITtf FIdANCE. CH. employment of English vessels at Rochelle, and the first reso- lution taken in Council after Buckingham's return was that a new fleet should be sent out to succour Rochelle, and to bring home the ships by force.  Orders were accordingly Dec. t6. issued that the soldiers who had corne back from Cadiz should bc kept under their colours for future service. " Nor were the differences relating to the fulfilment of the marriage treaty in a fairer way to an accomrr,odation. Louis, Difficuities indeed, had sent messages to Buckingham after his boutth« return, that if the English Catholics were relieved marriage treaty, fronl ill-treatment, and if his sister's household were permitted to remain as it had been arranged by the contract, he would make no further objection to receiving him in France. " On the first point Buckingham could hOt yield without alienato ing Parliament. On the second he could not yield without alienating the King. Vhilst Buckingham was still at the Hague, Charles's exas- peration at lais wife's French attendants had risen to fever heat. The Que«n'» To their intcrference, and hot at ail to his own failure o,s«nold. to keep his promises, he attributed his domestic troubles, and he threatened to send them ail back to France. More prudent counsels prevailed for a time, and he cc. 5. now contented himself with announcing to the ]3ishop of Mende, the Queen's almoner, his intention of introducing EngIish ladics into her household. A man, he repeated once aaore, ought to be toaster in his own bouse. The utmost to which he would agree was to wa[t a few days till his resolve had been communicated to the Court of France.  To RicIaelieu the threatened breach between France and England, bringing with it a death-struggle with the Huguenots  Blainville to Louis XIII., Dec. x_, Kin£'s 2]ISS. 38, p. 948.  Proclmnations, Car. I., iOec. 16, No. 31, S. 29. /9oto.  Louis XIII. to Blinville, Dec. 7« ; The Bishop of Mende to Ville- Dec. 7 aux-Clercs, received --g-, 2Ving's zISS. 38, p. 89, o43. * The King to Buckingham, Nov. 2o, tarardzvicke S. P. il. 23. The Dec. s 'ing's zISS. 38, f" o56. Bishop or Mendc to Louis XIII., Jar.. ' 1625 21IISSION OF ttOLLAND AND CARLETO,V. 39 of Rochelle, must have been infinitely displeasing. In spire of Fr«n«ho«ers his master's strong feeling that he had been ill-treated, to Bucking- he contrived to obtain permission to address fresh overtures to Buckingham, assuring him of a good reception in France if certain conditions, of which we bave no particular information, were fulfilled. If he could hOt corne on these terres, let him at least send confidential ambassadors to smooth asvay the differences between the two Crowns.  The latter alternative was accepted. Hoiland was once more to go to Paris to make himself agreeable to the Queen Mother and the ladies of her court. The rem business Embassy of Hollandand of the embassy was entrusted to Carleto,a, who had at Carleton. last been recalled from the Hague, and was now Vice- Chalnberlain and a Privy Councillor. A diligent, well-informed man, too dependent upon office tobe likely to take a course of' his own, and sympathising entirely with the movement against Spain without rising into any large view of contenaporary politics, he was exactly suited for the service for which Buckingham required him, and was likely, as time went on, to establish himself firmly in his favour. Carleton's present work was to mediate a peace between the Obje«tsof French Government and the Huguenots, and to themisio, persuade Louis to surrender the English ships and to join in the alliance of the Hague.  The differences between the two Courts were serious enough in themselves. Unhappily there was a polidcal difference which was more serious still. In September, whilst the Cadiz * "M. Bautru is on his way for England with letters from the Duke de Chevreuse and Marquis d'Eat, but concerted with the Queen Mother and the Cardinal to invite my Lord Duke of Buckingham to corne over, which man}, wish, but few hold it counselable."---De Vic to Conway, Dec. 26 "We may not conceal what we understand, that what the Cardinal told us of Blainville's revocation was conditional, in case the Lord Duke of Buck- ingham came over upon such invitements as were sent him."--Holland and Carleton to Conway, Feb. 6, 6-'6, S. 19. France. It can hardly be said, therefore, that Buckingham could not go to France without first declaring War.  Instructions to Holland and Carleton, Dec. 3o, S. 19. 1france. 4o CHARLES:S RELATIOA-S IIYTtt FRA.VCE. CH. .vl fleet was still at Plymouth, a string tf French prizes had beert Septtmber. brought in, charged with carrying goods for the use The heu- of the Spanish Netherlands. Under ordinary cir- trality of France. culnstances it is hard to persuade neutrals and beliiger«nts to take the same vlew of the law of prize, and there was irl this case a special difficulty arising from the fact that at Whitehall French çeutrality was regarded as an underhand çontrivance for reaping the benefits of war without sharing its burdcns. There was clearly need of inquiry into the nature of the cargoes on board the vessels. Besides the French prizes, there a'he French were many of Dutch nationality, and a few from other vrizes, parts of Europe. If they had on board goods which were the property of Spaniards, those goods, according to the ideas of the day, would be subject to immediate confiscation. Contrà Contraband of war again, being carried to Spain or ,,f,,'ar. the Spanish Netherlands, would be iiable to seizure, whether it were Spanish property or hot; but it was by no means a natter of universal agreement what contraband of war was. In the Treaty of Southampton indeed, England and the States-General had recently agreed upon a sweeping definition, including in that category provisions and the precious metals as well as munitions of war and materials used in shipbuilding, 1 and had declarcd hot only such articles, but even the ships and men engaged in the traffic, to be lawful prize. Such an in- terpretation of the customary maritime law was hOt likely to commend itseif to a neutral seafaring nation. Even ifthis knotty point had been settled, there was another behind it. What evidence was to be accepted that the contra- Proofof band goods were or were not destined for Spanish destination, use ? Every one of the eleven French vessels seized had sailed from a Spanish port, and all of them, with one exception, were owned by Calais merchants. = It was, however, notorious that there were men at Calais whose business it was to pass goods as soon as landed over the frontier into Flanders,  Art. 20 of the Treaty ; 19tmonl, v. , 480. - Examinations of the toaster of the prize ships, Sept. 29, S. 29. .Data. ¥1. 120. 162_ THE FIVE«VCH PIIZES. 4 in much the same way as good were passed over into P-,ussia from Memel in the time of the Crimean war.  It happened that Buckingham was at Plymouth when the prizes were brought in. (;old and silver being contraband sept.=, of war, according to the view taken in England, he The money ordered 9,oool. o: IO, Oool. which were on board to be un board sequestered, sequestered,  and the remainder of the goods to be placed in safe keepng. A few weeks later the cargoes were Octobre. stowed again on board, and the prizes hrough up The prizes to I.ondon, to pass throu.h a legal investigation be- todon, fore the Court of Admiralty. By the beginning of November the number of captured French vessels had increased to twenty-two, a So far the French had no reasonable ground of complaint ; but in the needy circumstances of the treasury the sequestered property was too tempting a bait to be long resisted. In Octo- ber Backingham had attelnpted to borrow 7o, oool., in order that he might carry with him something to the Hague for the immediate supply of the armies of Christian IV. and Mans- feld. The security which Charles eould offer fell short of the required sum by =o, oool., and Ley and Weston proposed to fill the gap by giving a lien upon the first sale of condemned prize goods. The suggestion in itself was innocent enough ; but either it was not thought sufficient, or Charles Oct. 7- Prizemoney fancied that he could do better. On October 2 7 taken and oo. or- the money already sequestered was taken to be spent dered to be .od. on warlike preparations, and on November 5 orders were given to sell goods at once to the required value of o, ooo/., without waiting for a sentence ffom the Court.  * Marten to Conway, Nov. 8; Joachimi to --, S. /. ttoTand. --to Quester, S. 19. Fra»ce. -" Minutes by Nicholas Feb. (?) I626, S. P. Z)om. xxi. 99- s A minute of the rep*acing of the goods on board, is eal«ndared in .qep- tember, but should almost eertainly be placed in October. Receipt by .Xlarsh, Oct. I, ibid. vl. I26 ; xxii. 2, . Blainsille to Louis XIII., Nov. 6» t6 A'tng's J[SS. 138, p. 659. ' Coke to Conway, Oct. 27, S. 1". 1)oto. viii. 26. Warrant, Nov. 5, Sign JIanualc, i. 9 e. 12 CHARLES'S RELATIONS IVITH FRA.VCE. cH. LVL To Charles the difference may have seemed slight, as, if the decision of the Court were against him, he could refund the lnoney. There was, however, another side of the question ov. s. which he had forgotten to consider. Blainville re- Blainville minded him that, as the cargoes had not been ruade protests. up for the English market, they would hot fetch any- thing like their full va!ue on a compulsory sale in London. 1 The impression produced by Charles's hasty act was likely to be worse than the act itself would justify. It gave to the Admiralty Court the appearance of being merely an official instrument for enforcing confiscation for the benefit of the ov. 8. Crown. Sir ttenry Marten, the Judge of the Court, lIarten felt the indignity keenly. "For my part," he wrote, declines to support the in answer to an appeal from Conway for arguments • «z,,« in support of the course which had been taken, " I can profess to know no other disposition yet intended, but that ail the goods should be landed, inventoried, and appraised; and, on Saturday next, ail who pretend to any of those ships or goods to appear and ptopound their clailn" Before this remonstrance Charles gave way for a time. Buckingham was absent at the Hague, and there was a period of C,rl« indecision till the guiding spirit of the Government ià«iio, was once more in England. The Council took up the question, and on December 4 fresh orders were Dec. 4- given to proceed with the sale, orders which were retracted shortly afterwards) Sir John Coke, who was eager for money to enable him to meet the expenses of the fleet, and whose oncial nind could hOt catch sight of the larger aspects of the case, was anxious for instant and sweeping action. " If )'ou sha]] ]irait the sales," he wrote to Conway, on hearing that some half-lneasure was in contemplation, "as I hear you intend, to goods which are out of question, I know hOt what goods can be soid; since there is neither ship nor particular goods therein to which no man doth pretend." 6 A-ing's ilI"SS.  38, p. 659.  Blainville to Louis XIII., Nov. -6' " Comvay to Marten, Nov. 7, Conway's Letter t]ook ; 1Marten to Co way, Nov. $, S. D. 1)oto. ix. 3 2.  Joachimi to , 5`. /. I]olland. « Coke to Conway, Dec. 17, 5". /. l)om. xii. l. 1625 FRENCIt REPR1SMLS. 43 Before Charles had ruade up his lnind, the mere announce- ment of his intention had called forth reprisais in France. Vdlars, the governor of Havre, was himself interested in the ' St. Peter' of that port, and on December 7 he arrested two De« 7. English vessels lying at Rouen. A fortnight later it Reprisais in WaS known in London that the French authorities werc France. contemplating a general embargo upon ail English property in France, which was only delayed till there was SOlne certain intelligence of the course finally adopted in England. By this time ]3uckingham was again at Court, and the arrival of Richelieu's overtures had opened a prospect of averting the ilnpending quarrel. " It is necessary for me," said Charles, "to preserve my friends and allies." Just as Holland and Carleton were starting, an Order in Council was drawn up to form a basis for the settlelnent of the dispute. I According to this order the ' St. Peter' of Havre de Grace, against whlch the presulnptions were less than against vessels D««8. belonging to the merchants of Calais, was to be Ord«rin delivered to its owners. Of the relnaining ships Council fol" th« -d«- and their cargoes, whatever was clearly French pro- hvery of the 'St. Peter.' perty should be given up at once. Against whatever was questionable proceedings should be taken, 'without any further restraint of sale or other proceeding warrantable by law or the course of the Admiralty.'  On January t the ambassadors had their first interview vith Richelieu. He received them in the lnost friendly way ; j,. . but he gave it to be understood that till the Hugue- Conference hot rebellion was at an end there could be no open between ga«i« war with Spain, and that his toaster cou!d hOt tolerate and the am- o. the interference of a foreign king between himself and his subjects. They lnight, however, test assured that there was no intention of persecuting the Protestant religiun in France. The 'Vanguard' would be restored as soon as the Commom' yournals, i. 823 ; Palloyseau to Hippisley, t-arl. 2]]SS. 1583, fol. 171 ; Joachimi to the States-General, ]an. , Add. ISS. 7,677 L. tol. I3O , 19. * Order in Council, Dec. 8, S./. Z)om. xii. De¢. 3, -Jan. 6, 44 CHARLES'S RELATIO2VS II'ITH FRAA'CE. CH. LV1 prize taken by Soubise was given up. The other vessels had been hired from the merchants, an as long as Rochelle was in arms it was impossible to dispense with their services. The irritation aroused at the French Court bv the tone which Charles assumed was such as no minister, however Feeling ot" anxious to avert war, could afford to disregard, and I.ouisXttI. least of all was Richelieu likely to think lightly of the honour of lais sovereign. I.ouis hilnself was particularly displeased at the proposal to include him in the treaty signed at the Hague without his concurrence. The lt:ague, he wrote to his ambassador in the Netherlands, "is hOt aimed at the liberty of the Empire or the abasement of Spain. but at the abasement of the Catholic religion and of all the princes who profess it, and particularly of myself." One of his minis- ters expressed himself in much the saine tone. "There is a great difference," he wrote, "between proposing to the King things done or things to be done. To COlmnunicate a design and to wish to do nothing without his advice would oblige his Majesty, but to propose to hiln to take part in a lnatter already arranged would have the contrary effect."  In Louis's place Charles would have fel.t precisely in the saine manner; but he had hOt the tact to perceive that con- cession must be naade to the feelings of others ; and with the ,'onsciousness that he had himself contributed, or appeared to bave contributed, to the misfortunes of Rochelle, he deter- lnined to support the town against its sovereign, at whatever cost to the interests of the rest of Europe. Pennington had for some time been getting ready a fleet at Plymouth, which was destined in case of necessity to escort Sou- bise with provisions for the blockaded Huguenots, and ata j. =« council held on January zo it was resolved that the Charles fleet should be at once despatched. In order to determines ,oli,,« impart greater energy to the crews it was arranged Rochel|e. that Buckingham should command in person. The deputies from the insurgent city, who were in England seeking for aid, were informed that the fleet would proceed to drive the t Extracts given by Vreede, Inleiding lot tette G,s]i !g,tis dr 2Veder. la,Msche Diplomatie, ii. 2, 85, 87. 16--6 Ct[ARLtïS Tt[RtïATEAS I;'AR. 45 troc'ps of the King of France out of RbWand Oléron, if tb.c Rochellese would consent to leave the islands at Charles's disposal till the expenses of the undcrtaking had been repaid to hiln. No secret was ruade of the re.olution taken. Buckmghan- inforlned Blainville that his toaster could no longer remain lah,,-ille neutral. He had contributed to the ruin oI the i,«meà. Protestants by the loan of his ships, and now, with one voice, his Council and his people called upon him to under- take the defence of those whom he had so deeply injured. I[ war were once declared he would show the world that he was hot sodestitute of mn and money as was commonly supposed.  The resolution thus taken at Court could hot fail to have its effects on the prospects of the owners of the French prizes. As far as tb.e 'St. Peter' was concerned, everything had proceeded regularly. Suspicion only attached to some hides and a few other a:ticles on board. Bonds were ac- Jan. 6. Odeforthe cepted in the Admiralty Court for the payment of restoration «h'St. their value, in case of their proving to be Spanish Pcter.' property, and on January 26 Marten gave orders for the delivery of ship and cargo to the owners.  The proprietors of the other vessels had before this fancied that their difficulties were at an end. Soon after the Order in Council of December 28, goods to the value of 3o,oool. were given up to them, as being beyond question legitimately French property. But when the news of the difficulties made in France about the surrender of the English vessels reached England, the Government took another tone. On January 24 the Jan. 4- Sale ofprize goods were again seized for the King, and out of that g,ood, part of the cargo which was considered contraband by the Crown lawyers, though it had not yet been condemned by any court of law, property to the value of 7,oool. was sold by * Blainville to Louis XIII., Jan. -°-I, /r)lg.$ .3ISS. 3 $, p. I2O6. Conway to Holland and Carleton, Jan. I, S. t . France. Buckingham to Pennington, Jan. 7 ; Pennington to Buckingham, ran. I7, S. t . Z)om. xviii. ,8, 75- " Order for taking bonds, Jan. 21, OOkofActs, Admiralty Court, fol $o b. Ortier for telease, Jan. 6, S. t . 19om. xix. 5 2. 46 ('IIARLES'S RELA TIONS IVITtt FRAWCE. cH. LYS. auction. Having made up his mind to war, it would seem that Charles no longer thought it necessary to keep terres with the subjects of the King of France.  XVith the King and Buckingham in this temper, it was hot likely that even the ' St. Peter' would be allowed to escape. As soon as the order had been issued for its release, Apsley, the Lieutenant of the Tower, remonstrated with the Lord Admirak assuring him that he could bring as good evidence against that vessel as against the others. To Apsley's statements Bucking- -haro gave too easy credence, and on February 4, having pre- F«b. 4. viously obtained the King's consent, he ordered the Th«'S. detention of the ship. It is perhaps not an unreason- Peter ' re- arrested, able conjecture that the real motive in these pro- ceedings was the desire to detain as many pledges as possible for the English ships at Rochelle, the recovery of which had been the subject of repeated messages to the ambassadors at Paris. Buckingham might well doubt his chances of obtaining from the approaching Parliament a favourable consideration of his policy, if Louis were still engaged in an attack upon the Huguenots with the help of English vessels All this rime the despatches sent to Paris had been growing more peremptory. On January 23 the ambassadors were ordered to hasten home if the ships were not sur- Jan. 3- egoaationS rendered. On the 26th Charles was still unyielding. in France. He had just received a letter from Holland and Carleton, telling him that Richelieu, in his master's name, insisted on the maintenance of the King's garrisons in Fort Louis and the islands of Rhé and Oléron, as well as on the right to send a Royal Intendant of Justice into Rochelle. The Huguenot deputies objected to all three points, and asked fgr the full execution of the treaty of Montpellier. After a time, however, they expressed their readiness to withdraw their demands. They would reluctantly agree to adroit the Intend- ant, and to allow the garrisons to remain in the islands. Even a Joachimi to , S..P. ttolland. Joachimi to the States-General, Feb. ,..Cdal..ISS. 7,677 I.., fol. 43. Blainville to Louis XIII., eb. ,' A'ng' 2IISS 138, p. 127o, 1273. t626 CHARLES'S JIISTAKE. 47 tt Fort Louis they would not insist upon an immediate dis- armament, if they could hope for its demolition in course of rime. The ambassadors were satisfied that peace was virtually ruade. Charles, however, was not satisfied. He thought that thc Th« English conditions were insuflïcient for the safety of Rochelie. ships to be Nothing less than the terres of the Treaty of Mont- positlvely ,enand«a. pellier should receive his assent. The ambassadors were also to ask for the immediate release of the ships, and it that were refused, they were to return at once to England. The error of Louis was coming home to him. If he had been faulty in appending to his sister's marriage contract a lnt«rf«r«nc« condition which involved an interfereuce with the of Charles administration of English law, Charles was now m French politi«s, interfering far more incisively in French domestic politics. When once it was understood that the Huguenots were to owe their recovered independence to Eglish help, a situation would be created which would be intolerable even to a king of France far less sensitive than Louis on ail matters connected with his personal authority. In th__. preceding August Richelieu might wisely bave argued that it would be better for the King to grant ail thc demands of his Protestant subjects, in order that he might turn his attention to external war. But it was one thing to grant such demands upon con- viction ; it was another thing to grabat them to the menaces of the King of England. Rochelle, freed from the control of its own sovereign by Charles's interposition, would l)ractically be an independent republic, resting for security upon the support of England. The work of uniting France, handed down as the task of centuries from one generation of monarchs to another, wou!d receive a blow from which it would be hard to recover. An English Rochelle would be a far more potent instrument of mischief than even an English Calais had ever been. Such a view of the case was not likely to pres2nt itself to  Buckingham to lrlolland and Carleton, Jan. 23; ttolland and Car- leton to Conway, Jan. 23 ; Conway to Holland and Cadeton, S. 19. Fract. 48 CHARLES'S IELATIOA'S II-]Ttt FRA2Z'E. CH. Charles. AIl he sav was that, as his ships had been used fir the defeat of Soubise., it was his business to take care that the Huguenots suffered no loss. By this time, moreover, he had a fresh grievance in his own domestic circle, which kept his lnind in a state of irritation. He had arranged that his own corona- tion should take place before the opening of Parliament, and he fondly hoped that the Queen would be at his side on that solemn occasion. To his surprise he round that his The Queen r«-e»,o b« young wife had religious scruples about taking part .'rowned. in a Protestant ceremony, and he at once appealed to ber brother to convince her that she was in the wrong. The coronation, Conway wrote to the alnbassadors, was J" '" but a form. "Yet," he added, "it is a wonder, itis a disorder, itis a misfortune, so al»parent a declaration of a difference in judgment, obedience, and conformity." Charles got no hetp from Louis here. The view taken at the French Court was, that there would be no harm done if the Queen sub- mitted to coronation, provided that none of the Protestant clergy took any part in the ceremony.  As this wab clearly inadmissible, Charles had to resign hilnself to be crowned alone. Such a consequence he ought to bave foreseen when he decided upon marrying a Roman Catholic princess; but he was bitterly disappointed, and he threw the whole blame upon the French anabassador. Charles angry with Blainville, according to him, had ruade it his busi Blainville. ness, since his coming into England, to stir up ill-will between himsetf and the Queen. Blainville was certainly not concitiatory in his dealings with a Government against which he had many and bitter grievances, and he had listened more synq)athisingly to the Queen's complaints than became an ana- bassador; but it is undeniabte that Henrietta Maria's troubles had their root in causes which existed before he set foot in Eng!and. The da)' fixed for the coronaton was the end of February. The curtained seat which had been prepared for Henrietta t Louis XIII. to Blainville, Jan. 5 'ing's JçS. 138. p. t2t. Conw,,y to Holland and Carleton, Jan. 2t, S. /. France. x626 THE CORO.VA TION 49 Maria ata tilne when it was still hoped that she might be reb. 2. present as a spectator, if she would not take hc TheCoona- part in thc ceremony, was empty. Its elnl)tiness must ,ion. have rcminded Charles bitterly of the lnisery of his home life and of the lnost conspicuous failure of his political life. Yet there was no want of loyalty in thc hearty shout-- the echo of that old cry which had once given to English kings their right to sit upon the throne--which greeted him as he stood in the pride of youthful dignity in the face of the assembled multitude. As yet, though the first enthusiasm which greeted his accession had passed away, no personal un- popularity had gathered round hiln. Whatever vas ill-done was attributed to the influence of Buckinghaln.  Meade to Stuteville, Feb. 3; D'Ewes to Stuteville, Feb. 3, Ellis, ser. I, iii. 220, 213. Mr. Forster is mistaken in supposing that the inci- dent of Charles's stumbling, and of his answering, ' when Buckingham olïered to assist him, " I have as much need to help you as you to assist me," ' took place ' when all as over, and the King and the Duke came wearily away." It really happened before the coronation, and D'Ewes adds that the words were spoken ' with a smiling countenance.' Charles doubtless merely meant that he as able to recover his footing without help. It would hOt bave been worth while mentioning this, but for the doubt which I entertain whether Mr. Forster was right in attributing an)" sort of foreboding of coming evil to Charles. There is no evidence either vay ; but ny impression, from what I know of Charles's character and actions, is that he never foreboded evil, and that he was so convinced that he was always in the right, that the idea of Parliamentary opposition would hot occur to him till he was called to face it. As for the people not shouting at the coronation when Arundel first asked them to do so, I am content with D'Ewes's explanation : "Whether some expected he should bave spoken more, or others hearing not so well what he said, hindered those by questioning which might bave heard, or that the newness and greatness of the action busied men's thoughts, or the presence of so dear a thing drew admiring silence, or that tl:ose which were nearest doubted hat to do, but not one word fi,llowed till my Lord of Arundel told them they should cry out, 'God save King Charles ! ' upon which, as ashamed of their first overslght, a little shouting folowed. At the other sides where he presented himself therc was hot the like failing." Joachimi, as Ranke has observed, has no hesitation.tç tell of. He says the answer was given ' with great cly and shoutin.'--Joachimi to the States-General, Feb. --3 .4d, L zUSS. 17,677 L, fol. 48. VOL. VI. E go CItMI?LES'S RELM TIOAçç IUITH FRM.VCE. cH. LVl. The new king was thus, to use words spoken by his direction a few days later, married to lais people. He chose on that day to be clothed in white,  as the sign of the virgin purity with which he came to play a bridegroom's part, instead of in the purple robe of sovereignty. Amor civium, egis fircesidiu»z was the motto which in trustful confidence he placed upon the coins which bore the Royal arms impressed upon the sails of a ship «areering through the waves, the emblem doubtless of that great naval victory with which he hoped to illustrate the annals of his reign. If Cecil had failed at Cadiz, Buckingham, he might think, would hardly fail at RocheIle. Charles, indeed, so far as it is possible to judge by the indications which have reached us, as preparing to meet the new Parliament with all the buoyancy of hopefulness. Neither Coke, nor Phelips, nor Seymour would be there to distract the heal'tS of his faithful Commons with factious opposition. So little did the King . suspect that ho. would meet with any difficulty in the dores. Upper House that he neglected the opportunity which the coronation afforded of raising to the peerage persons in whom he could confide. No additional rotes were gained by the earldoms which he distributed amongst members of the existing peerage, and it was only a nmtter of personal importance to themselves that Lord Ley, for instance, would for the future be known as Earl of Marlborough, Viscount Mandeville as Earl of Manchester, and Lord Carew as Earl of Totness. There were ),et a few days before the meeting of Parliament, and if Charles had been capable of rising into a statesmanlike J,.,s. view of his relations with France, he would have 1,etweenNeg°tlati°ns seized the opportunity of reconsidering his position l«ixin, which was then offcred him. HoIland and Carleton and the Hg,«ot. had left no stone unturncd to bring about a paci- fication. The stumbling-block was Fort Louis. The French minister frankly averred that, unless the King kept up a garrison in it, he could have no sccurity that when he was .engaged in war abroad the Rochellese would not fise in insur-  Heylin, Life ofLau,l, I4. After Charles's death, this was pointed to as a presage of the innocence of martyrdom, as was also the text take by the preacher» " I-will give thee a erown of lire." 6_6 RICHEL1E U OFFERS PEA CE. 5  rection, as they had done the year before. With equal energy the Huguenot deputies argued that unless the fort were de- molished, they could have no security for the freedom of their commerce. On the evening of January 5 it was believed on both sides that the negotiation was at an end. The next morning a chosen number of the French clergy were to have an audience, to declare to the King their readiness .I.n 26. to open their purses in support of the holy war which a,,--gree- they had done their best to render imminent. They t« had, however, reckoned wthout the Cardinal. Seizing a pretext for deferring the audience for a time, he had proposed a COml»ronaise through the English ambassadors. When at iast the deputation swept into the Royal presence they found that they were too late. The Huguenot deputies wêre already on their knees before the King, and the baffled priests came only to witness the reconciliation of their Sovereign with lais Protestant subjects. Unhappily the terres of reconciliation announced on the following day by the Chancellor, wcre such as by no means to Terme ofthe preclude the probability of a renewal of the strife gr««mt, at no distant future. Under pressure from Holland and Çarleton, the deputies agreed to give up all the points at issue, including the demolition of Fort Louis. In return they were to have from the King an assurance that ' by long services and continued obedience they might expect that which they most desired,' and that ' in fitting time he would Iistcn to their supplications made with due respect and humilitv.' ]3efore the words were spoken a private exposition of their meaning was given by the French ministers, to the effect that they pointed to the eventual demolition of Fort Louis.  Holland and Carleton had certainly taxed their authority t Answer of the Chancellor in the name of the King of France, Jan. 7, Feb. 6, S. P. Fratce. This date, however, must be merely that on which a xvritten lan. eopy of the speech was delivered. It was spoken on 'b. 5" ]an. 3x  Declaraton by Holland and Carleton, 2 CHARLES'S REL,4TiOçvS I/'fT[I FIdA;VCE. CH. as mediators to the utmost. The deputies plainly told them that they had agreed to the treaty ' because they Jan. 2 9 . acceptedby might now lawfully accept assistance from his the Huue- .  n.Jtsthrough MaJesty. When the ambassadors attended the expectations of Eglih Protestant church at Charenton on the following support. Sunday, they found themselves the objects of uni- versal enthusiasm. The preacher took for his text, " Hov beautiful are the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace." It was all very natural, but it was very dangerous. To thrust foreign mediation in the face of l.ouis was the very way to disgust him with the arrangement which had been ruade, and if Charles had been wise he would bave kept lais part in the treaty in the background. If the French Government were once engaged in earnest in the conflict with Spain, any renewal of persecution would be virtually impossible. In such a course Charles would have had every assistance from Richelieu. The treaty was signed on the aSth, and the i«hi Cardinal at once assured the mnbassadors that the ready to English ships would be speedilv restored, and that take up the - conftict his toaster would practically, if not in naine, join againt .pin. England in the war in Germany. On the z9th Holland and Carleton reported that the French ministers dealt wlth them more freely than they expected, 'for they bave hot denied those of the Religion an)" of their demands, so as all 1.arties are satisfied.' 1 On I:ebruary 5 the anabassadors were able to write of offers still more definite. Richelieu had assured them that his lnaster, besides carrying on the war in Italy, was ready to Definlte ç«æ ,a, create a diversion in favour of the King of Denmark by him. by sending into Germany an army nominally com- manded by some German prince, but in realitv supported jointly by France and England. In addition he would give tle aid already promised to the King of Denmark. An army maintained in this manner wuld hot cost Charles a third of  IIolland and Carleton to Conway, Jan. 27, 29 ; Declaration by Jan. 3 Holland and Carleton,  ; The state of Holland and Carlcton's nego- tiations Aug. (?), S. t'. France. 66 CHRLES'S ILL-.HU.I[OUR. 53 the expense of the force which he had proposed to send against Dunkirk, whilst it would be of far greater advantage to the COI1]ID-OU cause. 1 XVhether Charles, after his numerous failures, would have been able to persuade the House of Commons to grant the 'eb. « supply necessary for this or for any other enterprise, Satisfactory may well be doubted ; but it was at least in lais power prospect, to meet Parliament with the proposal of a definite joint action with France, which was the very object at which he had beeli so long driving. In a few days the English ships would have returned and the establishment of peace in France would have justified the policy upon which their loan had originally depended, whilst it might be taken for granted that when once England and France were actively co-operating in Germany, there would be no disposition on the part of the French Government to return to that system of annoyance of hich the Huguenots had previously complained, nor even to scrutinise very closely Charles's failure to observe the provisions of his marriage contract. Such, however, was hot the view which Charles took of the situation. On February 6, when the first news of the agree- eb. . ment had reached :England, Conway was directed to Dis,ati.fa¢- write ironically to the ambassadors that his Majesty tion of Charles. was confident that there must be in the treaty 'sollle excellent good warrants and reservations provided that are hot expressed.'  The next day Charles had an opportunity or F.b. . reading the treaty itself. " It seems," wrote Conway Je coin. again, "something strange that your Lordships had plains of the agreement, concluded the peace with so little surety for those ot the Religion, for aught appeared here ; but his Majesty is per- suaded--if vour Lordships have, as it seems, placed the con- fidence of ail those of the Religion and those of Rochelle upon him for the maintaining of their surety,--that you have some very good grounds that such underhand promises as may bave been lnade, which appear hot, shall be kept ; or that, now that the King is satisfied in point of honour, of his goodness he will  Holland and Carleton to Conway, Feb. 5, S..P. t;rance.  Conway to Holland and Carleton, Feb. 6, ibid. 54 CHAI?LES'S RELA TIOWS IVITH FRAArCE. CH. L. oresently withdraw ail his forces from Rochelle, and will al»point a certain rime when he will demolish the fort. His  Iajcstys pleasure is that you protest to that King and lais ministers that, under the hope and confidence of the "J'he .mUs- rcal and present performance of those things, you sadors to had employed your mediation, and had engaged the demanda recognition authority of lais Majesty to more and ahnost con- of Carles's mediation, strain Ihe dcputies to accept the peace upon these conditions. "And further, you are, by the advice of the deputies, to move for such conditions as may be for their surety, and so to carry that business betwixt that king and those of the Religion that, if his Majesty's honour lnust be pledged for the due observation of the treaty, his Majesty may be called and admittcd to that oce by that king and those of the Religion ; and that there may be some ground and possibility for such a surety to be in the power and possession of those of the Religion and those of Rochelle, in the strength of which they lnay subsist until such rime as they may make their grievances known to his Majesty, and for him to apply his mediation and set his endeavours on work. But in these things his Majesty can give you no exact limits, but must leave you to that restraint or latitude your Lordships' own wisdom will take in your own negotiation. But itis his Majesty's precise commandment that you demand the present restitution of his Majesty's ship, and of the merchants' ships ; and that in that point you adroit no delay, but take a delay as a denial." Charles, in short, blind to the fact that the force of circum- stances under Richelieu's guidance was working for him, would ch«s be content with nothing less than an open acknow- mistake, ledgment of his position as mediator between Louis and his subjects. A few more despatches such as that which had just been sent, would make even Richelieu powerless to preserve peace between France and England. On the i tth the news of the French offer of co-operation in Germany had reached England. Sir John Coke was directed to answer as follows : "Concerning the raising of a new English-French army, I626 CHARLE-S PROVOA'ES A QUARREL. 55 which strange overture you have kept afoot by undertaking to Veb.,i. procure an answer from hence,--that this may not Charles serve them for any pretence to colour their with- persists in treating th drawing of contribution ffoto the King of Demnark offer of ven«h co- and Mansfeld, you are to lay before them his Majesty's operation with cool- great charges both by sea and land, and the impossi- ne». bility of levying more armies of that kind ; and further directly to profess that if that ldng perform not what he hath promised for the support of those forces, his Majesty in like manner will presently hold his hand and einploy all lais lneans for the strengthening of his fleet, which he well knoweth to be the best supp»rt of lais own honour and state, ail the rest having a principal relation to his allieg And, since the diversion in Germany concerneth chiefly the security of France, against which the hnperial forces were evidently designed, if the King of Denmark had sat still ; you are to lnake them sensible of this interest and of his Majesty's resolution to bear that burthen no longer, if that king shall cast it off, or not contribute at least in an equal proportion." l On such terres a working alliance was impossible. A foreign Government was to find now, as domestic parties were to find .n lli,ee afterwards, that it was not enough to give way to imposs'[ble Charles in some things, unless it was prepared to on these co.nditions, give way to him in ail. What he asked was that a high-spirited and sensitive nation should first submit its domestic affairs to his arbitmtion, and should then enter upon a war precisely in such a manner and on such conditions as it pleased hm o prescribe. If knowledge of chamcter be worth anything, it is to Charles rather than to Buckingham that these unsatisfactory despatches are to be ascribed. Charles, too, had annoyances at home which may well bave served to put him in a bad temper during the days in which they were dictated. His dissatisfaction with his wife had reached a .crisis. Yarliament was opened on Feb- ruary 6, and arrangements had been ruade for the Queen to witness the procession from onê of the windows of the banquet- ing hall at Whitehall. Charles, however, always anxious to  Coke to Itolland and Carleton, Feb.  , S. 2 ° l"rance. 5 6 Ct-IARLES'S REZA TIO.'VS IlŒET.[[ FRA.VCE cH. LVL scparate her from her French attendants, and to bring her as 'eb. 6. nmch as possible in comnmnication with tk.e ladies of The Queen the Villiers family, expressed a wish that she should at the pro- cession of the take a seat in a balcony occupied by the old Countess opening of *',mia,,,«,lt. of Buckingham. The Queen assented, but when the time came she either saw or fancied she saw that it was raining, and asked to be e.xcused from going out into the street in the wet. Charles, on the other hand, insisted that it Altercation withher did not rain, but finding that his words produced husband, no in:pression, withdrew from the altercation. Dis- satisfied at lais rcbuff,--so at least the French accounts of the aflhir assert,--he betook himse]f to Buckingham. "How tan vou expect," said the favourite, "to be obeyed by your Parlia- ment if }ou cannot secure the obedience of your wife ?" Charles, ,_'onscious perhaps of his own inability to impress the Queen with suffiçient awe of his commands, sent Buckingham to t., 3" his powers upon ber. Buckingham rated her soundly for her dis- ,bedience, and as Blainville, who had perhaps objected origin- ally to ber showing herself in Lady 13uckingham's company, now advised submission, she took Buckingham's hand, and was led across the street to the house from hich his mother vaas to view the procession. Even this act of submission caused fresh umbrage to Charles. The Queen, it would seeln, would not obey him, but would obey the French anabassador. With some reminiscence, per- haps, of the 'Taming of the Shrew,' he sent orders to her to COllle down from the window at which she was now seated, and with these orders Henrietta Maria meekly complied. For three days Charles kept entirely aloof from his vife, waiting sulkily till she should corne to beg his pardon. At last, nl-reeing weary of his silence, she sought hiln out and asked b,,.ee in what she had offe_nded him. He expected ber, he. he answered, to acknowledge her error. She was unable, she said, to accuse herself of anything rong. Would he Vb. « not tell her what her fault had been ? The question A reconcilia- seemed to take him by surprise. After some hesi- io. ration he answered : "You told me that it rained when I said that it did not rmn. should never bave 626 DO3IESTIC MISUWDEESTAVDLVGS. 5? thought that to be an offence," she replied ; " but if }'ou think so, I will think so too." Pleased with sueh evidence of hulnility, Charles took his wife in his arlns, and kissed her. 1 The quarrel was over for the time. The Queen had pelhaps begun to open her eyes to the truth that with such a character as Charles's the outward appearalme of colnplete and unreason- ing obedience is the surest way to lnastery in the end. Unhappily this misunderstanding between man and wife became another element in the misunderstanding between two kingdolns. On the da)' after the offence was given, the courier who carried the despatch expressive of Charles's Feb. 7- Chr«s dissatisfaction with the Huguenot treatv, took with refuses to allow Blain- him a letter froln Charles to I,ouis himsclt] asking vil[e to for Blainville's recall, on the ground that he had appear at Court done everything n his power to bring about a lnis- understanding between hilnself and the Queen. At the same time he directed Conway to inforln the alnbassador that he would no longer be perlnitted to appear at Court. - Such were the conditions under which Charles met his second Parliament. A great French minister, alnidst unex- Cir«,- ampled difficulties, had steered the vessel of state on stan««s to the track along which it was hereafter to be borne under which Ch to victory on behalf of a noble cause. Iii spite of meets Par- liament, the hesitations of Louis and of the opposition of the clergy and of a large portion of the aristocracy, Richelieu had firmly planted the banner of lnonarchical France on the basis  AICoires ,le Tillières. It seems so unlikely that Charles should have quarrelled with Blainville on this point, that it is as well to give the words of the English narrative: " In the meantime a difference that fell out about the place for the Queen to sec the Kmg ride to Parliament (sbe affecting to stand in the Banqueting House, or in the Privy Gallery, whea the King had given reasons for ber bet:er.,ight in the bouse of the Countess, mothcr to the Duke of Buckingham, next the gate in King Street), was a suhject for some discontent, and so far as the Ambassador Blainville, seem- ing to his Majesty to bave been the causer ol it, had tne next day a lnessage brought hiln by the Lord Conway." Affair of Blainville, undated, S. /9. France. - Message sent to Blainville, Feb. 7. The King to Louis XIII.» Feb. 7, & t'. France. 8 CttAI?LES'S REZA TIONS [VITH FRAIYCE. of toleration. He had gained his point by unwearied patience, by yielding in details whilst never losing sight of his main object, by the appearance of being but the servant of his king, whilst in reality be was bending the king and France itself to his own ends. One thing he yet wanted, that the ruler whom fortune had placed upon the English throne should be capable of understanding his meaning. As long as Charles was King of England no such good fortune was likely to be his. 9 CttAPTER LVlI. I'HE LEADERSHIP OF SIR JOHN ELIOT IN THE SECOND PARLIAIMENT OF CHARLES I. FEW and unimportant were the words which Charles addressed to the Houses at the opening of the session. "I mean to Feb. 6. show," he said, in excuse for this brevity, " what I Openlngof should speak in actions." Nor did the new Lord ,hese»,o,,. Keeper, who followed, add much to the knowledge of his hearers. He had nothing to say about the pressing wants of the Exchequer, nothing about the position which the King had taken up nn the Continent ; and, but for a passing allusion, no one would have gatl-,ered from Coventry's language that England was at war with Spain, still less that she had entered upon a serious diplomatie contest with France. And yet money was sorelv needed. The Privy seals were coming in slowly, and eight weeks later they had produced less Wantof than 2S, oool. 1 The hopes which had been placed '°» upon Buckingham's attempt to raise money in thc Netherlends had proved still more fallacious. The Amsterdam merchants had refused to take the Crown jewels in pledge, un- less they could also have security for their redemption within a limited period.  When, on February IO, Rudyerd, the usual mouthpiece of the Government, rose to speak, he had still nothing to say about supply. He commended the King's zeal for Feb. ,o. Ryd' religion as evinced by his late proceedings against ot o. the Catholics, and moved for a committee to consider how to increase the livings of the poorer clergy, and how to * Breviates of the receipts of the Exchequer. " D, Carleton to Conway, Jan. 22, & _p. ]]olland. 60 FL[OT'S L2?ZDFRSttlP. ci-l. LVlI. deal with ministers who were leading imlnoral lives. The motion was adopted with an alnendment by Pym that the committee should be empowered to consider all lnatters re- lating to religion. Charles evidently intended to stand upon his Protestantisln. If he no longer protected the Roman Catholics, if he was ready to carry out practical reforms in the English Church, and if he was in close alliance with the States, ,vhy should not the Commons vote him large supplies to carry out so popular a policy. Why should they hot? Phelips was hot there, to say him nay ; nor Coke, nor Seymour, nor even Wentworth ; and Sir S,pb, Jchn Coke could therefore rise hopefully to hint some- ..g=«.t«d. thing about a grant of supply. 1 There was, however. one there who had been overlooked when the sheriffs had been Eliot's posl- pricked, and froln whom no opposition was expected, ,ioi,h« but who had something to say before a lnotion for las'- Parlia- ment. supply was carried. Eliot's last publicly spoken words at Oxford had been in defence of Buckingham's personal in- tegrity. = The refusal of the favourite to submit his actions to the judgment of independent councillors, and the contempt shown for the House of Colnlnons by the hasty dissolution, had since thrown hiln entirely on the side of the Opposition. Still Eliot was in no hurry to act. With a man of his wama and affectionate disposition the old personal ties which had bound him to Buckingham must still have counted for 65. r ,,,tc« lnuch. In the interval between the two Parliaments events, he had been anxiously watching the course of events. As Vice-Admiral of Devon he had special opportunities for noting the lniserable results of a policy which his head and his heart alike condemned. He had been present at the sailing  lIr. Forster (Sir . £liot, i. 284) says--" The nmv secretary there- upon reminding the House of his Majesty's hint as to rime, and that un- reasonable slowness lnight produce as ill effect as denial, Eliot promptly rose." This is, I suppose, from the l°orl £liol Noles, and must have re- ferred to supply. "-' The surprise at Eliot's turning against 13uckingham in this Parlia- ment, noticed by the Venetian A.mbassador, as quoted by Ranke, t?ngl. 6%'s,-h. il. lO3, is one more piece of evidence that he never uttered specch attributed to him in the Negolium tgosterorum. i6"2.  -ELIO T D1SSA TISFIED. 6 I of the fleet, and when it sought refuge in Plymouth Sound from its unlucky voyage, he had been wimess of the miseries to which those on board were doomed by a Govermnent which had launched them into the lnidst of the hazards of war without sufficient means to provide for their daily wants. He knew well how the poor wretches, torn from their bornes a few short months before, were wandering about tLe streets of Plymouth without food or money ; how they were denied shelter by the inhabitants ; and how, with nothing but their shirts on their backs to s, ard off the wintry cold, they were dropping clown dead in the long December nights.* Yet, whatever Eliot's thoughts lnay have been, there was no open breach between him and the lnen in authority at Court. »o,s.or At the end of December he appealed to Conway for breakwith the reducfion of an exorbitant demand marie upon the Gove»n- ,t. his father-in-law by a Privy seal, and the wrong was immediately redressed by a special resolution of the Council.  A little later he wrote to request Pembroke, the Lord Lieu- tenant of Cornwall, for a deputy-lieutenancy which was reported to be vacant, and his request would havebeen immediately granted but for the discovery that there had been no foundation for the reoort.  Plainly, therefore, there was no expectation of any opposition from Eliot ; and it is possible that if Charles had lnet Par- 66. liament in a different spirit--if he had ruade the l%b. ,o. slightest acknowledgment of error, and had courted Elim in the new Parlia- inquiry instead of lnerely asking for lnoney--Eliot's ,t. first words in the new House might have been other than they were. As it was, his whole soul was moved by that which was passing before his eyes. To the high-hearted, patriotic man it was bad enough that the failures of the past should bring no warnings for the future ; but it was still worse that  The Commissioners of" Plymouth to the Council, Jan. 4, .5: .p..Dom. gVlll. 7- " Council Vegistcr, Jan. 5- Eliot's letter to Coaway, Dec. 3 I, S. 29om. xii. 95, is printd by Mr. Forster, Sir  Eliot, i.  Eliot to his agent in London, Jan. I6, S. /'. "]Dom. xviii: 68. to , March (?), IVotes and O_uertes, 4th ser., x. 35. 62 ELIO T'S LEADERSIgZP. CI-l. I.Vm religion should be nade the stalking-horse for political objectN and that Parliament should be asked to legislate for the Church as an inducement tovards a grant of money. When Eliot stood up, therefore, it was to ask that inquiry into past disasters should precede present supply. The ac- counts of the expenditure of the subsidies voted in Eliot de- .,.i,- 624 must be laid fully belote the House. Then, quiry into the Cadiz rising with the occasion, and feeling that this would ,-oye, hOt be enough, "Sir," he cried, "I beseech you cast your eyes about! View the state we are in! Consider the loss we have received ! Weigh the wrecked and ruined honour of out nation ! 0 the incomparable hopes of our most excel- lent sovereign checked in their filSt design ! Search the pre- paration. Examine the going forth. Let your wisdoms travel through the whole action, to discern the fault, to know the faulty. For I presume to say, though no man undertook it, vou would final the ancient genius of this kingdom rise up to be the accuser. Is the reputation and glory of out nation of a small value? Are the walls and buhvarks of our kingdom of no esteem? Are the numberless lives of our lost men not to be regarded? I know it cannot so harbour in an English thought. Our honour is ruined, our ships are sunk, our men perished ;not by the sword, not bv the enemy, hot by chance, but, as the strongest predictions had discerned and made it apparent beforehand, by those we trust. Sir, I could lose my- self in this complaint, the miseries, the calamities which out Western parts have both seen, and still feel, strike so strong an apprehension on me." At this point, remembering doubtless that the special cir- cumstances which gave a right of inquiring into the expendi- aa i,to ture of the subsidies of 1624 did not convey a right ei of inquiry into the expenditure of any other monev, disastcrs. « Eliot paused for a moment, making, with the skill of a consummate orator, the half-retractation which he was about to utter an excuse for striking a yet harder blow. " Perchance, sir," he proceeded, "it will be said that this concerns us hot --that our money was long since spent in other actions. To prevent such objection I will make this answer, that I know 1626 ELIO T'S LEADERSttIP. nothing so preposterous  or good in those former actions that may extenuate, much less excuse, the faults of this. Upon both particulars, therefore, I will contract my motion ; this of the war account, and that of the King's estate." These questions--in short, inquiry into the past and provision for the future--should be discussed in special com- mittees. Till this had been done, nothing should be said about the King's supply. The common cause must have the precedence. In spite, therefore, of the relegation of the leaders of the Opposition to thcir respective shires, a voice had been raised to Weight of cesume the work which they had left unfinished. In- th«»pe«h, stinctively Eliot had taken up ground which was unasaflabe. There was no personal attackupon Buckingham. The Lord Admiral's naine had hOt even been mentioned. But there had been a plain assertion of the right of the Commons to ascertain by every means in their power whether the money for which they were asked would be used for the benefit of the country. No doubt such an inquiry contained within itself the germs of a lnighty revolution. The Commons had certainly hot been accustomed thus to pry into the secret actions of Henry \-iii. or Elizabeth ; but, even if they were as yet hardly fitted to occupy the place of sovereignty, it was hOt their fault that circumstances had changed, or that there was good reason for withdrawing from Charles I. the" confidence which their fathers had reposed in his predecessors. It is possible that Eliot may have been irritated to some cxtent by the sermon preached by Laud at the opening of the session. "Jerusalem," the Bishop of St. Davids had Feb. 6. La,:d's told his hearers, "is builded as a city that is com- serrliOIl, pact together." By unity alone could Church or State resist its foes. For the State the centre of unity was in the King. It was his to do judgment and justice, to appoint lna_-istrates and to protect the oppresse& It was the part the nation to surround him with loving reverence. "&nd ,ever fear him," he said of Charles, "for God is with him. He will not depart from God's service ; nor from the honourable care i i.e. 'so preferable or excellent.'  Forster, Sir r. lSlio¢, i. 2S 5. of his people ; nor from  wise managing of his treasure ; he will never undermine his own bouse, nor give his people just cause to be jcalous of a shaking foundation."  Those vho bave becn engaged in tracing out Charles's errors and failures will find it hard to understand how such words could be applied to him by any sane man. The Laud's devotionto difficulty, however, is hot a great one. Laud was Carles. an ecclesiastic, hot a statesman. He saw Çhartes's conscious wish to do right, and he took it for granted that his conduct was as prudent as his intentions were upright. Having every reason to doubt the fairness of the House of Commons towards the clergy of his own opinions, he thought that thcy wete equally unf:fir in their opposition concerning political matters. Laud had been grieved at the resolution which the King had takcn to withdraw his objection to the examination of Montague's opinions by the Commons, on the ground that he was one of the oyal chaplains. On January 6 four bishops, amongst whom were Andrewes and Laud, who had been asked to investigate the question, had reported that Montague's book was agreeable to thc doctrine of thc Church of England, and had recommeded Charles to prohibit all further controversy on the disputed points, s On the th and Tth of the Feb. Tbecon- following month « conference vas held at Bucking- ference about lotgue'» ham's house, in which I)r. Preston and Bishop Morton oo. did their best to impugn the doctrincs propounded in the incriminated books. Preston was a noted Puritan divine who had secured Buckingham's good-will, and had, in 1622, become Master of Emmanuel College in the University of Çambridge through his patron's influence. Buckingham had, however, for some time been pursuing courses which could hot be agreeable to Preston, who had spoken with dislike of his ndvocacy of the Frcnch marriage, and of the concessions ruade in consequence to the Çatiolics. Preston now discovered that Buckingham rented of having offered his bouse for the purpose of the conference, and drew the inference that he had i - for," as printed, but surely it should be « from."  Sermon III., Zaud's lorks, i. 6 3. s ¢eile, &ndrewes, &c. to Buckingham, Jan. 16, arl. ISS. 7ooo, fol. 193. 1626 A THEOLOGICAL DISPUTE. 65 placed himself in the hands of the Bishops, and was indifferent or hostile to the triumph of Gospel truth.I As far as it is possible to judge from the accounts which have reached us, the assailants failed to make their points good, as in insisting on a complete accordance with the formulas of the Church, they, in many cases, substituted their own inter. pretation for the obvious meaning of the formulas themselves, Yet, in spite of his controversial success, Montague was left to the judgment of Parliament. As might have been expected, the House of Commons pronounced strongly against him ; but the session was brought to an untimely end before the opinion of the Lords could be taken, and he therefore escaped punish- ment for a time. These Church questions would before long attract universal attention. At present the management of the war and the re- lations between England and the Continental powers were of more immediate interest. The four sub-committees of the Committee for Grievances were hard at work, and the one over Th« 'St. which Eliot presided was busily occupied in investi- P«t«r' of gating the case of the ' St. Peter' of Havre de Grace, Havre de Grac«o and in inquiring incidentally why Egland was on the verge of a war with France without any apparent reason. The real history of the estrangement between the two Courts was known to but very few. Probably no one except Bucking- haro and one or two of his confidants had ever heard of the despatches by which Charles had met with icy coldness the overtures of Richelieu, or were acquainted with the course of Feb. 8. the dispute about the French prizes ; but the re- Con»t«rna- seizure of the 'St. Peter' was a fact patent to ail. tion of the English The merchants trading with France were in terror merchants at itsre- lest reprisais should be made on the other side of seizur«, the Channel, and the Lord Admiral and the Privy Council were besieged with petitions for the release of the shipY  Ball's Lire of .P'eslon in Clarke's Gcneral Alartyrologj,. ' The sure and substance of the Conference.  Cosin's llSrks, il. I7. Buckingham • Fresided, and certainly showed great shrewdness and abilit.. "-' Petition of the merchants, Feb. 8, S. t . l)om." ..I. Act o[ Cuncil, Feb. x2, Council Tister. VOL. VI. F  ELIO T'S ZEzDEIOSHIP. CH. LV. When the ship had been seized, war with France had been imminent. As it was now known in England that the French civil war was at an end, and that the English vessels night soon be on their way home, Buckingham had no longer any interest in detaining the prize. He sent for Marten, and asked what he ought to do. Marten answered cautiously that Feb. 9- .rten the ship might be detained if there was fresh evidence «onste«. against ber, but that until he had seen the informa- tion on which Buckingham relied, he could not say whether it was sufiïcient or hOt. On the x5th the merchants' petitions were considered in the Council, and an order was given that, if the owners would enter into bonds to abide by the decision of the Court of Admiralty, the ship should be at once released.  Soon after this it was discovered that the evi- R eleae of ,h'St. dence alleged by Apsley was absolutely worthless, ]Jeter." and all further proceedings were tacitly withdrawn. This step, hovever, was taken too late. Even belote the news of the re-seizure of the 'St. Peter' had reached France, the owners of the prize goods which had been sold, being convinced that they had nothing to hope from English justice, had peti- tioned to their own courts for redress. On the 7th the Judge of the Admiralty at Paris gave permission to all who Feb, 7- R«»i.,s in had been wronged to seek redress by the seizure of 'rn¢« English property in France, and on the oth a similar Feb. o. order was issued by the Parliament of Rouenfl Through this thicket of confusion, Eliot and his committee did their best to cut their vay. Was it strange if they did not aiot', ¢o,. succeed in discovering the truth ? It was clear that i«'i«°'th there vas something behind of which they knew .,i,,to nothing. The second detention of the 'St. Peter' have been made for required an explanation which had hOt been vouch- Bucking- -«.vi,t« safed to them. How Eliot would have branded with ends. scorn the blunder of selling the prize goods if only he had become aware of the importance which it had in the eyes  Act of Council, Feb.  5, Council A'eoeisle: - List of proceedings about the ships, undated ; Sentence of the Par- hament of Rouen, Feb. -2° 5". /. Fratce. In the subsequent correspond- ente the seizure of he ' St. Petêr ' is searcely mentioned as complained of by the French. The sale of the prize goods is the soe lo?nt. 6_6 THE ".ST. P.ET.ER' OF HAVRE DE GRACE. 67 of the French, we can readily imagine ; but the seizure of the :St. Peter' was all that met his eye, and being in ignorance o the fact that England had been at the time on the brink of a war with France, he had to account for the mystery as best he might. What wonder if he fancied that the Duke had donc it all for his own advantage ? He knew that some of Buckingham's officers had had charge of valuable articles which had been on board the 'St. Peter,' and that those articles had not been restored. The inference seemed obvious that they had gone to swell the Duke's private fortune, and that, for the sake of his own personal enrichment, he was embroiling the kingdom in an uncalled-for war. Yet this was far from the truth. It was indeed an un- equal contest upon which Eliot had entered. So unwise was the alienation of that State which was ready to become the ally of England, that so truc a patriot could not but seek to probe the mystery to the bottom. The mystery could not be so probed. Charles and ]3uckinghaln had veiled their actions in secrecy as with a cloud. What Eliot learned had to be dragged from unwilling witnesses, themselves knowing but little, and anxious to tell as small a portion of that little as they could. When, therefore, Attorney-General Heath Match 6. qeath's appeared before the House to defend his patron, he ««-n«« had an easy task before him. He was able to assert that the ship had been seized by the King's directions, and from public motives. It is ' not now,' he said, 'a particular or personal cause, but a national controversy.' It is truc that he was not instr«cted to state what the grounds of that national controversy were ; but he was able to add, with perfect truth, that the seizure of the 'St. Peter' had nothing whatever to do with the embargo at Rouen. Heath's argument was successful with the Commons. 13y a small majority in a not very full House, they voted that the stay of the 'St. Peter' was hot a grievance. 1 Charles determined to strike while the iron was hot. On the very day on which Heath was pleading before the Commons,  Commons' ournals, i. 831. F B ]'LIO T'S LE.4DEISt-ZZP. cr. LVII. the Lords were asked to take into consideration the state of the realm. Already in a quiet way the Peers had given signs that they had no intention of being Buckinghaln's humble servants. Finding that the Duke held no less than thirteen veb. s. proxies, the independent Lords, after a debate in Or«,r,bout which ahnost every official member spoke on the 1,roxies in te no.,», of other side,  carried an order that for the future no Lords. peer should hold lnore than two proxies. Restlessness under Buckingham's supremacy did hot, however, as )'et ilnply readiness to reject a proposal brought to them with the authority of the Crown, and the House at once appointed a committee to take into consideration the question propounded on the King's behalf. The next morning the committee reported llarch 7- •  h, P«,. that it was advisable to set forth one fleet against ¢,,.ia«rh« Spain, and another for the defence of the English state of the '"- toast, and to lnaintain the armies of Mansfeld and the King of Denmark. - With this suggestion the Coin:rions were at once asked to compl.v. At the conference ]3uckingham prudently kept him- self in the background, and Pembroke and Abbot were put lorward to induce the Lower House to assent to the demands of the Government. After detailing the necessities of the fleet and of the Danish army, Pembroke held out hopes that a virtual alliance would be brought about with France.  In the evening an attempt was made to carry the opinion of the Comlnons by storm. A hopeful despatch had been received .'e ro, from the ambassadors at Paris. Edward Clarke, the v»«« confidential servant of the Duke, who, when Charles left Madrid, had been entrusted with the secret orders to ]3ristol for the postponement of the marriage ceremony, and who, in 6z 5, had been imprisoned by the Comlnons for the strong language which he had used in defence of his patron,  went about the streets spreading the news that all difficulties had been  tlsitg's 2Votes, 624-1626, 3.  Zords' our, mls, iii. 57, 519-  Speeches of Abbot and Pemlzroke, Ic.-1. 2,IS. TM. 4888, fol. 262.  See Vol. V., pp.  S, 4 5. I6"2_6 FRESII OVERTURES FRO.l[ Z.OU/S. 69 removed, and that there was no longer any danger of a dispute with the King of France.  It was not Richelieu's fault that a good understanding had not long ago been effected. Though the news of Blainville's v«b. 2,. exclusion from Court had been very unwelcome to regotlatio,,» Louis, no hard language had been used, and Charles's at Paris. objections to the French scheme of a joint army having been taken into consideration, a fresh offer was ruade that the King of France should confine himself to operations in Italy, whilst aiding Charles with money to carry on the war in Germany. On the commercial difficulty the French Govern- ment was equally conciliatory. Let the vessels seized Feb. 26. on both sides, they said, be mutually restored, and then let there be some friendly arrangement to prevent disputes for the future.  Charles's wisest course would undoubtedly have been to accept the offer. Unfortunately he was punctilious and keen arch» to mark offences in others. The sense of injury Charles caused in France by the sale of the prize goods he punctilious about th« did hOt understand ; and much less did it enter into French reprisais, his head that the strictness of the English law of prize might hOt commend itself to a neutral Government ; but he discovered that, in the commercial treaty agreed on by Louis and his father, it was stated that embargoes were hOt to be laid on either side without previous notice, and he therefore de- manded that France, by taking the first step in the restoration of vessels seized, should acknowledge herself to have been in the wrong. Even this was conceded to him, as Louis Conciliatory overtures in himself assured the ambassadors. " I will rely," he la,,c« said, "upon your promise, and in confidence thereof will ordain a present release ; but if in England what )'ou under- take be hot faithfully executed, and that such as . . . may be prescrit at the definitive sentence advertise me that my subjects' goods are detained froln them, the King my brother must hot t Blainville to Louis XIII., lIarch .L £'ing's «]ISS. 138 , p. 36.  Holland and Carleton to Coke, Feb. 2 ; Holland and Carleton to Cçe, Feb. 26, S..P. t:ram'e. 70 ELIO T'S LE/ID.ERSttlP. CtL LVI l. take it ill if I do the like." This offer Louis followed up by send- .',t.rch «. ing immediate directions to the Admiral at Rochelle, directing him to send home to England the English ships under his charge, and by proinising that the order for removing the embargo should be issued the next morning. 1 Such was the news which Clarke was spreading about the streets of London on the evening of March 7- Charles, how- ever, was in a temper which tried the friendliness of the French t;overnment to the utmost. In his anxiety to prove his Pro- testantism, he had inflicted a fresh blow upon Blainville which was hot likely to make his relations easier with the ambassador's inaster. Blainville's lodgings were in Durham House, one of the mansions which in those days stood between the Strand and the river. It was the house where Raleigh had lived in the days of lais splendour, and which was so extensive that the Bishop of Durham contented himself with occupying a small "rh«,,«,t portion. A large part was given over to the French »rh-- embassy. Blainville had his private chapel, and the ! i ouse. mass, when celebrated there, was attended by throngs of the Catholics of London. To this abuse, as he considered it to be, Charles was determined to put an end. He I nterference with the at- gave orders to the Council to see that it was no longer tendance of English tolerated, and on the morning ofSunday, February 6, Catholics. a strong body of constables vas posted at the gares, after mass had begun, with directions to .seize ail English sub- jects as thev came out. When the capture began it was impossible for the French gentlemen of the anabassador's suite to restrain their im- patience. Charging upon the constables sword in "1 umult whi«h hand, they rushed to the succour of their English tIl»kle», friends. In the scuffle which ensued two men were injured, and one was dragged into the courtyard and borne in trimnph before the window at which the anabassador was stand- ing. By this time the noise of the tuinult had attracted atten- tion outside, and the population of the neighbourhood hurried up to take part in the fray. Fortunately the Bishop of Durham * Holland and Carleton to Conway, Match 3, $, S, . France. 6.6 TU31ULT M T DURHM.II HOUSE. 71 arrived in time to part the combatants before further mischief was done. Blainville of course was furious. " I wish," he said to the Bishop, as soon as he caught sight of him, " that my followers Blainville's had killed the officers. The King my toaster will ang«r, require reason for that which has been done against the law of nations." 1 As a matter of law, Charles was plainly within his rights. His prudence in raising so irritating a question was not so certain. In the beginning of March, the very days in which matters were taking a favottrable turn at Paris. he contrived, probably unconsciously, again to give offence to the French Court. He had long regarded Arundel with suspicion. the last Parliament the Earl had been suspected of taking part k: the opposition against Buckingham, and, like Williams and Wentworth, he had no sympathy with the warlike ardour of the King and his chier adviser. At the opening of Match. Arundr the new Parliament, alone amongst the Prvy Coun- oppo»ition, cillors he had sided with the independent Peers the affair of the proxies, and it was not long before Charles round him interfering with lais wishes on a more personal question. Arundel's eldest son, Lord Maltravers, had f.llen in love with Elizabeth Stuart, sister of the young Duke of Lennox, and niece of the Lord Steward of James I. His affection was warmly reciprocated. Charles had other views, and claimed, as head of the lady's house, to dispose of her hand as he pleased. The Earl of Argyle, a professed Roman Catholic, had long been an exile from his native country, and had spent many years of his life in the military service of the King of Spain. His son and heir, Lord Lorne, who was one day to be Charles's bitterest enemy as the Covenanting Marquis of Argyle, was hot inclined to follow in his father's steps ; and Charles hoped that by marrying him into a family so closely connected with the Court as that of Lennox, he might acquire an influence over his future life. Whilst Charles was scheming, the loyers * A true relation, &c., S. P. Dont. xxi. 6 72 EZIOT'S ZEADERSItIP. cH. LVll were acting. Lady Arundel favoured her son's pretensions, and nlsso,,'s she was not a woman accustomed to be thwarted. marriage. A clandestine marriage was hurried on, and, when it was too late to interfere, Arundel was told by his wife that he had better be himself the person to carry the news to the King, as he might safely assert that he had known nothing of the plot before it was carried into execution.  Charles was at first not inclined to be very hard upon the Earl ; but Arundel, or someone anaongst his friends, thought March 4- it worth while to enlist the Queen's sympathy on his Arundel behalf. Either Charles was jealous of his wife's .equestered fro.n the interference, or he saw in it some fresh plot of the Council. detested ]31ainville. He at once ordered that Arun- de1 should no longer be admitted to the meetings of the Council ; and a fresh application from the Queen was followed hr«hs. by an order for his imprisonment in the Tower, Sent to the whilst the ladies who had favoured the marriage Tower. were detained in various places of confinement.  Charles's continued jealousy of the Queen did hot augur well for the chances of a better understanding with her brother. Charles. not Into the recesses of his councils indeed we have Bucking- haro, the no means of penetrating ; but the difficulties thrown difficultiesCaUse°fthe il'l the way of the French alliance, the personal withFrance, quarrel with Blainville, the punctilious hesitation about the release of the prizes, the demand to be recognised as a mediator between Louis and his subjects, ail bear un- mistakably the impress of Charles's quickness to take offence and reluctance to forger a real or fancied injury. Buckingham was more likely to snatch at the chance of bringing a French army into the field ; and the one glimpse which we have of him during these days shows him anxiously desiring permis- sion to go as ambassador to France, no doubt to cernent that  Meddus to Meade, March o, Cort and 2imes, i. 86. D'Ewes to Stuteville, Match, Iararl. z1SS. 383, fol. 26. " Council exister, Match 4, Arundel fo Lady Maltravers, Match 5, I]arl. 2tZSS. I58I , fol. 39o. Blainville to Louis XIII., Match 2 ; Blain- x7 ville to the Bishop of Mende, Match Y Aï.,£'s z]ISS. 138, pp. 36, I33.. i626 SU.ILIlOAS TO TH COUNCIL OF ll'.4R. 73 "riendly understanding which lais master was doing cvcrything to thwart.  Whatever the truth may have been, it would have been hafd to persuade the Commons that ]3uckingham was not wholly 1farch » at fault. Partly from motives of policy, still more lnquiry perhaps from traditional loyalty of disposition, the directed by th« Cor.- maxim that the King could do no wrong was deeply morts to the councilof imprinted on their hearts. If they had failed to ,var. extract the whole truth about the French prizes: they hoped to be more successful in extracting from the councl of war the advice which its members had given about the disposal of the subsidies voted in I64, wishing probably to know whether Mansfeld's disastrous expedition had received the approbation of competent military authorities.  The House was, however, destined to disappointment. Heath, having been consulted by the King, gave it as his r«.,th'» opinion that though, under the unusual provisions of opinion, the Act in question, the Commons wouid be justified in asking whether the counci[ of war had issued warrants for any expenditure not provided for in the Act, they would not be justified in asking what advice any individual councillor had given, or to require him in any way to inculpate a third party by asking whether the advice given had or had not been followed.  Holland to Buckingham, glarch x' S. P. France. e In the Eliot Notes the proceedings in committee are given usually without the speaker's name ; but the queslion of misemployment of the subsidies of 64 is continually recurring in a way which fully bears out my vicw that the complaint was that they had been employed in too extensive warfare. Thus, on Feb. 7, "That the council of war nmy first satisfy the House what cour e hath been taken about the four ends, and vhat money hath been expended about fortifying our coasts." On Feb. eS, a cause of the war is sad to be ' failing in the observation of the ratio [?] for the four ends in the statute o Ja.' On the oth of Match some one said 'that we gave our money for defence of out toasts.' "lhe questions on which the councillors of war were to be examined are, ' Whether they met according to the Act, and how often, and when ? What they advised and directed, and whether that advice were followed, or how hindered?' Uon the 7th of Match it was voted that' the misemploying of the money given zl Ja., and the not employing it to the four ends, &c.' a cause. 74 ELIO T'S LEADERSHIP. CH. LVII. The acts of the councillors, in short, were a fair suoject for in- vestigation, hot their opinions. The doctrine thus laid down is in out own day accepted by all parties in the State. it never occurs to the most inquisitive archT. member of Parliament to ask what advice has been Th«co,,- given in the privacy of the Cabinet. But if it has cillors refuse to r«ply, become possible to cover advice with a wise secrecy, it is because all those who act havê submitted to a complete responsibility to Parliament for their actions. It was not with- out reason that when the councillors answered in accordance with Heath's opinion, the Commons felt that the partial satis- faction offered to them was illusory. In fact, the special stipu- lations of the Act of i624 had been the beginning of a great change. It had recognised that certain special officials vere to be responsible to Parliament as well as to the Crown. It had, however, effected either too much or too little, and the Commons were naturally of opinion that it had erfected too little. If they calne to the conclusion that the money had bêen spent on im- proper objects, hov could they call to account the councillors, who might bave acted under pressure or misrepresentation, whilst Buckingham was placed beyond inquiry ? The first thought of the Colnmons was to persist in their original demand. They informed each councillor that two days Th« Cotn- would be granted him for consideration, and that he mo.p«,i.t, would then be called upon individually to reply to the questions put to him. So strong was the current of feeling, that the old Earl of Totnesswho, as Sir George Carew, had been Lord President of Munster in Elizabeth's days, and who was now March 9- t«r,««w one of the members of the council of war--thought between the g-,« that it was better that he and his fellows should bear Tot,«_.. the displeasure of the ConllllOnS than that the King's subsidies should be refused. "I beseech your Majesty," he said, "to regard your own ends. For it is better that we should surfer imprisoaanaent than be the occasion of missing necessary subsidies, or breed any difference between you and the House  Question and Ansver, Match 3 and 7 ; Heath's opinion, llarch» S. 1'. Ikm. xxii. I6, 7, I8, I9. 1626 t?ESISTANCE OF THE COUNCIL OF IVAR. 75 of Commons: for we cannot do you better service." It was well and bravely spoken ; but Charles saw plainly that his own authority was at stake. " Let them do what they list," he answered proudly. "You shall not go to the Tower. It is not you that they aim at, but it is me upon whom they make inquisition. And for subsidies, that will not hinder it. Gold may be bought too dear, and I thank you for your offer." 1 The council, therefore, returned much the saine answer as before, and the Commons, finding that no further information Match i. was tO be had, desisted from their inquiry.  Final an.wer As was usually the case, Charles was right on the ofthe council of,var, narrow technical view of the transaction. He was also right in perceiving that, if there wa to be a general in- quiry into the past, his own authority would surfer grievously. A complete revolution was implied in the demand made upon him. Yet, after all that had happened, after the disaster which had attended Mansfeld's army, and the failure which had attended the expedition to Cadiz, after the French alliance, of which he had boasted so loudly, was changing, for some mysterious reason, irato hardly-concealed hostility, was it reason- able to ask the Commons to entrust large sums to his wisdom and discretion, vithout that full and searching inquiry into the past, by which alone confidence once shaken could be re- stored ? This, however, was what Charles seriously proposed to do.  Account by Totness, March 9, S. /9. /)oto. xxii. 5I-  It laas laitlaerto been supposed that the King rested his objection simply on tlae impropriety of allowing tlae House to call his officers to ac- count. Charles, laowever, acknowledged the right of the Colnlnons to en- quire into tlae employment of tlae money. " His Majesty," so stands the form of answer finally agreed on, "bath given us leave to give an account of our warrants to tlae Treasurers for the disbursements of the subsidies given last in the time of his Royal Father, which is clearly warranted by tlae Act of Parliament. But concerning out counsels, and the following thereof, lais Majesty laath directly forbidden us to give any account, as being against his service to divulge those secrets, and expressly against out oath as councillors of wa." Form of answer settled, with alterations, in Coke's letter of March o, S. 29. /)oto. xxii. 57, 60. 76 E.LIOT'S LEADERSHIP. cH. I.vlt. The announcement ruade by Pembroke on the 7th, and the h«h,« rumours spread abroad by Clarke in the saine even- svpy«¢- ing had produced no effect. On the zoth Weston ,nand«d. delivered a message asking for an immcdiate supply for the necessities of State. The Commons were to vote :he money, and to ask no questions. 1 It was absolutely impossible that the Commons should accept the ignominious position thus assigned to them. Yet it Difficult was hard to say what course they were to follow. position of Since the old turbulent days when an adverse vote che Com- mo.,, in Parliament had been enforced by actual or pos- sible insurrection, ministerial responsibility had been a thing unheard of. The officers of the Crown under the Tudors were simply the agents of the sovereign, responsible for their conduct to hiln alone. It may be that the straightforward way would bave been the best in the end, and that a simple address assuring the awo«o» King that no money could be voted till he could «o,¢ ,h¢. inspire the House with confidence that it would be wisely expended, would bave placed the Colnmons in a position less logically assailable than any other. It was, however, certain that such a course would have given deep offence to Charles, and, on the other hand, a path was open which, strewed as it was with hidden dangers, appeared to offer a far more inviting prospect. When men's minds are in a state of tension, it often happens that the thought with which all are occupied rises to the lips of some lnsignificant person, less able than Clement Co' others to weigh the full import of his words. It was ,,.od». thus that when the supply proposed by Pembroke and Abbot  was being discussed, Coke's son Çlement, hitherto chiefly known for his quarrelsome disposition, flung out the taunt, "It is better to die by ail enemy than to surfer at home." .h.h,,. Now that the King was pressing his demand by Dr. Turner's Weston, Dr. Turner, a man otherwise of no note, qi, told the House that the cause of ail their grievances was 'that great man, the Duke of Buckingham.' Common  Message. Match o, I,'arL «ILS& 6, fol. 49. " See p. 68. [6-_6 DR TL'R.\'ER'S UERIES. 77 fame had supplied him with certain queries which called for an answer. Had the Duke guarded the seas against pirates? Had he not, by the appointment of unwoïthy officers, caused the failure of the expedition to Cadiz ? Had he not engrossed a large part of the Crown lands to hilnself, his friends, and lais relations? Had he not sold places of judicature and titles of honour? Was he hOt dangerous to the State, his mother and his father-in-law being recusants? Was it fit that he should, in his own person, enjoy so many great offices ? t It bas generally been supposed that the questions thus put had been placed in Turner's mouth by others. However this may have been, it marks a change of front on the part of the Opposition. If there were no recent precedents for in- quiring into the administrative acts of high ofticials, there were the precedents of Bacon and Middlesex for inquiring into their Pers,nal personal delinquencies. For solne days a multitude tt«k ,won of facts damaging to Buckinghaln had been dis- P, ucking- t--m. covered by the various committees, and it may bave seemed a more hopeful task to induce Charles to abandon a criminal of whose real character he had been ignorant, than to surrender a minister to whose policy he had given his constant approval. If any such calculation as this passed over the minds of the leading members, if, in short, the step which they were prepared to take was the fruit of anything more than an honest Match Charle.--k indignation against the man whom they had corne for justice. to regard as a criminal indeed, they had not taken into account the extent to which Charles had given, hOt merely his naine, but his cordial support, to Buckingham's proceedings. "l'he attack upon his friend roused him to indignation, and he sent to demand justice upon Coke and Turner. At the saine time the Commons took their stand against the King on Tonnag«anà another most important principle. They directed poundage, the King's Counsel in the House to bring in a Ton- nage and Poundage Bill within a week, unless they wished to  I have abbreviated the Report in Add. MSS. 2, 474, fol.  , which ,aoks more like words actually spoken than that given in Rushwotth. 78 ELIOT'S LFMlgF2ïSttIP. CH. LVlI. sec the farmers of the Customs called upon to explain by what authority those duties had been levied. 1 It would evidently not be easy to establish ministerial re- sponsibility. With a sovereign who does not pretend to govern Questio, o« or with a sovereign who is ready to make a scape- ministerial goat of an unpopular servant, it presents no difficulty. responsi- bility. Charles at the saine time claimed to rule the State and was too conscientious to throw over a minister whom he believed to have been unjustlyaccused. It needed to revo- lutions to make the doctrine current in England. ]3efore the Commons could succeed in making ministers responsible, they had to re-establish in fact, if not in theory, the responsi- bility of the Crown. Under Eliot's guidance the House did its best to assure the King of its loyalty to himself. Coke and Turner were Loyal ae- ordered to explain their words, and the King was c'arationsof assured that there was no wish to deprive him of the the Com- ,,,on». means necessary for carrying on a war. The wish of the Colnmons was to make him ' safe at home and feared abroad,' but they claimed a right to search out the causes of his wants, and to propose such remedies as they might think fitting3 The Commons had hot long to wait for an answer. Sum- moning them to Whitehall, Charles spoke his mind plainly. "Mr. Speaker," he said, "here is nmch rime spent in March 5- a'« Ki,g'» inquiring after grievances. I would have that last, ,,»w«. and more time bestowed in preventing and redressing them. I thank 3.ou all for your kind offer of supply in general, but I desire 3,ou to descend to particulars, and consider of vour time and measure.. For it concerneth yourselves, who are like first to feel it, if it be too short. " But SOlïe there are--I will hOt say all--that do make inquiry into the proceedings, hOt of any ordinary servant, but of one that is most near unto me. It hath been said, ' What shall be done to the man whom the King delighteth to honour ? '  Rushworth, i. 218 ; Add. )IISS. 22, 474, fol. I2. Commons' our. tals, i. 3 6. " ¢ushworth» i. 2 I6 I623 CttA RLES IWTER VEWES. 79 But now it is the labour of some to seek what may be done against the man whom the King thinks fit to be honoured. "In a former time, when he was an instrument to break the treaties, you held him worthy of all that was conferred upon him by my father. Since that time he hath done nothing but in prosecution of what was then resolved on, and hath e::gaged himself, his friends, and his estate for my service, and hath done his uttermost to set it forwards ; and yet )'ou question him. And for solne particulars wherewith he hath been pressed, however he hath ruade his answer, certain it is that I did command him to do 'hat he hath done therein. I would not have the House to question my servants, much less one that is so near me. And therefore I hope I shall find justice at your hands to punish such as shall offend in that kind." He hoped, Charles concluded by saying, they would do him right with respect to Coke as well as to Turner. To their just grievances he would always be ready to listen. That the whole administration was one great grievance Charles could not be brought to understand. Yet this was precisely the belief to which the House was rapidly March x?. Eliot's coming ; and now Eliot took the lêad in counselling «o.. that there should be no drawing back. " We have had a representation of great fear," he cried, "but I hope it shall hOt darken our understandings." = Coke might explain away his words: Turner, stricken with illness, perhaps the result of anxiety, might shrink back into the obscurity from which he had emerged for a moment ; a but the thought which they had expressed had become the common property of the House. During the following days the committees were busily at ' 1 quote the speech from a copy in Ada r. A/SS. 22,474, fol. 19, ahich again looks more like the words actually spoken than the form given by Rushworth. - Mr. Forster (Sir r. £1iot, i. 500) has happily restored this exclama- tion to its I roper place. a I cannot share the opinion of those who speak disparaging]y of Dr. 7I'urner's letter. It seems to me a manly and outspoken production. was afterwards one of the Straffordians, so that he can hardly bave been a thnid man. 8o ELIOT'S LEMDERSI-I'IP. cH. LVI. work accumulating fresh evidence against Buckingham. Charles Supp]yagain impatiently urged the ilmnediate consideration Gf aen,,naea, supply, and after the House had once morelistened to an explanation of the necessities of the Exchequer from Sir John Coke, 1 the 27th was fixed as the day for taking the subject into consideration. On the --,9th, Buckingham, if he wished, might lnake answer to the charges collecting against him. On the -"7th, after a persuasive speech from Rudyerd, Eliot rose. Commencing with a graceful allusion to the day, as the first anniversary of the King's accession, he threw March 2 7. Eliot's aside the argulnent which had been so often the speech, refuge of tilnid reasoners in the last Parliament, that the subject was unable to give. The only question, he justly argued, was whether the subject was willing to give. Yet how Foreig ,is- could men be willing when one miscarriage had fol- carri.e, lowed another, and when these disastrous enterprises ' were undertaken, if hot planned and ruade, by that great lord the Duke of Buckinghaln.' Nor were affairs at home much better. "What oppressions have been practised," the orator continued, "are too visible; omes,lç hot only oppressions of the subject, but oppressions oppressions, on the King. His treasures are exhausted, his re- venues are consulned, as well as the treasures and abilities of the subject ; and though lnany hands are exercised, and divers bave their gleanings, the harvest and great gathering cornes to one. For he it is that must protect the rest. His countenance draws all others to him as his tributaries ; and by that they are enforced hot only to pillage for themselves but for him, and to the full proportion of his avarice and ambition. This makes the abuse and injury the greater. This cannot but dishearten, this cannot but discourage, all lnen well affected, all men well disposed to the advancelnent and happiness of the King. Nor, without some reformation in these things, do I know what wills or what abilities men can bave to give a new supply." Yet it was not Eliot's intention to dissuade the House from  .4,hL ill.S'S. 22,474, fol. 5. ,626 t:-'LIOT'S ATTACK O2V BUCKIWGHA3L 8 granting supply. He had two precedents to quote. In the 'reCeaentS reign of Henry III., Hubert de Burgh, 'a favourite quoted, never to be paralleled but now having been the only minion both to the King then living and to his father which was dead,' had been removed from office, and supply, refused before, was at once granted. "The second precedent," he then said, "was in toth of Richard II.; and herein I shall desire you to observe the extraordinary likeness of some particulars. First, for the placing and displacing of great officers. Then, within the space of two years, the treasurer was changed twice, the chancellor thrice, and so of others ; so that great officers could hardly sit to be warmed in their pltces. Now you can ask yourselves how it is at present, and how many shifts, changes, and re-changes this kingdom can instance in like time to parallel with that. Secondly, as to moneys. I find that then there had been lnoneys previously granted and not accounted for; and you know that soit is yet with ils. Thirdly, there were nev aids required and urged by means of a declaration of the King's occasions and estate ; and this likewise, as we know, agrees with out condition. Yet then, because of these and other exceptions ruade against De la Pole, the Earl of Suffolk, the minion of that time, of whom it was said that he misadvised the King, misemployed his treasures, and intro- verted his revenues, the supply demanded was refused, until, upon the petition of the Commons, he was removed both from his offices and the Court." Then, after a bitter reference to the Crown 'jewels, the pride and glory of this kingdom,' now offered in vain to the merchants of Amsterdam, Eliot concluded by proposing that the resolution for the three subsidies and three fifteenths asked for by Rudyerd should be passed, but that it should hot be converted into a Bill till grievances had been redressed. The position thus pointed out was at once taken up by the House.  It was the misfortu.ne of the situation that unless Charles had been other than he was, he could not accept the hand thus • OL. VI,  Forster, Sir y. Eliot, i. 5  5. offered to him. Believing, and it may safely be added being Charl«s,ot justified in believing, that Buckingham's character was fo be ,on. hot that compound of avarice and self-seeking which had been described by Eliot, his apprehension was too dull to realise the full meaning of the late disasters, or to understand the state of mind into which they would throw a patriotic Englishman anxious to fathom the causes of his country's mis- fortunes. Evils, if they existed at ail, if they were hot the result of mere ill-luck or of the parsimony of former Parliaments, were tobe brought before his notice in a respectful and decorous fashion. It never occurred to him that, if Buckingham was well-intentioned, he might be vain, rash, and incapable, still less, that his own ability for governmett was no greater than that of lais minister. To such a man it would seem a plain duty to hold his own. He knew enough of history tobe aware that the fall of Hubert de Burgh had been followed by the insurrection of Simon de Montfort, and the fall of Michael de la Pole by the revolution which placed Henry IV. on the throne. He would take care to guard in another fashion the crown which he had received flore his father. That the crown itself was attacked he had no doubt whatever. The leaders of the Commons, he fancied, were taking advantage of the necessities of the position into which their advice had brought him, to raise themselves above the throne. With such thoughts in his mind, Charles summoned the Coin- morts into his presence on the 29th , the day on which Buckingham had been invited to give an account of his proceed- March 9- Co,«t,-y' ings to the House. As soon as they appeared they declaration. were addressed by Coventry. The King, said the Lord Keeper, would bave them to understand the difference between liberty of counsel and liberty of control. Not only had they refrained from censuring Coke and Turner, but they had fol- loved in the steps of the latter by founding their charges upon comrnon faine. In their attack upon Buckingham they had assailed the hcnour of the King and of his father, and thcy. had refused to trust him with the reformation of abuses. It was therefore his '_rajesty's express command that they should CHARLES "  GIN LVTER VEA'ES. 83 desist from this unparliamentary inquisition, and commit their real grievances to his wisdom and justice. Further, he was to say that the supply proposed was insufficient, and that the mode in which it had been offered was dishonouring to his llajesty. If they could hot give a better answer in three days, he could hOt promise that the session would continue longer. Charles had a few words of his own to add. "Now, that you have all things according to your wishes," he said, aftcr Addltlons by reminding his hearers that he had entered upon the theKing, war in compliance with their advice, "and that I ana so far engaged that you think there is no retreat, now you begin to set the dice, and make your own gaine ; but I pray you to be hOt deceived ; it is hot a Parliamentary way, nor it is hot a way to deal with a king. Mr. Coke told you it was bettc to be eaten up by a foreign enemy than to be destroyed at home. Indeed, I think it more honour for a king to be invaded and almost destroyed by a foreign enemy, than to be despised by his own subjects. Remember, that Paxliaments are altogether in my power for their calling, sitting, and dissolution ; there- fore, as I find the fruits of them good or evil, they are to continue, or hot to be." 1 Not so ! Precedent might be met by precedent, and the history of the Constitution might be ransacked for evidence w«a,n««s« that England had, atone time or another, been hispositlon, either almost a republic or almost an absolute monarchy ; but the right of control, as opposed to the mere right of giving counsel, was hot to be won or defended by such arguments as these. In the long run it would lie with those by whom it was best deserved. The Commons, moved as they were by grave necessity, stood firm. At Eliot's advice they resolved to draw up a re- iach3« monstrance to explain their position to the King.  Eliotpro- Before the resolution could take effect they were poses a re- monstrance, summoned to a conference to hear Buckingham explain away Charles's thrcat of immediate dissolution, and  larL ttist, ii. 5 6. : Forster, Sire. Elot, i. 5z9. G 2 l 4 ELIO T'S ZEADERSttIP. cH. announce that a committee was to be selected by the King from both Houses to consider the state of the finances. Buckingham did hOt stop here. With magnificent assurance he proceeded to draw a picture of his own actions in startling contrast with that which had been presented by uckingham vlndicates Eliot three days before. He told the House of the himself. eagerness with which, after his return from Spain, he had thrown himself into the business of the State, and of his un- ceasing efforts to carry out the warlike pohcy of Parliament, frus. trated, Mas ! by accident, or by the faults of others. Then, after an assurance from Conway that nothing of ail this had been done without counsel, he again rose to tell the true story Tells the ,ruth about of the ships which had been used against loctaelle, theships, revealing the secret that all the solemn orders and injunctions into which the Commons had been so laboriously inquiring were a mere farce. He had, he said, ' proceeded with art,' and had done his best to aven the surrender of the ships. If he had hOt succeeded in this, everything had turned out for the best for the Huguenots, ' for the King of France, thereby breaking his word, gave just occasion for my toaster to inter- cede a peace for them, which is obtained, and out ships are coming home.' After a few words from Pembroke, who added that at the rime when the ships were surrendered it was believed that they Effectofthis would be used against Genoa, the meeting came to revelation, an end.  Of the effect which this astounding revela- tion produced at the rime we bave no information ; but as the Commons never took the slightest notice of what they had heard, it may be concluded that they disbelieved the entire story. How indeed could they be assured that the man who openly boasted that he had cheated the King of France, April4. would hot, on some future occasion, take credit for Remon- having cheated them. At all events they returned strance of tb Co. to their own House, resolved to vindicate, in the re- '°" monstrance which they were preparkag, their claire to call in question the highest subjects who were found grievous to * Our knowledge of this conference bas hitherto ended with Conway's speech. But the whole can now be read in Ad4..IlISS. 22,474 , fo1.22 b-3! b. x66 .,4 COM«]IITTEE OF INQUIR  85 the commonwealth. On April 4 the Remonstrance was pre- sented to Charles, and at his request the Houses adjourned at once for the Eastcr recess, to give him rime to re-consider his position. When the Commons re-assembled on the  3th they found Æp,il s. that no flJrther obstacle was to be opposed to their Thé.y are proceedings. The King advised them to lay aside allowed to " go n. lese.er things for greater ; 1 but further than that he did hOt go. Charles's motives for this change of language are mere marrer of conjecture ; but, on the whole, it is most probable that ]3uckingham's speech in his own defence appeared to Probable motives of him tobe so entirely conclusive that he fancied that, Charles. unless he provoked the Commons by opposition, it could hot fail in having its fitting effect.  In these expectations, if he ever entertained them, Charles was speedily to be undeceived. On the Tth a sub-com- mittee met to discover the cause of causes, or, in Aprll x 7. Proceedings other words, to fix the grievances upon Buckingham, intheHottse, and on the 8th a Committee of the whole House was ordered to consider the evils, causes, and remedies. In order that this Committee might be freed from the fear of an impending war with France, Carleton, who had just re- turned from his embassy, was directed to give an April xS. Clet,,,«s account of the position of affairs. ]3esidcs telling *arrative. how the ' Vanguard' and its comrades would soon be back, and how the order for the release of the English ships and goods had been granted, he had to tell of the hope of co- operation with France upon the Continent. Ail now, he said, rested on his Majesty's answer to the French King's proposais, 'and the King resteth upon the Parliament.' Either, however, the Commons disbelieved Carleton's story,  Weston's message, Sloane rss. 7o, fol. 289. *- "And for his own particular, the Duke gave so pertinent answers to those things which were cast upon him for faults, as I conceive the greatest part and most indiflerent men went away well satisfied."--Conway to Wake, April 14, S. a u. k'«nice. tçb ELIO 1-'S LEADERSItlP. CH. LVII. or they considered it irrelevant to the point at issue. They went steadily on with the chargcs against the Duke, Persistence oftheCom- and they rei,lied to a fresh message demanding an morts, increase of the subsidies voted, unless they wished his Majesty to ' be driven to change his COtlnsels,' by a resolution that they would go on with the matter in hand fore- April mo. noon and afternoon, so as tobe able to take the King's wish into consideration on the 25th. By this time the charges against Buckingham were in so forward a state that it was necessary to clear the way for them 'ro«eedlnz by considering the objections which had been raised to ,,n common the ground upon which they were based. For many Came. weeks the whole band of courtiers had been sneer- ing at those who were attacking a minister upon mere common faine, as if the House had based its action upon rumour alone. One morning's debate sufficed to blow the fiction to the winds. Eliot and Pym were not the lnen to ask the House of Lords to accept the gossip of Paul's Walk as evidence against the meanest Englishman alive. The difficulty, such as it was, was of a purely technical character. In the cases of Bacon and Middlesex inquiry had been preceded by the pre- sentation of a petition from some person who felt himself aggrieved. The question was whether the House could in- stitute an inquiry when no private person had complained. In either case the real justification of the action taken would be the inquiry conducted by the House, and, in deciding that a petition was unnecessary, the Colllmons undoubtedly decided in accordance with the dictates of common sense. " Else," as Selden argued, "no great man shall, for fear of danger, be accused by any particular man." If Buckingham could hOt be called in question till some one out of the House was hardy enough to appear against him, his opponents within the House might have waited long enough.  When this point had once been settled, the charges May r. The charges were speedily voted, the one relating to the ' St.Pëter' ote« of Havre de Grace being replaced amongst them. In order to point out distinctly that no attack was intended t Commons' t,,urnals, i. 844-848. I626 FR1E'VDLY DISPOSITION OF LOUIS. 87 upon the King, the Commons passed a resolution for a Another sub- fourth subsidy, tobe included in the Bill which was sidyvoted, to be brought in as soon as grievances had been redressed. Whatever Buckingham's faults may have been, history can- hot, like the House of Commons, turn away its eyes from the faults of Charles. During these weeks in which he Charles and th«Fr«nch had been struggling to defend lais favourite, the alliance. French alliance, which he had risked so much to bring to pass, had been melting away before his eyes. There can be very little doubt that in the beginning of March, Louis as well as Richelieu, meant honestly to co-operate hr«h4. with England on the Contine.nt. The terlns of the The Frenç« peace were accepted at Rochelle, and orders were Government «avou.bt«to sent tO the King's commanders to withdraw their the Eglish lti« troops from before the walls ;1 but there was a large party at the French Court which viewed with grave displeasure a peace with the Huguenots and a war with Spain, and this party had a useful instrument in Du Fargis, the French ana- bassador at Madrid. Without instructions from his own Government, Du Fargis drew up, in concert with Olivares, the draft of a treaty putting Treatywlth an end to the disputes existing between the two Spainpre- monarchies. When it reached Paris the question pared by Du Fargis. whether this treaty should be adopted or not forlned the battle-field between Richelieu on the one side and the friends of the clergy on the other. French historians bave much to tell us of the strength of this clerical party, and of the hold which it gained upon the mind of the King. AIl this, however, was as true in January .Question of ,t«ç«pt- as it was in March. If this party did not prevent nc« Louis from signing the treaty with the Huguenots, why did it prevail upon him to sign the treaty with Spain ? The answer is hot very difficult to give. If Charles and Eng- land had been ready to support the French movement towards hostility with Spain, Du Fargis's treaty would surely have been Louis XIII. to Blainville, March --,4 [x'Ï«t,g's .'IISS. I38 , p. I283. 88 ELIOT'S I_.EADEISHIP. CH. LVL rejected ; but if Charles were lukewarm, or threatening to interfere on behalf of the King's Protestant subjects, then its acceptance would become an act of imperative necessity, not only for Louis, but even for Richelieu himself. No French Government could prudently engage in war in Italy or Ger- many, leaving the great seaport on the Atlantic coast to the chances of a hostile occupation by the King of England. AI1 through March and April Charles was doing his best to throw Louis into the arms of Spain. On March 7 Holland and Carleton announced that, in addition to the llarch 7. ChI«' orders despatched to restore the English ships and trtatntent oi e the Vr«,«l to withdraw the troops from Rochelle, a day was Govemment. fixed for the consideration of the best way of assisting ]Hansfeld and the King of Denmark, and that, in spite of the clamour of the French merchants, directions had been given for removing the embargo on English property. The English ambassadors, on thcir part, had ruade some excuse for the seizure of the 'St. Peter.' "But," they wrote, "for former pro- ceedings in ill-treatment of the Frenchmen which were taken in those prizes, in embezzling and selling their goods, in suffering them to lire in want and misery whilst their cause was in trial, in delay of justice after his Majesty had resolved of restitution of their goods at Hampton Court, we wish we had been better furnished with matter than we were to answer their complaints, which were ruade the cause of these reprisais, though not justi- fiable by the treaties." Yet, in spite of his just ground of com- plaint, Louis, though asking that Blainville should be admitted to a formal audience, offered to recall him, and to appoint another ambassador of a more conciliatory disposition) The next day the ambassadors wrote again. They had been unable to accept the removal of the embargo, because it was Mrch 8. granted on condition that they would engage that the Question of French prizes in England should be liberated within reciprocity irreleasing three weeks. Charles refused utterly to believe in godi«d, the sincerity of the French Government. Instead of giving his ambassadors orders to show signs of friendliness, he t Holland and Carleton to Coke, March 7, S. 1 . France. t6z6 TI-I FR2ïWCH OIçI?.TURES REïcECTED. lei them wthout instructions about the embargo or the assist- lar«hx ance offered to Denmark, expressed lais suspicion Charles's that the French meant to attack Rochelle, and finally uspicions. recalled them. On March z8 Holland and Carleton left ParisJ So plain was the folly of such conduct that even the obsequious Conway, for once in his life, raised an objection to the proceedings of his master. He perceived, he informed Buckingham, 'that, by the whole scope of the present estate of things, the French King hath no desire to fall in disorder with his Majesty, and that what had passed in Paris declared an intention rather to oppose the public enemy than to maintain the broils at home.'  For a time it seemed that Conway's advice would be taken. In the beginning of April, rive ships were released in England. Aprll xg. ]31ainville was received with ail ceremony at an audi- Blainville ence at which he was to take leave. The deputies of received at , au«ien«e. Rochelle, whose presence in England gave umbrage to Louis, were about to return home. 3 These bright hopes, however, were but of short continuance. There were fresh seizures of French vessels at sea, and the English goods were still detained in France till better news came from beyond the Channel. a A few seizures more or less might easily have been got over, if there had been any desire to remove the cause of the evil ; but Charles maintained steadily that his view of the law of prize was right, and that the French view was wrong. There was no effort ruade to corne to an understanding on this point, any more than any effort was ruade to come to an understanding about April 7. the German war. As the prospect of a close alliance Doubts«» with England faded away, the French Government tertained in lrc« « became the more reluctant to fulfil the hopes which the English ,*lliance. it had held out to the Huguenots when that alliance appeared to be attainable. One day the deputies from Rochelle * Holland and Carleton to Conway, March    Coke to Holland and Carleton, March I6, I7, ibid. * Conway to Buekingham, March, S. P. France. • Blainville to Louis XIII., March L9 kTng's «]ISS. 3 8, p. I4z9.  Louis to Conway, April 2z, 27 : S. P..France. 90 ELIO T:S LAADA'R3"HIt'. c i. LVI. were told that Fort Louis could not be demolished, at all events hOt till new fortifications were erected on the Isle of Rhé. They appealed to Charles for aid, and Charles at once replied that he was ready to support them in their lawful demands.l Even if there was to be no actual war with England, if there was to be nothing worse than coolness between the two Courts, it was a pressing necessity for Louis to make up his Aprll 3 o. 1"1 eac« « quarrel with Spain. On April 3o, Du Fargis's draft Bar,.lona. was converted into the Treaty of Barcelona. Riche- lieu gave a consent, doubtless unwillingly enough, but it was a consent which was under the circmnstances inevitable. To .ucceed in the policy which he had adopted, it was necessary that Charles should give toit his active support. As soon as it was beyond doubt that this support was not tobe given, Riche- lieu, as prompt to seize the conditions of action as Charles was dull, faced round for a rime, till he could pursue his own object again without the necessity ofasking for the good word ofso End of the unintelligent an ally. The alliance between England rte,ch and France was at an end. It was but too probable alliance. that a war between England and France would not be long in following.  Deputies of Rochelle in France to the Deputies in England, arch 9, April ;t, April  ; Instructions to Barrett, April 3o» $. . tranc¢. 9 t CHAPTEK LVIII. THE IMPEACHMENT OF THE I)UKE OF BUCKINGHAM. ALTHOUGH it was impossible that Parliament should have any rem knowledge of the course of the negotiations with France, it can have been no secret that the relations be- Ap.ril. D«ta,»« tween the two crowns were anything but satisfac- the negotia- tions w,th tory. It was a marrer of common conversation that France flot generally Blainville had for some weeks been refused admission kno,n, to Court, that English ships and goc.ds had been sequestered in France, and that French ships and goods were still being brought as prizes into English ports. There was enough in this to throw serious doubt on Carleton's assertion that the King was only waiting for Parliamentary supplies in order to join France in open war. If this had been the whole truth, why did not Charles give further information of the objects at which he was aiming, and of the means by which he expected to attain them ? Such general distrust of a Government is certain to vent itself in personal attacks upon those of whom it is composed. In the course of the past weeks the committees of the Coin- ruons had been busily bringing together all kinds of charges against Buckingham, thinking that here was to be round the explanation of that which was otherwise so inexplicable. The I-Iouse of Lords too, unluckily for Buckingham, had a grievance of its own. Charles had probably forgotten that by Case of the rt of sending Arundel to the Tower whilst Parliament 'as 1. sitting, he might be accused of violating the privileges ofthe Flouse of Lords ; but the Peers were hOt disposed to be 92  UClflArGtfA3I'S IM?EA CII3IENT. cH. LVIII. equally forgetful, and, after no long delay, they demanded an account of the absence of a member of their House Interference o«te «se from his place in Parliament. During the Easter re- of Lords. cess Arundel was allowed to exchange his cell in the Tower for confinement in one of his own houses. Agreeable as the change may have been to himself, it did hot affect the grievance of the Peers, and on April x 9 they drew up April "nei»remon- a remonstrance vindicating their right to demand the stranCeo presence of any member of their House who was not accused of treason, felony, or refusal to give security against breach of the peace. 1 At this juncture a fresh champion raised his voice on behalf of the privileges of Parliament, a champion whose co-operation was all the more valuable to the leaders of the Lower Brlstol a»earson House, because he could speak with official know- te »«« ledge of the actions which he denounced, and was not, as they had been, compelled to extract the truth from the mouths of unwilling witnesses. When Charles first ascended the throne he had missed the opportunity of putting an end gracefully to his long altercation with ]3ristol. He assured his father's late ambassador z6uS. May. that, though he was quite avare that he had not of- Ch,rl«»'» fended in any matter of honesty, he could not acquit message to Bristol. him of trusting too implicitly to the Spanish ministers. ]3ristol must therefore acknowledge his error if he wished to be received into favour, though the slightest acknowledgment would be sufficient. Slight as the acknowledgment required was, it was more than Bristol could give, unless he were first convinced that he had COlnmitted an error at ail. Vfhen once Charles's Bristol's con- finement overtures had been rejected, and Bristol's confine- continued. ment at Sherborne was maintained, a grievance had been established of which that cool and practised disputant was certain sooner or later to avail himself. For, loose as the xs Add. 21ISS. I7,677, L, a Joachimi to the States-General, April fol 84 b, Lords' ournals, iii. 558, 564, 566. 6" 5 (..'HARGLS BI-¢OUGtIT AGMINST BRISTOL. 93 notions on the nght of imprisonment by prerogative had been, it was difficult to argue that the King was justified in depriving a subject of his liberty on the simple ground that the subject thought that he had been right when the King thought he had been wrong. Even Charles seems to bave had the glimmering of a sus- picion that everything was hOt as it should be. He sent direc- tions to Bristol to abstain from presenting himself at Bristolror- his first Parliament, but he excused hilnself on the bidden to corne to ground that he had as )'et had no time to examine Parliament. the causes of his restraint. Months passed away, and there were no signs that the requisite leisure would ever be round. 13ristol quietly remained ,6,6. at Sherborne till the approaching coronation gave January. him an excuse for asking for liberty. He also re- Fie asks to be present at minded the King that the instructions which he had the Corona- tion. received commanded him to remain in the confine- ment in which he had been at James's death. As, however, his late master had ordered his liberation, it was hard to know what was precisely intended. Charles perhaps thought that Bristol was laughing at him, and flashed into anger. Forgetting that he had already pro- nounced the Earl to be guiltless of any real offence, he now accused him ofhaving attempted to pervert him from his religion when he was in Spain, and of having given his approval to the proposal that the Electoral Prince should be educated at Vienna. Violent as the King's letter was, it contained no intimation of any intention to bring 13ristol to trial. The incriminated I3rlstol man saw his advantage. In his reply he plainly nwetht showed it to be his opinion that, though he could he is ready foratrial, hot, as a subject, demand ffom his sovereign a trial as a right, the charges which had been brought against him v¢ere such as could only be fairly met in open court.t At any other rime Bristol would probably have been com- The whole correspondence is printed in the sixth volume of the Cam,ten 3Iiscellany. 2UCKIArGHA3I'S I.IIPEACHiIENT. CH. LVIII. pelled to remain quietly at Sherborne without hope of liberty. l'arliament, however, being again in session, the Earl, who, for tr«h 22. a second rime had received no writ of summons, He petl,lo. forced Charles's hand by petitioning the Lords to he Lord6 for his writ. mediate with the King that he might either be brought to trial or allowed his rights as a subject and a Peer. 1 Here at least Bristol was sure of a favourable hearing. The Peers had already expressed a strong opinion in Arundel's case March 3o. that the King had no r;ght to deprive their House "I*he Lords .of the services of any one of its members without support Bristol. bringing him to trial, and a committee to which Bristol's petition was referred reported that there was no instance on record in which a Peer capable of sitti,g in Parliament had been refused lais writ. The King, answered Buckingham, would grant the writ, but he had intimated to Bristol that he did not wish him to make use of it. So transparent a subter- luge was hot likely tobe acceptable to the Lords. Lord Saye and Sele, always ready to protest against arbitrary proceedings, moved that it should be entered in the Journal Book that, at the Earl's petition, his Majesty sent him the writ ;--and no more. Saye's proposal was at once adopted, and no trace of Charles's unluçky contrivance is to be round in the records of the House. * Bristol had another surprise in store for Charles. As soon as he received the writ from Coventry, with the accompanying 1errer informing him that he was hOt to use it, he April. P, rlstolcomes replied with inimitable irony that as the writ, being to Lo.ao-. under the King's great seal, took precedence of a mere ietter from the Lord Keeper, it was his duty to obey the Royal missive by coming to LondonP When Br,.'stol reached London he proceeded to lay his correspondence with Coventry belote the Peers. For two .,.p« . years, he added, he had been a prisoner simply Atta«'ks because ]3uckingham was afraid of him. l-le there- Bucking- hm. fore desired to be heard ' both in the point of his wrongs, and of the accusation of the said Duke.'  Lords' ournals, iii. 537.  Elsing's Notes, 624-1626, p. 135. s Earl of Bristol's I)efence: Ca»',.4en 3Iiscdlany, ri. Pref. xxxv. t626 BRISTOL AT THE LORDS' BAR. Charles and Buckingham seemed to be powerless in the hands of the terrible Earl. They had but one move left in a gaine in which their adversary had occupied all the April x 7. u.d positions of strength in advance. Though Charles by the King of high had emphatically declared that Bristol had committed treson. no actual offence, and had been guilty of nothing worse than an error of judgment, he was now compelled to accuse him of high treason, if he was hOt to allow him to take his seat triumphantly and to attack Buckingham from the very midst of the House of Lords. That House had suddenly risen to a position unexampled for many a long year. Its decision was awaited anxiously on Apr129. the gravest questions. It was called upon to do wsBristo justice on Bristol, on Buckingham, and, by ilnpli- to take his set cation, on the King himself. By this time too it was becoming evident that the sympathy of the House was hOt with Buckingham. There was a sharp debate on the question whether ]3ristol should be allowed to take his seat till his accu- sation had been read. The supporters of the Government were compelled to avoid an adverse decision by an adjourn- ment, and prevent further discussion by hurrying on the accu- sation. On May i, therefore, Bristol was brought to the bar, to listen to the allegations of the Attorney-General. 13efore Heath could open his mouth the prisoner appealed to the My,. House, urging that the object of the charge was merely to put him in the position of a person accused of treason, so as to invalidate his testimony against Buckinghaln. He called Pembroke to witness how, when he first returned from Spain, Buckingham had proposed to silence him by sending him to the Tower. Buckingham, he said, was now aiming at the saine object in another way. If there had ever been any intention of getting rid of Theeharges Bristol's charges upon technical ounds it could to proeeed hardly be pressed after this. It was finally decided imulta- ne.o.usly, that, though the Attorney-General was to bave the precedence, the two cases were to be considered as proceeding 96 BUCI¢INGtlAM'S IMPEACHilIENT. cH. LVIII. simultaneously, so as to allow ]3ristol to say what he liked without hindrance. Hitherto the contest had been very one-sided. In I3ristol's hands Charles and I3uckingham had been as novices contend- ing with a practised gladiator. In truth they had The charges aain.t but little to say. Many of Heath's charges related Brlstol. to mere advice given as a councillor, and those which went further would hardly bear the superstructure vhich was placed upon /hem. The attempt to change the Prince's religion of course figured in the list, as did also an elaborate argument that if Bristol had no/ advised the continuance of the marriage negotiations in spire of his knowledge that the Spaniards were no/ in earnest, Charles ould no/ have been obliged to go to Madrid to test the value of the anabassador's asseverations. Still more s/range was the accusation that Bristol, in expressing a doubt of the accuracy of t3uckingham's narrative in the Parliament of 624, had thrown suspicion upon a statement which the present King had affirmed to be /rue, and had thereby given ' his Majesty the lie.' Bristol's charges against Buckingham were then read. His main point was that Buckingham had plotted with Gondomar to carry the Prince into Spain in order to effect a Bristol's charges change in his religion, and that Porter, when he aainst nuci,g- went to Madrid in the end of 622, was cognisant of hm. this plot. When Buckingham was in Spain, he had absented himself from the English service in the ambassador's bouse, and had gone so far as to kneel in adoration of the Sacrament, in order 'to give the Spaniards a hope of the Prince's conversion.' Far worse conditions had been imposed by Spain after the Prince's visit than had been thought of before, and if England was now free from them it was because Buckingham's behaviour was so intolerable that the Spanish ministers refused to have anything further to do with him. Other charges of less importance followed, and then Bristol proceedcd to accuse Conway of acting as a mere tool of the man whom he was accustomed to style his most gracious patron. t Elsittg's No/es, 1624-i626 , p. I54- t6-'6 CHARGES AND COU.VTER-CHARGES. 97 Even if Buckingham, as was probaby the case, had been the dupe rather than the confederate of Gondomar, and if he C-e.e- had merely played with the Spaniards in their hope- ,,,.eenV«itol less design of converting the Prince, in order that and Buck- , ingham, b.e might gain his own ends the better, the weight of Bristol's charges against him tells far more heavdy than those which he was able to brins against Bristol. Not one of the latter can compare in gravity with that one of his own actions which is known beyond doubt to have actually taken place, namely, that he formed a plan with a foreign ambassador for «atrying the Prince to Spain, and that he concealed the design l-or nearly a whole g'ear from the reigning sovereign. No wonder that Buckingham and Buckingham's toaster had been anxious to avoid the terrible exposure. They were probably aware that Bristol had in his possession the letters which had been carried by Porter to Spain : and, though we have no means of knowing what those letters contained, there c,'in be iittle doubt that there was much in them which neither Charles nor Buckingham would wish to make public.  As soon as it was known that the Lords meant to go into the May z. tnterference evidence on both sides, Charles sent them a message bytheKing, that Bristoi's charges were merely recriminatory, and that he was himself able to bear witness to their untruth. Though Carlisle did big best to irritate the Peers against Bristoi by calling the attention of the House to the Earl's disrespect to their lordships in sending a copy of his charges to the Commons, they refused to notice an act in committing which tbe prisoner had evidently intended to secure for himself the publicity of which he fered tobe deprived.  The investigation therefore was left to take its course. On the 6th, in the midst of a defence conducted with May 6. Bristol's consummate ability, and in which Bristol pointed defence, out that whatever he might have said in Spain about the Prince's conversion was caused by Charles's deliberate ab-  In tne Sherborne MSS. are the intorrogatories which Bristol, in his subsequent trial in the Star Chamber, put to Porter, asking him ghether each of these letters, of which the first words were quoted, wa qenuine or hot. "- blsing's Notes, l':,24-1626, p. 163. VOL. V!. H 98 ,BUCICINGH,4xlI'S 1,11PEMCH31E]VT. cr. LVIIh stention from contradicting the rumours which were abroad of his intcnded change of religion, the accused Earl extracted from Pembroke an admission that he knew of Buckingham's l»roposal to send him to the Tower on his return from Spain. Such an admission, by showing how indifferent Buckingham bad been to the wishes of James, went far to strengthen the sus- picions which were generally entertained, that he was now no less indifferent t) the wishes of Charles. Every step of this great process was marked by some fresh lnterference of the King. He now sent to contest the right of ,ys. the I.ords to ailow Bristol the use of counsel, as Question of being contrary to the fundanmntl laws of the realm. allowing co,.«t. This and the preceding lnessage, in which Charles had tendered his personal evidence, were very coolly received by the Peers. The question of the propriety of admitting the King's evidence was referred to the Judges. The question of counsel was debated in the House. In the course of the dis- cussion one of the Peers mentioned that in 1624, when Charles himself was a member of the House, counsel had been allowed to persons accused before the Lords.' The discussion was at its height when fresh actors appeared upon the scene. A" deputation from the Commons, with 8uckingham Carleton, a most unwilling spokesman, at its head, impeached had corne to demand a conference that afternoon, by the Com- mo». with the intention of proceeding with the long- prepared impeachment of the Duke. In the afternoon, therefore, eight managers on behalf of the Commons, together with sixteen assistants, appeared to read and to explain the charges. To the surprise of many, though it was hot strictly in contravention of precedent, = Buck- ingham himself was present, taking up a position directly opposite to the managers, and even, it is said, expressing his contempt for them by laughing in their faces)  Elsina,', -ale,, 624-6z6, po 28. Charles afterwards argued that Middlesex, in whuse case the order was nmde, was not accused of high treason, whereas Bri»tol was.  The theory which seeme3 likely to prevail in Brlstol's case, was that the accused peson might keep his seat till his accusation had been read.  blcadç to Stuteville, M«y 3, Iz'[tïs, ser. x, iii. 66. I626 THE STl?UGGLE FOl? SOVIïl?EIGWTI: 99 The prol%o-ue was entrusted to Digges. " The laws of England," he said, after a preamble in which he attributed fo Proog,, by the Duke all the calamities which had befallen the igg. nation, "have taught us that kings cannot colnmand ill or unlawful things. And whatsoever ill events succeed, the executioners of such designs llUSt answer for theln." It has been said that no one rises so high as he who knows not whither he is going. Little did the Conllllons Importance ofhisd««la- think of ail that was implied in these words. By the ration, mouth of Digges they had grasp'ed at the sovereignty of England. By his constant personal interference Charles had shown that he knew better than the House of Conllllons how much l«go his own authority was at stake. They fancied that thepersonal Buckingham had been the author of everything that interference « Cha,». had been donc ; had taken advantage of the King's youth and docility ; had deceived him, misadvised him, even ptundered hiln, without his knowing anything about the matter. Charles knew that it was not so ; that he had hilnself been a party to all that had been donc, either by agreeing toit before- hand or by approving of it afterwards. As this was so, he would never abandon Buckingham to his adversaries. Everything, he assured the Houses again and again, had been done by him or with his consent. It was not his fault if the Conlnlons would not face the larger question of royal responsibility before en- tering upon the smaller question of ministerial responsibility. He at least was perfectly clear about royal responsibility. The king, he held, as Laud had taught him, was responsible to God alone. When the king had said that a thing had been well done, there was an end of the matter. The weakness of the position of the Commons was that they would hot look this assertion in the face. They lnaintained that by impeaching Buckinghaln they were strengthening the King's hands, where' they were in reality weakening them, and were making the King indirectly responsible, whilst they would be the first to deny that he was responsible at all. The Comlnons had need to take good care to say no more than they could prove. Yet how was this possible ? The records P, UCA'I1VGHA,]I'S LIIP.EACH, II.EA'T. CH. L'i'III. O.  Statc affairs were hOt accessible to them. No Blue Books were issued in those days to enlighten them on the l).fficultv of reaching-the words spoken and the policy supported by a minister. truth. Since Charles's accession the acts of Government had been veiled in deeper secrecy than ever before. If James Imd solnetilnes changed his mind, he had never failed to speak out the thought which ruled him for the time being. Charles said as little as possible, and no one was commissioned to say nauch on lais behalf. le. ldes the difficulty cf knowing what had really been done, the Cmnaons had ruade another difiïculty for themselves by their resolution to spare the King. Again and again, in the course of their investigations, they reached the point in which luckilaghaln'S acts ran into the acts of the King. In such a case silence was their only resource. They could not tell all they knew. The first charge was entrusted to Edward Herbert, one da), to be the Attorney-General who took part in the iml)eachlnent of the rive rnembers. He spoke of the danger to the The first day ,,r,a« i» State from the many offices held in one hand ; of peachment, the purchase of the Admiralty from Nottingham, and of the purchase of the Cinque Ports from Zouch. Selden had then to speak of the failure to guard the Narrow Seas, and of the detention of the ' St. Peter' of Havre de Grace. To Glan- ville was entrusted the tale of the money exacted from the East India Company, and of the ships lent to serve against the Protestants of Rochelle. Can it be wondered that Buckingham, conscious of his superior knowledge, should smile as he heard each story, told Critlcism only as these men were able to tell it ? Did he not ,  ,«. know that in paying money to Nottingham and Zouch t hargeSo he had only conformed to the general Custom ? Could the failure to guard the seas be judged irrespectively of the wisdoln of the other employnaent to which the ships had been destined in preference, or the exaction of money from the East India Company irrespective er the share which James had had in the transaction ? To corne to a true conclusion about the seizurê er the ' St. Peter,' or the loan of the shiçs for Rochelle, it was 1626 2:.ttE CASE AGALVST TttE DUKE. xoa necessary to know the whole truth about the relations between England and France ; and though the whole truth would have told even more against the Court than the charges brought by the Commons, Buckingham may perhaps be excused for think- ing more of the weakness of his opponents' case than of the weakness of his own. Still more had they missed the r, aark 111 charging him with the assulnption of many offices in his own person. The Mastership of the Horse was a mere domestic office in the King's household. There was a direct advantage to the State in the accumulation of the Admiralty and the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports in the hands of one person. The real grievance was not that Buckingham nominal ly hetd three offices, but that, although he was incompetent for the task, he virtually controlted the action of the occupants of ail other offices On May o the remainder of the charges were heard. This rime the Duke absented himself from the House. Sherland y,« declared that Buckingham had compelled Lord S«o,« y Robartes to buy a peerage against his witt. He had of the im- çeachment. also sold the Treasuretship to Manchester, and the Mastership of the Wards to Middtesex. Pym spoke effectivety of the honours dealt out to Buckingham's poor kindred, entailing upon the Crown the necessity of supporting them. Buckingham had himsetf received from the Crown tands producing a rental of more than 3,/., and ready money to the amount of upwards of 6o, oooL, to say nothing of valuable grants of other kiuds. What these grants were worth no man could discover ; for the accounts of the revenue were in such confusion that it was impossible to say how much had corne into the Duke's hauds by fictitious entries. One last charge remained, that of administer- ing medicine to the late King on his death-bed. Wentworth's friend, Wandesford, did hOt venture to allude to the rumours of poison, which were at that rime generatty credited ; but he justly characterised the act as one of' transcendent presumption.' That the facts thus disctosed deserved the most stringent investigation it is impossible to deny. On the other hand it vaust be remembered that the lavish grants of James to Bucking- haro and his kind,cd ,vere a reproach rather to the giver than BUCA'IA'GIffA2I'S LI[PEACttI[E2VT. CH. LVIII. to the receiver, and, further, that the looseness of the manner in which the accounts were kept, which bas been such as to baffle every serious investigator into the financial history of the rime, is susceptible of another explanation than that which was given by Pym. Nothing can be asserted positively, but there is every reason to believe that the real accounts, if they were ever to be recovered, would tell more in Buckingham's favour than against him. Sums were paid into his hands, there can be little doubt, which were used by him not for his personal objects, but for the service of the 5mte, or for purposes to which the King wished thcm to be applied. Reform, in short, was absolutely needed, a reform to which ,'«dof the expulsion of Buckingham from power would be «ro.,. the first step. Yet, with ail his faults, the Buck- inghaln of history is very different from the Buckingham of the s "Ihis seems to have been the case with the money received from Manchester and Cranfield (Middlesex). Robartes's money was paid to Buckingham, but it does not follow that it was not used for the fleet or some other public object. See Robartes's petition, Match {?} 1626, and the depositions of Robartes and Strode, S. l'. Dom. xxiii. 118, lxvii. 4o, i. Thus, too. in Pym's charge we have a statement that amongst moneys employed for his own use, the Duke had the 6o, ooo/., which were paid to Burlamachi on Oct. 7, 1625 (Lor, is' 7otrtta!s, iii. 614). The Declared Accounts, Audit O./h'«e (Agents for Special Services, roll 3, bundle 5), show us that 6o, oooL ,vas ordered to be paid to Burlamachi out of the Queen's portion money by a Privy .Sal of August 5, and that of this, 52,313 L 1Ss. were paid before Blichaelmas, 1625, and 6,3ool between lXlichaelmas and Easter, 1626. It also appears that Burlamachi was ' allowed for monies paid to the Duke of luckingham, and such as 1 e appointed to receive the saine for secret ser- vices, and by him issued, most part upon his warrants and the rest upon his verbal significations, as by .,evtral acquittances of those who received the saine may appear, the sure of _t8,689L 13s. ' lothing can be looset than this, but does it follow that the money was not employed l,y Bucking- ham upon the public service ? Prol ably this is the saine money as that mentioned in Buckingham's defe-ce ILords' ournals, iii. 666), as 58,85oL Of the sure there named, 26,cool is said fo have been spent on the Navy, and the rest by his lXlajesty's directions. Again, Buckingham stated that on the 15th and 2$th ofJanuary, he received of free gift 5o, ooo/. ; bnt it was for the fl2et, and that the ' Duke's name was only used for that his BIajest) was not willing to have that intention publicly discovered at that ttme.' This seems a ver)" probable explanation. 6"2.6 ELIO T'S S UM'I[IArG UP. 1o 3 mapeachment. Though it would go hard w'.'th him if he had to prove that he had any one qualification fitting him for the government of a great nation, he would bave no difficulty in showing that much which had been said by the Commons was exaggerated or untrue. It remained to sum up the different charges, and to ena- body the general feeling of the House in a few well-chosen Eliot sums words. To none could the task better be entrusted ',v- than to Eliot, who above ail others had urged on the preparation of the charges with unremitting zeal, and who believed, with all the energy of burning conviction, in the unutterable baseness of the man against whom he was leading the attack. The oratorical and imaginative temperament per- vaded the conclusions of Eliot's judgment. The half-measures and compromises of the world had no place in his mind. What was right in his eyes was entirely right ; what was wrong was utterly and irretrievably wrong. So too in his personal attach- lnents and hatreds. Those whom he believed to be serving their country truly he loved with an attachment proof against every trial. Those whom he beliêved to be doing disservice to their country he hated with an exceeding bitter hatred. Such a nature as Buckingham's, with its mi,ture of meanness and nobility, of consideration for self and forgetfulness of self, of empty vanity and real devotion, was a riddle beyond his power to read. In lais lofty ideal, in his high disdain for that which he regarded as worthless, in lais utter fearlessness and disre- gard of all selfish considerations, Eliot was the Milton, as Bacon had been ahnost the Shakspere, of politics. The doctrine that the King's command relieved the subject from responsibility found no favour ila Eliot's eyes. " My Elioton re- I,ords," he said, in speaking of the loan of the ships ponsibility. to serve against Roche!le, "I will say that if lais Majesty hinself were pleased to bave consented, or to have commanded, which I cannot believe, )'et this could no way sati»fy for the 1)uke, or lnake any extenuation of the charge ; for it was the duty of his place to have opposed it bv his prayers, and to have interceded with his Majesty to make known the dangers, the iii consequences, that might follow. io4 .BUCA'LVGHAAI'S IAIIOEACtL[ENT. CH. LVIII. And if this preailed not, should he have ended here? No; he should then have addressed himself to your lordships, your lordships sitting in council, and there have ruade it known, there have des[red your aids. Nor, if in this he sped not, should he bave rested without entering before you a pro- testation for hilnself, and that he was hOt consenting, q'his was the duty of his place; this has been the practice of his elders ; and this, being here neglected, leaves him without excuse." It was characteristic of Eliot to approach the subject from the inoral rather than the political side. It was nothing to hiln that he was lightly dashing into ruin the whole scaffolding upon which the Tudor monarchy had rested--the responsibility of ministers to the sovereign alone. He called upon every man to profess openly, in the eye of day, his personal conviction of right as the basis of action. With such a faith, whatever mistakes Eliot might COlnlnit in the imlnediate present, he had raised a standard for the future which could never be per- manently dragged in the dust. Not in fidelity to constitu- tional arrangelnents, not in obedience to the orders of a king or in obedience to the votes of a Parlialnent, lay the secret of political capacity. The ideal statesman was to be the man who had the open eye to discern his country's wants, the tongue to speak freely the counsel which his mind had conceived, and the heart and the resolution to surfer, if not to die, in the defence of lais belief. To such a man as Eliot the faults of Buckingham--his heed- lessness, his wanton prousion--must have seemed infinitely Attack ,,port mean, altogether meaner than they really were. Buck- B,,«kig- ingham's power, he said, was in itself a wonder; it hatn's power and weahh, needed a party to support it. To that end ' he raised and preferred to honours and commands those of his own alliance, the creatures of his kindred and affection, how inean soever.' Having thus got all power into his hands, he ' set upon the revenues of the Crown, interrupting, exhausting, and con- sulning that fountain of supply.' " What vast treasures," cried Eliot, "he has gotten ; what infinite sums of money, and what a mass of lands ! If your lordships please to calculate, you wilI I6_'6 ELIOT'S SU, ILIlLVG UP. 705 find it all amounting to little less than the whole of the subsidies hich the King hath had within that time. A lamentable example of the subjects' bounties so to be employed ! But s this all? No ; your lordships may not think it. These are but collections of a short view, used only as an epi- tome for the rest. There needs no search for it; it is too visible. His profuse expenses, his superfluous feasts, his mag nificent buildings, his riots, his excesses,--what are they but the visible evidences of an express exhausting of the State, a chronicle of the immensity of his waste of the revenues of the Crown ? No wonder, then, out King is now in want, this man abounding so. And as long as he abounds the King must still be wanting." Worse was still to corne. Eliot had to make reference to the administration of medicine to the late King, perhaps too Theadminis- in some covert way to the graver suspicions which t,tio « attached to that act even in the eyes of men who, like medicine to ms. Bristol, had little sympathy with mere popular rumour. "Not satisfied," Eliot continued, "with the wrongs of honour, with the prejudice of religion, with the abuse of State, with the misappropriation of revenues, his attempts go higher, even to the person of his sovereign. You have before you his making practice on that, in such a manner and with such effect as I fear to speak it, nay, I doubt and hesitate to think it. In which respect I shall leave it, as Cicero did the like, ne graz,ioribus ular z'erbis qt¢am nalura ferl, aM la'ioribus quam catsa poslMat. The examination with your lordships will show you what it is. I need hOt naine it. "In all these now your lordships have the idea of the man ; what in himself he is, and what in his affections. You have seen his power, and some, I fear, bave felt it. What hopes or ex- To,,.hom is pectations then he gives I leave it to your lordships. hetobe I will now only see, by comparison with others, mp«. where I may find him paralleled or likened ; and, so considering what may now become him, from thence render your lordships to a short conclusion. "Of ail the precedents I can find, none so near resembles him as doth Sejanus, and him Tacitus describes thus : that he Jo6 BUCA'INGHA.I['S LI[PEACIL[EA'T. cH. Lviit. was audax ; sui obtegens, in alios criminator ; juxtct adulatia et superbia. If your lordships please to measure him by this, P,,-,m« ,ith pray see in what they vary. He is bold. We have sj-nus, had experience lately ; and such a boldness I dare be bold to say as is seldom heard of. He is secret in his pur- poses, and more; that we bave showed already. Is he a slanderer? Is he an accuser ? I wish this Parliament had not felt it, nor that which was before. And for his pride and flattery, what man can judge the greater ? Thus far, I think, the parallel holds. But now, I beseech your lordships, look a little further. Of Sejanus it is likewise noted anaongst hiz policies, alnongst his arts, that, to support himself, he did dientes suos honoribus aut irovincii« ornare. He preferred his clients to second, to assist him. And does this man do the like? Is it hot, and in the saine terres, a special cause in our complaint now? Does hOt this kingdom, does hOt Scotland, does hOt Ireland speak it ? I will observe one thing more, and end. It is a note upon the pride of Sejanus, upon his high anabition, which your lordships will find set down by Tacitus. His solecisms, his neglect of counsels, his veneries, his venefices; these I will hOt mention here: t only that particular of his pride, which thus I find. In his public passages ty« and relations he would so mix his business with the prince's, seeming to confound their actions, that he was often styled laborttm imera[oris socitts. And does not this man do the like? Is it hOt in his whole practice? How often, how lately have we heard it ? Did he hOt, in this saine place, in this very Parliament, under colour of an explanation for the King, belote the committees of both Houses, do the saine? Have hot your lordsbips heard him aiso ever mixing and confusing the King and the State, hOt leaving a distinction between them ? It is too, too lnanifest. " My Lords, I bave done. ¥ou see the man. What have been his actions, wholn he is like, you know. I leave him to your judgments." t ,' Such expressions," Mr. Forster observes, "could hot of course bave been directly applied to Buckingham. They are insinuated only through Sejanus." I66 I?ZIOT'S SU21[21IIArG UP. o7 Eliot had one other parallel to draw. "And now, my Lords," he said, "I will conclude with a particular censure Co,,prison gxven On the Bishop of Ely in the time of Richard I. with the That prelate had the King's treasures at his command, Bishop of Jy. and had luxuriously abused them. His obscure kindred were married to earls, barons, and others of great rank and place. No man's business could be done without his help. He vould not surfer the King's council to advise in the highest affairs of State. He gave igno¢is personis e¢ obscuris the custody of castles and great trusts. He ascended to such a height of insolence and pride that he ceased to be fit for cha- racters of mercy. And therefore, says the record of which I now hold the original, .per lotam bzsuhm tublice proclame¢ur, 29«real qui terdere cuncla feslinal ; orimatu» ne otaries o??rimat."  Such was the terrible invective, glowing with tbe tire of inmost conviction, and strong with the roused indignation of an angry people collected into one burning focus, How far was thisportrait which poured that day from the lips of the great true  orator. Much, if not all, that he said went true to the mark. The vanity and self-confidence of the man, the assumption of ahnost regal dignity, the immense wealth heaped up when the royal exchequer was drained of its last resources, were depicted with unerring accuracy. And yet the portrait, as a whole, was untrue to nature. It was false hat Buckingham was a Sejanus. It was false that he had been gui!ty of sordid bribery. It was false that he had used thc powers of govern- ment in his own hands simply for his own private ends, and not for that which for the timc he believed to be the best interest of the State. If this is now plain to anyone who will carefully and dispassionately study the records of Buckingham's misdeeds, Anger of what must have been the effect of the speech upon Cr«s. Charles, who believed as implicitly in the wisdom as in the innocence of his minister, and who felt that he was him- .elf attacked through Buckingham. "If the Duke is Sejanus"  Forste- Sir  Eliot, i. 324-33 o. ,o8 UCKIA'GH.43I'S I3IPEACH.IIENT. CH. LVI he is reported to have said, "I must be Tibenus." The next y ,,. da)', in a speech prepared for him by Laud, ne tried '. Ki,,g'» tO et,list the sympathies of the Peers in his favour. speech to the Lords. In the attack upon Buckingham, he told them, their honour had been wounded. He had himself taken order for the punishment of the offenders. If he had hot donc so before, it was because Buckingham had begged that the impeachment might proceed, in order that his innocency might be shown. Of his innocency thcre could be no doubt whatever, 'for, as touching the occasions against him,' he could himself 'be a witness to clear him of every one of them.' It was only in words that Charles attempted to conciliate the l'eers. Two days before they had petitioned for 'a gracious Hi» answer present answer' to their request for the liberation of =,ot Arufidel. At these words he had taken tire. " I did a, little look," he replied, " for such a message from the ttouse, and did never kn w such a message sent from the one House to the other, q'herefore, when I receivea message fit to corne from you to your sovereign, you shall receive an answer." Before a reply could be given by the House, Sir Nathaniel Rich appeared, on bchalf of the Commons, to ask that/3ucking- The haln might be put under restraint during the im- Co,nmo, peachmcnt, a request with which the Lords refused demand Bucking- for the present to comply, on the ground that the ham's im- prisonment, charges against him had not )'et been formally re- porte& But this concession to the Court, if concession it was, was more than counterbalanced by the reply returned to the The Lords" King's message. As soon as it was understood that replyabout Charles's special ohjection was to the delnand of a Arundel. 'present answer,' 5aye and Scie proposed that it should be explained to him that the word 'present' only meant 'speedy.' Manchester, catching at the suggestion, moved that the petition might be anaended so as to ask for 'a gracious speedy answer.' " Leave out the word 'speedy' also," cried I D'Ewes gives the words ([arl. «ILS& 383, fol. 32) apparently as part of the King's speech which follows in the text. But, though this seems to be incorrect, Charles may very likely have ued the words in private. /626 MI3IPERS LIlPRISO2VED. fo 9 Buck.ingham. Yes, was the reply, but leave out the word 'gracious' too. The House accordingly voted that they would merely ask for ' your Majesty's answer.'  It was but a little thing in itself, but it indicated plainly the temper into which the Lords had been brought. The claire of the King to imprison members during the session, maintained as yet in the face of the Lords, was to receive a more daring application in the face of the 1 Inprion- ment of Eiot Commons. When Rich returned after delivering andDigges, his message, he round the Lower House in great commotion. It was discovered that neither Eliot nor.Digges were in their places, and on inquiry it appeared that they had been sent for to the door, and had been hurried off to the Tower. Shouts of Rise ! Rise ! sounded on ail sides. In vain Pym, hot yet aware of the true state of the case,  did his best to quiet the tumult. The House broke up in discontent. In the afternoon an informal assembly gathered in Westminster Hall, and ser.;ous words were interchanged on this unexpected attack upon the liberties of Parliament. The next morning, when the Speaker rose, as usual, at the commencement of business, he was at once interrupted. "Sit . ,. down ! " was the ,eneral cry. "No business till we Carleton defends the are righted in our liberties." Carleton attempted to King. defend his master's conduct. He had much to sav of the tartness of Eliot's language. But the main offence, both of Digges and Eliot, was that they had pressed ' the death of his late Majesty, whereas the House had only charged the Duke vith presumption.' Eliot had hinted that more had takcn place than he dared to speak of. Digges had even suggested that the present King had had a hand in his father's murder. In speaking of the plaister given to James, he had added, ' that he would therein spare the honour of the King.' It was for the House to consider whether they had authorised such a  Elsing's Notes. * Which shouts 'Mr. Pym, hot well understanding, stood up,' &c. Meade to Stuteville, Iay 3, ItarL «]ISS. 39o, fol. 57- This seems more likely than that Pym should bave objected, if he had known what happened. lto BUCKINGHA,1I'S I3IPEACtIrE¢VT. CH. LVIIL charge as this. The two members, in short, were punished as having gone beyond the directions of the House. Carleton had something yet more startling to add. "I beseech you, gentlemen, he said, "more hOt his Majesty with ttenching upon his prerogatives, lest you bring him out of love with Parlian,ents. In his message he bath told you that if there were hOt correspondency between him and you, he should be enforced to use new counsels. Now I pray you to consider what these new counsels are, and may be. I fear to declare those that I conceive. In all Christian kingdoms you know that Parliaments were in use anciently, until the monarchs began to know their own strength ; and, seeing the turbulent spirit of their Parliaments, at length they, bv little and litde, began to stand upon their prerogatives, and at last overthrew the Parliaments throughout Christendom, except here only with us." Then he went on to speak of the scenes which he had lately witnessed in France, of the peasants looking like ghosts rather than men, of their scanty covering and wooden shoes, as well as of the heavy taxation imposed "cpon them. "This," he ended by saying, " is a misery beyond expression, and that which yet we are free from."  With great difficulty the Commons were restrained from calling Carleton to the bar. The danger with which they had been threatened was, in their opinion, best met by a Answer of ,h. Co,- firm pursuance of the course which they had already "°"" chosen. On the one hand they ordered a protest :o be signed by every member disclaiming 11 part in the imputa- tion upon the King in relation to his father's death, which had been attributed to Digges. On the other hand they prepared a vindication of their own liberties to be laid before Charles.  Carleton's speech had neither marie nor deserved to make the slightest impression ; but it was not, as it is usually repre- t Though no country is named, I have no doubt that his last visit to France was intended. Such scenes were hot to be witnessed amongst Dutch or Venetian peasants. J3esides, the subsequent words about men taxed to the King, show what Carleton was thinking of. " Rushwo."th, i. 6o. t6z6 6PPOSITION IN THE LORDS. t  t ented, either ridiculous or illogical. If it had been possible to grant his prelnisses, and to allow that the Com- Remarks on Carl«to,'s morts were factiously taking advantage of the danger we«h. of their country to advance their own position in the State, Carleton's warnings lnight wcll bave been listened to with respect, in their substance, if hot in their form. There is no law of nature to save Parlip.ments any more than kings, when they forger the interests of the nation which they are appointed to protect. If Carleton and his lnaster were in the wrong, it was because whatever lnistakes the Commons might have committed, the interests of the nation were safr in their hands than in those of the King. If Charles erred in lais general view of the case, it soon appeared that he was no less wrong in his knowledge of the particular circulnstances. As soon as the report May tS- The Lords of the proceedings at the Coiference was read in the question Digges's Upper House it was seen that, if that report could be words, trusted, Digges had said something different from that which was alleged against him. Buckingham, however, was hot satisfied. With a warmth which may easily be excused in a man against whom a charge of having poisoned his bene- factor had been brought, he protested his own innocence, and then expressed an opinion that the report was hot altogether correct. Manchester, by whom that portion of the report had been drawn up, admitted that, as his notes had been rapidly taken, he had afterwards consulted Digges on their accuracy, and that Digges had 'mollified' the wording. According to the notes, Diggcs had said that he wished 'not to reflect upon the person either of the dead or of the prescnt King.' That is to say, cried Buckingham, 'on the dead King touching point of governme.nt ; upon this King touching the physic.' A protest was at once raised by North and Devonshire. "This," added Saye, "may tre.nch on ail out loyalties." Each Peer, it was then suggested, should be called upon to declarc whcther he had heard anything' that might be interpreted treason.' In spite of an interruption from Buckingham, that he wanted Digges's words, hot his meaning, Saye rose and protested that Digges had hot spoken the words alleged, nor did he con- i;UCA'IA'GH.431'S LllPE.4CH.]lEN72. CH. LVIII. cetve that he had the intention ascribed to him. The grea! majority of the Peers followed Saye's example. A few only, on various grounds, refiased to make the declaration. In the end, thirty-six Peers, Buckingham's brother-in-law Denbigh anmngst them, signed a protest that Digges had said nothing contrary to the King's honour. Before they parted, the Peers took another step in opposi- tion. They replied to the King's message urging that to allow Bristol the use of counsel was contrary to the funda- 2,testion nf «o,n«elf« mental laws of the realm, by respectfully assuring Bristol. hiln that he was altogether mistaken. On the other question of the King's right to tender evidence against a sub- ject, which had been rcferred to the judges, Charles ]lay I 3. himself had already seen fit to waive his pretensions for the present. He had directed the judges to give no reso. hltion on that point, 'not knowing how dangerous it may be for the future.'  After what had passed in the Lords, it was ilnpossible to keep Digges any longer in the Tower, and the next morning he tyx6. reappeared in his usual place. Charles could not lfigges be so easily induced to relax his hold upon Eliot, ««d. the guiding spirit of the attack upon his government. If he should plead the precedents of Elizabeth's reign, he would none the less find in the Commons the same Nesv ground tïken in bitter opposition which his treatment ofArundel had l-.liot'scase, raised in the Lords. It seemed to him better to evade the difficulty ; and, dropping the original complaint, he ordered Weston to acquaint the Commons that Eliot was charged ' with things extrajudicial to the House.' Weston, who was May w«to,' ex- directed by the Colllmons to inquire what was the planations, meaning of the word 'extrajudicial,' informed them that Eliot's crilnes had been committed out of the House. It was not likely that the Commons would be beguiled by so transparent a subterfuge. The feeling of the House was unmistakeable. In vain Carleton urged that they should clear Eliot of ail that he had done as a memher, and ask the King to  Elsinfs Notes. 1624-I626, p. I93 ; Lor, ta' ournals, iii. 627. t626 EZIOT'S RELEASE. I I  release him out of favour to themselves. It was the very thing which they absolutely refused to do. They were well aware that a member might have done things which no Parliamentary privilege could cover. He might bave committed high treason, or highway robbery ; but they wished to bave an opportunity of judging for themselves whether anything so unlikely had "rhe Coin- really happened. When, therefore, Carleton, pushed pê°nndStïêir to the wall, entreated them to give his Majesty time sittings, to prove his accusation, they at once complied with his request and suspended their sittings till the i9th. It is hardly likely that anyone present took Charles's explanations seriously. "The " " Kmg, wrote one of the members to a friend, in speaking of Eliot's imprisonment, "bath sent hiln to the Tower for some words spoken in Parliament, but we are all resolved to bave him out again, or will proceed to no busi- ness." 1 Charles, in fact, had still to discover the charges upon which he had elected to take his stand. That Eliot had been ay8. instigat«d by Blainville to prefer the complaints r'esh relating to the ' St. Peter' was too probable a solution charges aga,nst of ail that had passed not to present itself to him; Eliot. but it was a long step from mere suspicion to actual evidence. In vain Eliot's study was searched for proof. Ira vain Eliot was himself subjected to an examination. Not one scrap of evidence was producible to show that the slightest intercourse between him and the ambassador had ever taken place. Charles had forgotten that the very imperfect manner in which that part of the charge against Buckingham had been produced was in itself the strongest evidence that the French ambassador had not been consulted. With Blainville's assist- ance Eliot would have drawn up a far more telling case than he had succeeded in doing. There was therefore nothing for it but to set Iay x9. Eliot Eliot at liberty. When the Commons re-assemble:l rc.seà, they were informed by Carleton that his imprisomnent ras at an end. The House, however, was not to be so easily VOL. VI. t Forster, Sir . Eliot, i. 56I. I t4 .BUCA'IWGH.4M"S _z3II']z'.4CH3IEA'T. cH. l.ViiI contente& The next morning Carleton was compelled to go over one bv one the objections which he had originall)' taken to the epilogue delivered before the Lords. With a mixture ay« of sarcasm and pleasantry, Eliot answered them in aa ce--r«a detail. One reply was peculiarly felicitous. He had b, the Hou. been accused of speaking slightingly of the Duke as • the man.' The word, he answered, had been commonly applied to Alexander and Coesar, ' which were hOt less than he.' It was therefore no dishonour to the Duke to be so called, 'whom yet he thinkefh hot tobe a god.' In the end, both Eliot and Digges were unanimously cleared of the imputations brought against them. The attempt and its failure were alike charac:eristic of Charles. Prone to act upon impulse, he had been thrown off his «,ae' balance by the suggestion, which the words reported failure, to him seemed to convey, that he had himsëlf been implicated in his father's murder. Taking it for granted that the facts were as he supposed them to be, taking it for granted too that he had the right, by the precedents of Elizabeth's reign, to punish the offenders, he had been startled when the touse of Lords denied his facts, and the House of Commons denied h's right. The whole opposition of the protesting Lords and the sternly resolute Commons which started up be- fore him, was thoroughly unprovided for in his plan of action. I,ike an inexperienced general who has forgotten to allow for the independent action of the enemy, he had no resource but to take refuge in the first defence which offered itself as a means of prolonging the contest. The new device shivered in his hands, and he stood unarmed and discredited in the face of the nation. In the House of Lords, too, the tide was running strongly against his hopes. Already he had been driven to withdraw his pretension to deprive Bristol of the help of May 17. rito,'ce counsel ; and as soon as the accused Earl had had in the Lords. time tO bring in his answer to the charges against him, the Lords warmly took up their claim to see Arundel restored to their House. Nor was it only the exclusion of tiieir members that they dreaded. Grandison had just been 7626 ARUNDEL'S RELEASE.   5 reated Baron Tregoze in the English Peerage, and Carleton had been snatched away from the assaults of the .tay19. champion of the Gommons to sit on the benches of the Upper House as Lord Carleton of Imberville. The inde- pendent Lords regarded these promotions as a preliminary to an attempt to pack. the House by a creation on a far larger scale, and some were even heard to suggest the extreme measure of depriving the new Peers of their rotes till the end of the session. 1 In vain, therefore, Charles alleged, as he had alleged against June5. Eliot, that he had fresh charges to bring against l.lberationof Arundel. The Peers would listen to no excuses. Arun«e. On June 5 the Earl recovered his entire liberty,  and on the 8th he was in his place amongst the Peers. May24. In the meanwhile the Commons had been busy Tonnmze and reinforcing their attack upon Buckingham by a simul- poundage ,ca«d n- taneous declaration of the illegality of the collection legal unless gt«v of tonnage and poundage, unless voted by them- Parliament. selves, and of their own readiness to settle an ample revenue upon the King if he would conform to their wishes. Before long, however, an incident occurred which nmst have convinced the most reluctant that it was in vain to hope y28. that either fear or persuasion"'would induce the • r Cm- King to abandon Buckingham. On May 8 Suffolk Lridge Chan- «eorip. died, leaving the Chancellorship of the University of Cambridge vacant. "I would Buckingham were Chancellor," said Charles, when he heard the news. The idea_took firm possession of his mind, and the next morning a chaplain of the Bishop of London a carried to Cambridge an intimation of the royal pleasure. The Bishop himself soon followed ; and the whole party which had seen with displeasure the con- tinued attacks of the Comlnons upon Montague and his book rallied round the Duke. The Masters of Trinjty, of Peter- May 3I  Joachimi to the Smtes-General, Junê-xo  AtL 31SS. 17,677 L, fol. 225. • Conway to Arundçl, June 5, S. P. Zom.  i.e. Bishop Montaigne ;not Laud, as Mr. For.tc stated by an zight. 6 BUCA'I, VGttA.}I'S IAIPACH, Wt'NT. CH. LVlII. bouse, and of Clare Hall used ail their influence in his favour ; and the influence of the Head of a house, who thought more of the object tobe gained than of his ovn character for im- partiality, was no slight weight in the scale. Yet, discouraging as the prospects of the Calvinists were, they chose at the last moment a candidate in the person of the Earl of Berkshire, the second son of the late Chancellor ; and so strong was their party numerically, that though there was no time to obtain assurance of their candidate's consent, they secured no less than Jne,. 10 3 rotes in his favour. Buckingham, it was truc, FJectionof obtained lO8 ; but it was known that many had I;ucking- ham. voted for him sorely against their wishes, and it was whispered amongst Berkshire's supporters that, even as it was, an impartial scrutiny would havê converted their opponents' victory into a defeat.l Deep offence was taken by the Commons at this new J«s. honour eonferred upon a man vhom they had »i«p.,.,,,« charged with holding too many offices already. ,,f the Com- ,,,.,s. Venturing upon unsafe ground, they resolved to senti for a deputation from the University and to demand an account of the election, a resolution which was met j,,«e, by positive orders trom the King to proceed no further in that direction, as the University was entitled to elect anyone it pleased, u The reply of the House was June 8. the conversion of the remonstrance upon freedom from arrest into a general statement of grievances. On the day when this new appeal to the King was to bc drawn up, Buckingham laid his defence before the Lords. Prepared, itis said, by Nicholas Hyde, in all pro- Bucking. :,,,. bability under Heath's supervision, and submitted defence. to the fiiendly criticism of Laud, a the Duke's an- swer displayed no common ability. Rebutting--as with their t Meade toStuteville, June 3, Ellis, ser. I, iii. 228. Certain Considera- tions, &c., It«rl. ISS. I6I, fol. I34. t  to Meade, June 9, l-larl. 3ISS. 39% fol. 73.  Of Laud's part there is no doubt. Sec S. 29. Z)om. xxvii. 25. Hyde's part we learn from IUkildocke's AIemorials, 8. For Heath, sec the King's warrant to assist Buckingllam, S..o. Z)om..dd2enda. :626 THE DUKE'S DEFENCE. superior knowledge its authors were vell able to do--many of the accusations, in the format least in which they had been brought, they were able to assert that in other respects îhe Duke had either acted by the King's orders, or that, if he had gone wrong, he had done so either from inadvertence or through compliance with customs already established when he came to Court. " Who accused inc ?" said Buckingham-- "Common faine. Who gave me up to your Lordships ?--The House of Comlllons. The one is too subtle a body, if a body ; the other too great for me to contest with. Yet I ara confident neither the one nor the other shall be round lny enemy when my cause cornes to be tried." The confidence thus expressed was doubtless a genuine expression of feeling. Buckinghmn could not hope to bave the issue tried on nore favourable ground. He BucMng- h.-m'»¢on- knew that he had witnesses to prove that on many denç« important points the Colnmons had been in error ;  and he had only to close his eyes to the political antagonism which he had aroused, to imagine that an acquittal would bc the probable termination of the affair. The news, however, that the Colmons had embarked upon a general remonstrance cannot have been w!thout effect even upon Buckingham. To Charles it must have been absolutely decisive. Believing as he did that his minister was the victim of a factious COlnbination, he had submitted to wait till the worthlessness of the evidence against him had been proved; but if the Commons were about to demand that, whether their charges were proved or hot, he should dismiss his lninister, he J-,eg. would only be strengthened in his opinion that the The King honour of his crown was at stake. He therefore demands supply, perelnptorily demanded that, happen what might, the Subsidy Bill should be passed before the end of the follow- ing week. If it were not, he should be forced 'to use other resolutions.'   Nicholas, for instance, seems, fiom the notes prepared by him (S. /9. Dom. xxvii, lO5-1 t I), to bave been ready to tell the truth, and to call upon Pennington to tell the truth, about the ships lent to the French. 2 Lords ottrnals, iii. IUCIçlNGHAM'S ZJIP.EelCHJIENT. c. LVIII Before the Royal message was taken into conslderation, the Commons took a further step, which indicated plainly June x« cnough the spirit by which they wcre animated. Furthersteps They ordered the committee to which the framing of the Com- ons. of the remonstrance had been entrusted to scnd for the Parliament roll containing the declaration ruade by Buck ingham aftcr his return from Spain, and to requirc the yourg I Jord Digby, by whom his father's charges against the Duke had formerly been communicated to the House, to prove, if b.e Juneg. was able, that Parliament had been abused on that ristorscase occasion.  On the previous day the Lords had given taken up by the Lords. a similar indication of their feeling by ordering the Attorney-General to take charge of Bristol's case, so as to give toit those official advantages which had been accorded to the King's accusations. The Commons probably intended to incorporate Bristol's charges in their remonstrance ; but time pressed, and it was doubtful whether, if they embarked upon such a The - work, they would be allowed to finish it. The ques- to wec«e tion which they met to discuss on the morning f the suppy. eth was whether the remonstrance or the supply should be presented first. After a long and stormy debate, a large anajority voted that the remonstrance should have the precedcnce.  From the ground thus taken up by the Commons it would in t,e long run be round impossible to drive them. After running over the charges which they had brought Substance of the remon- against the Duke, they expressed their reprobation stc« of those new counsels which had been held before their eyes by Carleton, and denied that tonnage and poundage could be lawfully raised -ithout their consent. Then, turning upon Buckingham, they declared that the articles which they had sent up to the Lords were not the lneasure of their objec- tions to lais 'excessive and abusive power.' These they had t Cootmons' rournals, i. 870. Digby may be a slip for Bristol ; but the young lord, having presented his father's complaint, had a lotus s/and, befo, e the House.  Meddus to Meade, June 6, C'ourt and Tim.s, i.  IO. I626 PIOTIz'ÆT OF 7"HE CO.[«IlO«VS. Il 9 been 'enforced to insist upon, as matters' lying under their 'notice and proof;' but, beyond them, they belicved hiln to be an enemy to both Church and State. It was therefore grievous to them to find that he had ' so great power and interest in ' the King's ' princely affections,' so as, under his Majesty, 'wholly in a manner to engross to himself the administration of' the reahn, ' which by that means is drawn into a condition most miserable and hazardous.' They therefore begged that he wouid remove the I)uke from his presence, and would not ' balance this one man with ail these things and with the affairs of the Christian wofld, which ali do surfer, so far as they have relation to this kingdom, chiefly by his means.' "For we protest," they went on to say, "before your Majesty and the whole world, that until this great person be removed frowl intermeddling with the great affairs of State, we are out of hope of any good success ; and do fear that any money we shall or can give wili, through his miselnployment, be ttirned rather to the hurt and prejudice of this your king- dom than otherwise, as by lainer, table experience we have round in those large supplies formerly and lately given." The Commons, in short, had again taken up the position which they had occupied at the close of the Oxford meeting. Whatthi They would give no money where they could place implied, no confidence. No impartial reader of the long story of the mishaps of the Government can deny that thev were thoroughly in the right ill refusing their confidence to the man who was mainly responsible for these misfortunes. In one respect indeed the Commons were slow to perceive the whole consequev.ce of their change of position. If they had been able to substantiate the criminai charges which they had brought against Buckingham, if thcy could have proved him to be false, corrupt, and venal, Charles could have parted with him without loss of honour. To ask the King to abandon his minister on the ground that the Commons could hot trust him, though the acts at which they took umbrage had been done, always nominally and often really, by the authority of Charles, was to ask him to surrender himseif as well as Buck- ingham. Neither Elizabeth no even his father had allowed  2.9 tUCKIWGH.43I'S I3IPlz'tCttIIE2VT. CH. LVIII. anyone to dictate the choice of counsellors. If the advisers of the Crown and the officers of State were to be accepted or dismissed at the will of the House of Commons, the supremacy of that ttouse would soon be undisputed. Would such a change carry with it merely a constitutional re-arrangement ? Could a popular body forma government? Would not anarchy and confusion ensue to the nation, p¢rsonal danger to the King? To yield now might be to launch the barque of Royalty without chart or compass on that sea of violence and intrigue which was to be descried by the anxious king in those annals of the Middle Ages to which the Commons so cheerfully appealed. To him the precedents of Eliot spoke not of justice executed, but of flot and disorder. "Let us sit upon the ground," they scemed to say, " And tell sad stories of the death of kings : tlow ome have been deposed, some slain  war, Some haunted by the ghosts they have deposed, o,ae poisoned by their ives, some sleeping killed, AIl murdered." To acknowledge Buckingham's responsibility was indirectly to acknowledge his own. Where was that to end ? Perhaps it was too late for him now to learn a better way, and to discern that alike behind the despotism of the Tudors and the violence of the Middle Ages a deeper principle had been at work--a ptinciple which called upon rulers to guide, and not to force, the national will. Proeedents might be quoted for ahnost any iniquity on either side ; but the great precedent of all, from which all worthy precedents received their value, the tradition of a healthy national life handed down by father to son from the remotest days, was guarded in the heart of the English nation by defences against which Charles would dash himself in vain. The King's choice was soon made. As he had said earlier in the session, he would give liberty of counsel, not of control. Je x,. In vain Heath, with lawyer-like appreciation of the A dissolution weakness of the articles of impeachment, pleaded «,ea o. hard for delay. In vain the Peers begged earnestly for a prolongation of the situation by which ey were consti- t6=6 PARLIA.'IIEVT DISSOL VED. x "  tuted supreme arbitrators between the nation and the Crown. To their urgent entreaty that Charles would grant them but two days more, he replied impatiently, " Nota June x5. The dissolu- minute." On June 15 the Parliament of i6--6 ceased tion. to exisç. 1 "Let compounds be dissolved."2 The words with which Wotton had dosed the epitaph of the great philosopher and Futureofthe statesman who had passed away from his earthly work coristitution, almost unnoticed amidst the contentions of the session now brought to a dose, might fitly be inscribed over the tomb of the constitutional theorics which Bacon had striven hard to realise. The King and the House of Commons no longer formed constituent parts of one body. On either side new counsels would prevail. The King would demand tobe sole judge of the fitness of his own actions, and to compel the nation to follow him whithersoever he chose to lead. Parlia- ment would grasp at the right of control as well as the right of counsel, and wouid discover that the responsibility of ministers could only be secured by enforcing the responsibility of kings. At last, after a terrible struggle, teeming alike with heroic examples and deeds of violence, a new harmony would be evolved out of the ruins of the old. a II.eath to Buckingham, June 4 (?), S. I >. Dont. Addenda. Lomls' eournals, iii. 682. ---- to Meade, June 5, ttarl. ¢ISS. 390, fol. 776.  « CoŒEEOsila dissolvalur." 122 CHAPTER LIX. THE RUPTURE WITH FRANCE, I trying the cffect of those 'new counsels' with which the Commons had been so often threatened, Charles, it may be June,s. safely said, had no intention of deliberately treading e,«oun- under foot the laws of England. Holding, as he l" did, that a few factious men had preferred their own ambitious schemes to the welfare of the country, he believed himself to be justified in putting forth for a time the powers of that undefined prerogative which was given him for use in special emergencies when the safety of the nation was at stake. Charles's first thought was to issue a proclamation for the estŒEblishing of the peace and quiet of the Church of England. On April x7 Pym had reported to the Lower House June 16. Vroam» a long string of charges against Montague,  and, if tion for the v=¢o«th rime could have been round belote the dissolution, Cr«. his impeachment would doubtless have followed. In his proclamation Charles spoke of 'questions and opinions' lately broached in matters of doctrine, ' which at first only being meant against the Papists, but afferwards by the sharp and in- discreet handling and maintaining by some of either parts, bave given much offence to the sober and well-grounded readers and hearers of these late written books on both sides, which may justly be feared will raise some hopes in the professed enemies of out religion, the Romish Catholics, that by degrees the professors of out religion may be drawn into schism, and after to plain Popery.'  'aws'ey Debates, App. 79. 6-6 PREROGA TII/ GO VERA:AIEA, T. "3 Charles's remedy for tr. evil was to reduce botla parties to silence. No new opinions were to be introduced by tongue or pen ; no innovation to be allowed in Church or State. As both Pym and Montague claimed to set forth the original doc- trine of the Church of England, it was hot unlikely they would both interpret the proclamation in their own favour. It was, however, probable that those who carried it into execution would lnterpret it in favour of Montague rather than of Pym. The next day a fresh proclamation was issued ordering the destruction of ail copies of the remonstrance of the Commons.  June i» Charles, however, took care hot to inflict the slightest Chares c, ns punishment upon the offending members of either in the Re- monstranCe. House, with the exception of Bristol and Arundel ; and he lnight fairly argue that if the two obnoxious Peers had committed faults at ail, they were faults which had nothing to do with their position as members of the House of Lords. Arundel was therefore relegated to confinement in Commitment of Bristol and his own house, z and Bristol was sent to the Tower, to Arundel. prepare for a Star Cnmber prosecution. If wrong was done, the wrong did hot this rime take the shape of a breach of privilege. It was Charles's intention that Buckingham was still to be allowed, in spire of the dissolution, to bring his defence to a Bucking- triumphant issue. Heath was accordingly directed ham's case tO requcst the managers of the impeachment to carry tobe tried in th st on their case before the Star Chamber: The plan Chamber. broke down in consequence of the steady refusal of June The Parlia- the managers to have anything to do with the matter. mentary "We," Eliot answered in their naine, "entreat you to r«» to t take knowledge that whatsoever was done by us in that part in the trial, business was done by the comlnand of the House of Commons, and by their directions some proofs were delivered to the Lords with the charges, but what other proofs the House would bave used, according to the liberty reserved to themselves, RI, mer, xviii. 719.  Ibid. 7o-I. Salvetti's News-Zetter, June 6 Ileath to Eliot and others, June  7 ; Forster, Sir ff'. lilict, i. 35 O. t'-4 TtIE RUI»TURE IVITIt FRANCE. CH. either for the maintenance of their charge or upon their reply, June« we neither know nor can undertake to inform you.'" Eliot'sde- The next day Eliot was pressed to give a tetter an- fence of thelr r«tu»:,l, swer. " My first knowledge and intelligence," he replied, "happening in Parliament, after discharge of mine own particular duties to the House, I remitted to that again wholly the Inelnory and consideration thereof." It was no private charge which he had brought. The accusation had sprung from the House of Collamons, and if the King wished it tobe carried further, he must provide for the resuscitation of Parlialnent. Charles, howcver, thought that he could carry on the accusation without having recourse to so formidable an instrument. The charges were forlnally repeated and forlnally ahswered, and the Star Chalnber gave a sentence in favour of the Duke vhich inspired no confidence in anyone who was not already con- vinced of lais innocence. 1 Such sentences were easily obtainable. It was less easy to provide money for the war which Charles was resolved to carry on. A loan of oo,oool., on the security of the Crown The City • «se»  jewels, was demanded from the City ; but the City oan. firlnly refused to lend, and it was only upon strong pressure from the King himself that the aldermen agreed per- sonally to provide hin with the fifth part of the sum named. * More general measures were required if the Exchequer was to be filled. For some time rumours of a Spanish force gathering in the ports of Biscay had been rife in England, and Charles was well content to make more of these rulnours than they were really worth. To meet the danger, a fleet of a hundred sail Junes. was to be brought together to guard the coast, and Plan for another fleet of forty sail, with the assistance of a asking the freeholders I)utch contingent, was to seek out the enemy in his to vote subsidies, own harbours, a In order to find means to support so large an expenditure, Charles's first thought had been to  Forster, Sir .ï. 2Eliot, i. 35 o.  Rudyerd to Nethersole, July 9, S. I . I)om. xxxi. 39. Salvetti's June 3o July y  to Meade, June 3 o, Cour/and Times ]Cs-L¤¤¤er¤, July-o' x 7" . Il6.  Rusdorfto Oxensljerna, June 5, 3Zem. ii. I9o. o.-6 1RREGUZAR LI:.''IES OF 21IOA'E Y. order the heriffs to assemble the freeholders in the several counties, and to take their rotes for a direct grant of the subsidies to which a factious Parliament had refused to agree. 1 The project was, however, abandoned in this hazardous form, and on July 7 letters were despatched to ail justices of the peace, July 7. .««r««gi«t bidding them to acquaint their counties with the proposed, requirements of the State, and to exhort them that, as the House of Comnaons had judged four subsidies to be needed for the defence of the country, they should, in a case of such necessity, be a law tc themselves, and should lovingly, freely, and voluntarily stapply that which might have been levied by law if the Act had passed.  In order to show that, in calling on his subjects for contributions, he did not intend to spare his own courtiers, Charles gave orders that, for two years to corne, no suits involving any charge on the revenue should be brought before him. z If Charles was to extract money directly from his subjects' purses it was necessary for him to go through the form of july8, asking their consent. Tonnage and poundage, ac- Tog ,,t cording to the view taken by the Crown lawyers, could oundage to e l«vièd, be levied without an)-such formality. Once more, as after the dissolution at Oxford, orders were given to continue the collection of the duties, the King declaring that he could not do without then, and that they must therefore be gathered in till Parliament had leisure to make the usual mrangements.  Ahnost at the moment whcn Charles was appeal- Dismlssal of ,»,i«« « ing to the people for a free gift, he purified the Con» th« porc« mission of the Peace by the dismissal of those persons who were likely to oppose that measure. Eliot and Phelips,  Intended Proclamation, June  5, & P- Do»,. xxx. 2.  The King to the Justices, July 7, ilid, xxi. 3o, 3. The official view of these proeeedings is expressed in a letter from Sir John Coke. " His glajesty," writes the Secretary, "had sought his assistance, resolving to take no violent or extraordinary way to levy monies, but in a common danger to rely upon a common care and affection, that all men nmst have that .ill not wilfully be guilty of abandoning their religion, Prince, and country, to the enemy's" power."-- Coke to Brooke, Jury 2, Alel&,u ne AIS& s lid. * Act of Council, July 8, (.u«cil l¢«gister. Commission, July 6 R.v»«r, xviii. 737. TItE tdUPT6"I?E II'ITH trtdA«'VCE, cH. LIX. Seymour and Alford, Mansell and Digges ceased to bear the honours of justice of the peace in their respective Wentworth amongst counties. On the list of those judged unworthy them. to serve the Crown stands the naine of Sir Thomas Wentworth, once more associated with those of the leaders of the Opposition, as it had been upon the sheriffs' list the year before.  A Government which could alienate men so opposed to one another as Eliot and Wcntworth must indeed have gone far 'ositlonof astray. Eliot's course in the last Parliament was Wtworth. too decided to call for any additional explanation of the causes which ruade ail further co-operation between him and ]3uckinghaln impossible. Wentworth stood on a very different footing with the Court. He was himself longing to enter the service of the Crown, and his frequent overtures to the governing powers bave exposed him to the suspicion of those who misunderstand alike his character and his principles. The reforming spirit was strong in Wentworth. To him Egland was a stage on which there was much tobe done, ,Ventwonh many abuses to be overthrown, many interested and  aom¢. ignorant voices to be silenced. Since the days when ]3acon had been a member of the House of Commons no man's voice had been raised so frequently in favour of new legislation. l,egislation was thc only mode in which, as a member of the House of Commons, he could proceed to action. There could be little doubt, however, that he would prefer a shorter course. Eisdeslre Power in his own hands would be very welcome to «, power, him, from whatever quarter it came. At first he was content to a»: for local authority in his native Yorkshire. He had long ago driven his rival Sir John Savile from the post of  "Ventworth's naine is happily on the list in Coventry's letter to the Clerk of the Crown, July 8 (iVarl. I]ISS. 286, fol. 297), from which I bave at last, after giving up the search entirely, been able to recover the date of his dismissal, and to bring the fact into connection with the known events of history. The list contains fifteen names for ten counties. It is maui- festly imperfect, as we learn that Phelips was also d;.smissed from the Iarfst. ,'IZçS. Commissiot ,orts, iii. tS2. SIR TItO2ffAS IVVTIVORTH. 127 Custos olulorunz of the West Riding. Having that dignity in his hands, he had, during the last years of James, been con- stantly seeking for higher employment. A courtier in the ordinary sense of the word Wentworth never was,--never byany possibility could become. He could not learn like the Conways and the Cokes, to bear a patron's yoke. Whatever his heart conceived his mouth would speak. In any position occupied by him he was certain to magnify his office. If he had been in Becket's place he would bave striven for the King as Chancellor, and for the Church as Arch- Wentworth bishop. As a member of the Commons in 1621 ,,, earLie, he had rebelled against James's attempt to refuse to Parliaments. the assembly of which he formed a part the right of giving counsel toits sovereign. In 1624 the ride of affairs seemed to have stranded him for ever. To his mind the King and the nation appeared to have gone mari together. What side was he to choose when all England rushed with one consent into war with Spain ? AIl war, unless it were a war of defence, was hateful to Wentworth. He would leave the Continent to itself, to fight its own battles. England, he thought, had enough to do within her own borders. Whilst Buckingham was planning fantastic schelnes, and Coke and Phelips were cheering him on to shed the blood of Englishmen like water, Wentworth could but stand aside and wait till the excitement had run its course, and till there was again rime to think of legislation and reform for England. In 65 the ride had begun to ebb. If Wentworth had little sympathy with the leaders of the Opposition, yet his place • 6,s. was naturally by their side. Yet, if he was ready to Heoppos join them in refusing or paring down the supplies P, ucking. h-,, which 13uckingham needed for the war, he joined them as one who would gladly be spared the task of resisting the wishes of his sovereign. Wentworth, in short, was with the Opposition, but not of it. Charles acknowledged the difference between his resistance and that of Seylnour and Phelips. Though he took care to include him in the penal list of sheriffs, he spoke of him with kindness, as one who might yet be won. Wentworth justified the preference. Iz8 THIï RUPTURE IVITH FRANCE. c. LZX. His objection was not against Charles's system of government, but against the policy pursued by the King and his .ninister. but is hot Consequently, he refused to take measures to evade thoro,,gh i, the restriction placed upon him. " My rule," he h.is opposi- t,on. said, "which [ will never transgress, is never to con- tend with the prerogative out of Parliament, nor yet to contest with a king but when I ana constrained thereunto or else make shipwreck of my peace of conscience, which I trust God will ever bless me with, and with courage too to preserve it." He would for the present ' fold hilnself up in a cold, silent for- bearance, and wait expecting that happy night that the King shall cause his chronicles tobe read, wherein he shall find the faithfulness of Mardocheus, the treason of his eunuchs, and then let Haman look to himself.'  Even if Haman here meant Buckingham, the feeling thus expressed had nothing of the tierce earnestncss which drove Eliot to track out the footsteps of misgovermnent with the ên- during steadfastness of a bloodhound. Nothing would induce Wentworth to make himself partaker in Halnan's lnisdeeds ; but he had no objection to pay a stately court to Haman, or to accept 626. froln him such favours as might be consistent with an Went,,-oth honourable independence. In January 626, before asks for the Presidency Parliament met, having heard a rumour that Lord of the Court- cil of rb« Scrope was about to resign the Presidency of the «h. Council of the North, he wrote to Conway to ask for the appointment.  In such a post there would be nothing to implicate him in the foreign policy which he disliked. The rumour proved false, and Wentworth gained nothing by his Hior- request. Latêr in the spring, however, he drew still tures to r3king- more closely to the Court. Whilst the Commons hm. were bringing their charges against Buckingham, he came up to London and was introduced by his friend Weston to the Duke. Buckingham assured him of his desire 'to contract a friendship with hiln.'  Whether Wentworth meant anything more by these over-  Wentworth to Wandesford, Dee. 5, 625, Srafford Letters» i. 32, - Wentworth to Conway, Jan. 2o, ..ç./'. Z)om. xviii.  fo. s Wentworth to Weston, undated, x626, Strafford £etters, i. 34. I626 .DIS",IIIS..çAL 017 II.'E2ç'TIVOI'Tt-[. t29 turcs than that he was ready to confonn to the custoln of the time in paying his court to Buckingham, it is impossible to say ; Didhe for, though his friend Wandesford took a leading favo,rthe part in the Duke's ilnpeachment, itis by no means impeach- ,ent? unlikely that he lnay have himself regarded the pro- ceedings of the Colnmons with disfavour. That the Commons might give counsel to the King, and that, if that counsel were rejected, they might proceed to a refusal of subsidies, was a doctrine which Wentvorth had advocated by word and action. But le had never shown any inclination to support the theory that the Colnlnons had the right of meddling directly or in- directly with the King's ministers ; and though he would doubt- less have been well pleased if Charles had dismissed Buckingham of his own lnotion, he may very well have refused lais sympathy with an attempt to force him to dismiss his mir.ister whether he wished it or not. Wentworth was just the lnan to doubt whether the King's governlnent could be carried on under such conditions. The dissolution of Parliament in June had left Buckinghaln triumphant. It was speedily followed, on July 8, by a letter from the Lord Keeper dismissing Wentworth from July. Dismissalof the official position which he held in his own Wentwortb.. county. When it reached York, Wentworth was sitting as High Sheriff in his court. The letter was handed to hiln, and the proud, high-spirited lnan learnt that he was no longer to call himself a justice of the peace. The office of Cus- tos _olulorum, for which he had struggled so hard, was given to his detested rival, Sir John Savile.I That Wentworth fer the insult keenly itis unnecessary to say; but he was hOt the man to betray weakness. In a few measured words he protested his loyalty to the King. He Wentworth's called those around hiln to witness that he had al- justification, ways loved justice. '- Therefi»re," he added, "shame be from henceforth to them that deserve it. For I am well assured now to enjoy within myself a lightsome quiet as  This we learn from a note to the list in Coventry's letter ; see p. 126. In the saine way Sir D. Foulis succeeded Sir Thomas Hoby in the Notth Riding, and the Earl of HertIord Sir F. Scymour m Wilt»hire. VOL. VI. K  TtlE ldUPTUldl" IIYTtl trR.4A'CE, cH. LX. formerly. The world may well think I knew a way which would bave kept my place. I confess indeed it had been too dcar a purchase, and so I leave it." t The bystanders doubtless understood this language better than those who have, perhaps hot unnaturally, seen in the attack ruade upon Wentworth the fountain of his opposition in the next Parliament. If words mean anything, Went- l'xplanation ,f i» i». worth was deprived of oce because he was already ,i. in opposition. It was nota thunderbolt out of a «lear sky which struck him. He distinctiy intimated thht he might have kept the place if he had chosen. There was some- thing which he might bave done, which he had rcfused to do. What that was is entrely matter for conjecture; but it is highly probable that Wentworth had been asked to countenance the collection of the free gift, and that he had refused to do so. It is.at all events certain that he could not possibly bave used lais ocial influence in its support without sacrificing his self- rc»pect. The old doctrine of the constitution was that money nceded for war must be voted by Parliament. Wentworth would feel probably more than any other man in England the importance of maintaining this doctrine intact. -To .spend money upon the war vith Spain xvas, in his eyes, as bad as throving it into the sea. Was he to become the tool of such a policy as this? Was he to go round amongst the frec- holders, begging them to sui»port the Crown in so ruinous an infatuation ? Well nmy he bave refused to demean himself so low. It was the necessary consequence of the unhappy course which Charles was pursuing that he could hot fail to alienate ail who had it in their power to serve him best; yet he still believed himelf to be possesed of the confidence Jul F 8. of« of the people. On July 8, the very day on which t« m», the dismisal of the justices was resolved on, orders werc issued for crying on the usual musters with more than ordinary diligence. It looks as if Charles wished to appe from a faction to the body of the nation.   Wentwortà's speech, Strard «tters, i. 36. u tnstruction for Mtmter, Jul 8» & . n. xxxi. 34. In the hands of Charles such a policy was hot likely to be successful, especially when it took the shape of a demand for The free gift money. The first attempt to collect the free giff was in Middle- marie in Westminster Hall. Cries of "A Parlia- ment, a Parliament l" were raised on every side, and only thirty persons, all of them known to be in the King's service, agreed to pay. In the test of Middlesex and in Kent similar failures were reported, and the Council was driven to gild the pill by a declaration explaining away the compulsory character of the demand. There was no intention, July 26. they said, of asking for four subsidles as if the Coin- ruons' resolution had been in any way binding upon the nation. AIl that was meant had been to show what was the opinic,n of Parliament on the anaount required for the defence of the country. In a few days answers to the demand ruade in this new fashion began to pour in. AIl througi August and the first August. fortnight of September the tale of resistance went up t«f.or with almost unifonn monotony. I-Iere and there a thco..:ies, handful of loyalists offered a poor tribute of a few pounds. Here and there a county based its refusal on its poverty rather than on its disinclination to give ; but the great majority «,f refusers spoke out clearly. They would give in Parliament. Out of Parliament they would not give at ail. The figment of a nation passing by its representatives to fly to the support of its King was demonstrated tobe without a shadow of foundation.  Affer this, unless Charles was prepared either to make peace with Spain, or to summon another Parliament, one course only Ch.t« remained. The English constitution had grown up ol,-«t round the belief that the King was in very truth the follow pl'e- cdnt, centre of the national life. Precedents as ancient, and to the full as continuous, as the protests against tyranny and misgovernment which had been quoted in the House of * ,[eade to Stuteville, July 4, Court and 2ïmes, i. I3o. Council R«qstcr, July 6. ' The answers will be round amongst the Domestie State Papers in Aug.'st an.l September. ]3exkshire was the first to refuse, on August 5. K2 132 TttE RUPTURE II'ITtI FRA3"CE. cH. LtX. Commons, told how the Kings of England had been accustomed to call, hot in vain, upon their subjects, to put no strict con- struction upon their local or individual rights in rimes of national danger. In reality nothing could be more perilous than to gather up these precedents as a rule of government at a time when the spirit which had animated them was being violated at every turn. Yet this peril, apparently without the least suspicion that there was any peril at all, Charles was de- termined to confront. One of these precedents had already been followed belote the appeal for the free gi/t had been ruade. The fleet which had taken Cadiz in Elizabeth's reign had been partly supplied with Ships to b« ships by a levy on the maritime counties. The saine round by the maritime course had been adopted now, and the shires along ¢ounties. the coast had been ordered to join the port towns in setting out a fleet of fifty-six ships.t Few of the shires were hardy enough to dispute the precedent, and most of them con- tented themselves with an effort to shift as much as possible of the burden upon their neighbours. The Dorsetshire magis- trates, who took higher ground, were sharply reprimanded by the Council. "State occasions," they were told, "and the defence of the kingdom in rimes of extraordinary danger, do july 4. hot guide themselves by ordinary precedents." The I.esistance City of London, having ventured to argue that the of the City of • London. twenty ships at which it was assessed were more than had been required in former rimes, was still more soundly rated. "Whereas," answered the Council, " they A,ig. xx. mention precedents, they may know that the pre- cedents of former rimes were obedience and hot direction, and that there are also precedents of punishment of those who disobey his Majesty's commandments signified by the Board in the ca3e of the preservation of the State, which they hope there shall be no occasion to let them more particularly under- stand." On the sth the City gave way. * It would, however, be some » List of ports charged with furnishing ships, June, S. P. 2para. xx. 8. z Proceedings in Council, July 4, Aug. , 15, Cunci/Iegister. 166 IdILLO UGHB I"S FLEE T. 133 time before the ships thus obtained would be ready for sea. In the meanwhile a fleet of thirty-nine ships had been Aug. xS. "l'heCity gathering at Portsmouth, under the comlnand of giv«»war. Lord Willoughby. It had been given out that it Ag. *_. would sail on August x2,  to fall upon the transports Willough- by'sfleetat in the Biscay harbours, and if possible to inter- Portsmouth. cept the Mexico fleet, and to succeed where Cecil had failed the year before. But August  came, and nothing was ready. Provisions for the voyage were hOt forthcoming, and the men, left without the necessaries of lire, were deserting as tast as they could3 By Buckingham's own confession the King was incurring a debt of 4,ooo/. a month because he could hOt lay his hand upon x4,ooo/, to discharge some utterly use- less mariners by paying off their arrears. New efforts were therefore made to get money. On August  8 the Council directed the sale of 50,000 oz. of the King's plate. ag.8 On the 26th 20,000 oz. more were disposed of in the s«of#at« saine way. * Even Buckingham, sanguine as he was, felt in some measure the seriousness of his position. Having broken hopelessly with the leaders of the Commons, he would do his best to attach the nobihty to his cause. A marriage was contrived between his little daughter and another child, the son of Pembroke's brother, Montgomery. Pembroke hilnself, incurring, if report spoke truly, no slight obloquy by his com- pliance with Buckingham's wishes, " was raised to the dignity of l,ord Steward, whilst Montgomery succeeded him as Chamber- lain. The Earls of Dorset, Salisbury, and Bridgewater, who had supported Buckingham in the last session, were admitted to the Privy Council. If Arundel was still under a cloud, no attempt was nmde to press hardly upon him, and the advance- ment of Wallingford, the brothcr-in-law of the new Earl of Suffolk, to the Earldom of Banbury, may probably be regarded as an overture to the Howards. ' List of ships, S. 1 . 19ara. xxxii. 74- = Gyffard to Nicholas, Aug. 24, 27, S. 2 . 29am. xxxiv. 28, 39- = Council I¢egisler, Aug. 23.  Ibid. Aug. 8,  Advice from England, Sept. I2» Brussels 3ISS. 34 TttE I?UPTURE HTT/-/ FRANCE. 13uckingham and his toaster had need of more support than couid be round in the House of Lords. Nothing had been donc to improve the King's relations with France. A commission had, indced, been issued, to inquire into tbe law of prize,  but as the French were hOt convinced that Charles had any inten- tion of withdrawing bis extreme pretensions, a fresh collision might arise at any monaent, q'his was the time chosen by Charles to effcct a domestic revolution, perhaps justifiable in itself, but certain to cause bitter mortification to lais wife and to exasperate her hrother more than ever. For mOlaths Charles had felt that, as long as the Queen's French attendants were in Eqgland, he could hardly call his wife his own. Her ladies taught her to look upon June, Cra,« English men and women witb distrust. I/er priests Ihe Queen's Frenehat- taught ber to display ostentatiously more than the ,,,,,t. ordinary humiliations which round favour witb her Church. lier complaints of her husband*s broken promises met with a warm response in their sympathetic bosoms. When she was in private with her chosen companions she was merry enough, dancing and laughing as if no shadow of misfortune had ever crossed her path. She reserved ber iii-humour for her husband, and in his presence bore herself as a martyr. The. winter belote he had thought of sending the whole company back to France; but the marriage contract was against him, and he desisted for a rime. Then came fresh dis- aUarrel ot t putes and recriminations. The Queen wished to naine jointure. some amongst her French attendants to take charge of her jointure. Charles refused his permission. One night, after the pair were in bed, thel'e were bgh words between them. "Take your lands to yourself," said the offended wife. " If have no power to put wholn I will into those places, I will have neither lands nor houses of you. Give me what )'ou think fit by way of 1)ensm. Charles fell back upon his dignity. " Remember," he sald, "to whom you speak. You ought hot to use me so." In reply, she broke out into mere fretfulness. She was miserable, she said. She had no power to place servants,  Commission, July , A'ymer, viii. 730 66 HUSBAVD «q,'VI7 VIFE.  3  and businesses succeeded the worse for her recommendation. She was not of that base quality to be used so ilh She ran on tbr some time, refusing to listen to hcr husband's explanation. "Then," wrete Charles afterwards, in giving an account of the scene, " I ruade ber both hear me, and end that discourse."  Charles's displeasure is not likely to bave been soft_ned by any real insight into his wife's difficulties, or by sympathy with the poor child's natural clinging to those who alone shared her feelings and ber prejudices in a strange land. It was n0t long before a fresh cause of offence arose. On June -,6  the Queen obtained leave to spend some time in retirement, in order to give herself to a special season of devotion. After a long da)- passed in attendance upon the services of her Church at the ehapel at St. James's, she strolled out with her attendants to breathe the fresh evening air in St. James's Park. By-and--by she round her way into Hyde Park, and by accident or design Th«Q,,e«n directed her steps towards Tyburn. In ber position t'l'ymr. it was but natural that she should bettunk herself of those who had suffered there as martyrs for that faith which she  Instructions for Carleton, printed in Ludlow's 3I«moirs, (ed. 75x), 459. I rather suspect the date given as July 2, shouid be July z, as the other instructions (S. 1'. 1france) are dated July 3-  This date of the Jubilee is distinctly given in Salvetti's letter, June 30, July o, and is nearly in geement with Bassompierre's statement (Ambassade, 185) that more than six weeks passed between the visit to Tyburn and the notice taken of it on July 3 t. If the 26th of June was the day, thete would be exactly rive weeks, and Bassompierre may be aliowed a little exaggera- tion. _Miss Stricldand's notion [Quee,ts of-ngland, 37) that the visit to ttvde Park took place in 16"5, founded on a blunder in an English trans- lation of Bassompierre's speech, receive. no countenance from the original (Ambassade, 85}. If Miss Str ckland eonsuited Pory's letter in the Co«o-z' and Timcs, in which the visit is sald to bave taken place on St. James's Y)ay last, its date as there given, July I, ma t' have confirmed ber in her idea that ' St. James's Day iast ' meant July 25, 1625. But the Queen was hot in London at that date, and the date July I is a hhmder of the edit,r. In the original it is July 5, as printed by Sir H. Eilis (ser. x, iii. 44). Intenal evidence, however, shows that it wa really written on Aug. 5, and Pory must therefore bave meant July 5, x626, an impossible date. St. James's Day perhap arose out of some confusion with St. James's Park. 36 2HE RUPTUREIUITH FRAVCE. CH. LIX. lmd corne fo England fo support. What wonder if ber heart beat more quickly, and if some prayer for strength to bear ber weaw lot rose to ber lips ? A week or two probably passed away before the tale reached Carles, exaggerated in its passage through the mouths of men. There was no compassion in him for the disappoiut- The stor ,oa to ment to which he had given rise in his young wife's Charles. heart, by the prolnises which had been lnade only tobe broken--a disappointment which was none the less real because she could frolic amongst ber companions with ail the gaiety of her nation and het age. The Queen of England, he was told, had been conducted on a pilgrimage to offer prayer to dead traitors who had suffered the just reward of their crimes. 'l'he cupof his displeasure was now full. Whatever the contract lnight say, those who had brought her to this should no longer remain in England. Something, however, must be done to diminish the indig- nation with which the news would be received in France. An excuse was found for sending Carleton on a special embassy to Louis, in order that he might be at hand to explain everything away. As soon as it was known that Carleton was safely on the other side of the Channel, Charles proceeded to carry out his intentions. On July 3 the King and Queen dined together at White- hall..A_fter dinv, er he conducted ber into his private apartments, july . locked the door upon ber attendants, and told her The dis- that her servants must go. In the naeanwhile Conway missal of the v,h, was informing the members of her household that the King expected them to remove to Somerset House, where they would learn lais pleasure. The Bishop of Mende raised some objections, and the women 'howled and lamented as if they had been going to execution.' The yeomen of the guard interfered, and cleared the apartments. Charles had a less easy task. As soon as the young Queen perceived what was being done, she flew to the window and • 1" Q,««» dashed to pieces the glass, that her voice might -'g- once more be heard bv those who were bidding her adieu for the last time. Chartes, it is said, dragged her back x6:6 FXP ULSIOIV OF into the fo(ca with her hands bleeding from the energy with which she clung to the bars. The next day Conway visitcd Somerset House and told the angry crowd that they must leave the country, with two or three exceptions which had been ruade at the Queen's entreaty. Presents to the amount of 22,ooo/. were offered them, and they were tolcl that if anything was owing to them it should be paid out of the remainder of the Queen's portion, which had been detained in France in conse- quence of the misunderstanding betwecn the Courts.  They refused to obcy, and clung to England as their right. For SOlne days they remained at Somerset House, in spite of ag. . ail orders to the contrary. Charles lost his patience. The French «, I command )'ou," he wrote to Buckilagham, " to finally ex- pelled, send ail the French away to-morrow out of town ; if you can, by fair means--but stick not long in disputing--other- wise force them away, driving them away like so many wild beasts until ye have shipped thelu, and so the l)evil go vith them." The King's pleasure was executed. At first the French refused to more tiil they were ordered by their own King to do so. The next morning the yeolnen of the guard Aug. 8. were marched down to Solnerset House, and there was no more resistance. With the exception of a few personal attendants specially named, ail the foreigners were conducted to Dorer, and were there embarked for France as soon as the wind served.  What would Louis say to this high-handed transaction ? Carleton told his story in France as well as he could. The Ag.,. King answered him sharply. His sister, he said, g,,«,t hadbeen treated cruelly. Charles had plainly broken oLoi, his promise. An ambassador of his own, Marshal Bassompierre, should be sent to investigate the affair. When  Pory to Meade, Aug. 5 (not July 5), Ellis, ser. , iii. 237. P,ivate instructions to Carleton, July 23; Conway to Carleton, Aug. 9, S. P. ran,e. Richelieu, Algmoir«s, iii. I76. Contarini to the Doge, Aug. 'en. 7"r«mcrits, R. O. "-' The King to Buckingham, Aug. 7 .Elis, ser. I, iii. 244, 245, 247. I38 TttE RUPTURE IIVTH FR.-IA'CE. cH. Ll he had received his report he would say what he would do From this resolution Carleton was never able to more him, and wa finally recalled to England, having effected nothing.* It was a badly chosen moment to offend the King of France The want of money was more crying every da),. On August i i,«.»« some two huodred soldiers and saiiors, hopeless o! money, obtaining their pay at Portsmouth, flocked up to London, stopped the Duke's coach, and presented their com- plaint. Buckingham promised to satisfv them later in the day, slipped home by water, and placed himself beyond their reach." Ail attempts, too, to fill the Exchequer were breaking down The free gift had corne to nothing. A resolution to issue t'rivy seals in the old way was not persisted in.  For l'ropoal to deb3.se the a time much was hoped from the issue of debased oi. coin, and the Mint had been busy for some weeks in preparing the light pieces. The City merchants, however, re monstrated strongly, and Sir Robert Cotton was heard on their behalf belote the Council. The King himself was present, and in spite, it is said, of the opposition of Buckingham, refused to agrce to the iniquitous proposal. The new pieces were declared b)" proclamation not to be current coin of the reahn, a In the face of ali these increasing difficulties, there were men at Court who held high language still. Dorset, who had Hi|,t- completely thrown in his lot with the high preroga- gg«.,t tire doctrines which now found favour vith Charles, Cot. talked of the impossibility of a rebellion in a country where there were no fortresses, and asserted that, as it was the duty of the people to maintain the war, the King would only have to take irregularly what he had failed to obtain from Parliament. "» In the midst of these perplexities, bad news arrived from Gemmny. To ail outward appearance the position of the King I Carleton to Conway, Aug. 3, S. 1. I:rance.  Pory to Meade, Aug. 7, tïllis, ser. , iii. e47. a The King to the Council, Aug. 4, S..P. Z)om. xxxiii. *  to lXleade, Sept. S, Court and 7ïmes, i. 145- Aug. u5 n Contarini to the Doge, Sept.' l*u'tt. t'l"atlsgl2St$, 2 . O. 626 ZIIPERI,4LIST I'ICTORIES. of I)enmark at the opening of the calnpaign of x626 ,:.as Thecam- extremely strong. He had ,»ne army under his own paign in comlnand in Lower Saxonv. Another arlny under Germany. lIansfeld was on the east bank of the Ebe. Othe troops were pushing forward in Westphalia. The peasants had risen in Austria. Bethlen Gabor had engaged to fall upon the Emperor's hereditary domilfions from the east. It was true that Christian had llOW to do with another enelny in addition to Tilly. Wallenstein had brought against him that strange army, self-supporting and self-governed, which, in the naine o! the Eperor, was so soon to become a power in the Epire almest independent of the Emperor hilnself. Yet it seemed hot unlikely, judging from numbers alone, that Christian and lais allies weuld be strong enough to make head against Tilly and Wallenstein combined. From the begilming, however, one cir- eumstance was against hiln. His finances were inadequate to meet the strain. He had calculated that Charles would and could keep his word, and that 3o,ooo/. a month would flow into his military chest from the English exchequer. Then had corne the refusal of subsidies by Parlialnent. The payments, scarcely begun in May x6- 5, stopped altogether. Christian had levied soldiers on the faith of the English alliance, and his soldiers- were clalnouring for their pay. 1 To stand on the defensive, with- out lnoney, was impossible, and there was no unity of command Iansfeld's in the united armies. In May Mansfeld made a dash efet. southwards, and was defeated by Wallenstein at the Bridge of Dessau. Before the summer ended he was hurrying through Silesia with Wallenstein hard upon his heels, hoping to dombine with Bethlen Gabor for a joint attack upon Austria and Bohelnia. Then came the turn of Christian of Denmark. To him a defensive war was impossible without Charles's money. An .«ug. » attempt to slip past Tilly and to makc his way towards Chri«'» Bethlen Gabor in Bohemia proved vain. Tilly, re- defeat at Lutter. inforced by son-,e of Wallenstein's regiments, started in pursuit and overtook him at Lutter. After a sanguinary.  Anstrmher's d_espatches. (.5". '. Z?«nmar) give a good insi_ht into hese financial difficulties. 14o THE RUPTURE 'ITH FRAiVCE. CH. LIX. b.attle the Danish King was completely defeated, and North Germany lay open to the Imperialists. The news of the disaster, for which the English Government was so largely responsible, reached Charles on September  2.  Sept. ,2. Tow that it was too late, he talked of raising o, ooo Charles men for his uncle's service, and ordered the sale of a receives the ,e,,.s. large quantity of plate. He came at once to London, and sat for four hours in the Council, a feat which he had seldom performed before. When the Council was over he sent for the Danish Ambassador, and assured him that he would stake his crown and his lire in lais master's defence. With the tears almost standing in his eyes, he reminded the Dane that he was in distress for his own personal needs. The matter was discussed anxiously in the Council. The most feasible project seemed to be to send on the The four regiments in four volunteer regiments in the Netherlands, whose the Nether- =n«s to go terre of service would expire in November. There to Denmark. was, however, a difficulty in the way. The men, like most others in Charles's service, had hot been paid for some months, and how was money to be found ?  The first instinct of the Government was to apply to the City for a loan ; but the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had hot forgotten the sharp message about the ships, and closed their purses tightly.  If, as seems almost certain, the following undated letter was written at this rime, we get from it Buckingham's feeling about the marrer :--' My dear Master,--This noble lord hath this day behaved himself like your faithful servant. Ite is able to relate to )'ou 'hat hath passed. I will only ay this, that already your brother and sister are hrust out of their inherit- ance. If the news be true that rt*ns current here, your uncle is ii a very iii estate. There is much difference between the cases. The one, with the help of your peop]e, brought you into this business, and yourself brought the other. The times require something to be done and that speedily, and the more it appears to be yours, certainly the better success .'ill follow. Strike while the iron is hot, and let your uncle at the Icast see ),ou were touched with the news. So, in baste, I kiss your Majesty's hands, as your humble slave, ST.' 13uckingham to the King, HarL 21ISS. 6988 , fol. 74. ¢ Contarini fo the Doge, Sept. *__s Ven. Transcrits, R. O.  to 2.$' leade» Sept. 5, Court and Times, i. 48. x626 BASSO.1IPIERRE'S lllSSIOW. I4I Such was the position of affairs when, on September 27, sept. 27 Bassompierre arrived in London. Eerything had B,om. been done by Charles, since the expulsion of the pierre's rri,-,t. French, to soothe the injured feelings of the Queen. A new household of noble English ladies, amongst whom Buckingham's wife and mother and sister were of course num- Treatment of bcred, was forlned to minister to her dignity. But tac ««. the deprivation which she suffered froln the absence of the old familiar faces, and the silence of the old fmniliar accents of ber mother-tongue, weighed heavily upon her spirits, and, in spite of the sedulous attentions of her husband, a sullen melancholy pervaded her features. The King's desire to please his wife did hot extend to a desire to please her countrymen. To the Venetian ambassador he complained openly of the treachery and insincerity The King's feeling about of the French. Buckingham was sti!l more bitter. »«« He gave orders that Bassompierre should be treated on his arrival with studied rudeness. He summoned Soubise to London, and talked with him for hours about the state of France.  If any man was capable of smoothing away the difficulties in his course it was Bassompierre. He knew the world well, and he had that power of seizing upon the strong point of his opponent's case which goes far to the making of a successful diplomatist. To the young Queen he gave the best possible advice ; told her to make the best of her situation, and warned her against the folly of setting herself against the current ideas of the country in which she lived and of the man to whom she October. was married. In the question of the household he Bassom- was at the saine time firm and conciliatory. He ac- pierre's ne- gotiationon knowledged that Charles had a gcnuine grievance, the house- hold. that the Queen would never be a real wife to him as long as she was taught by a circle of foreigners to regard her- self as permanently a foreigner ; whilst at the saine time he spoke boldly of the breach of the contract which had been Aug. 25  Contarini to the Doge, S%-.d V«n. Transoits R. O. I Ibid. Sept. z3 Oct. :/ " t42: TtIE RUPTURE IVITH FR«4WCE. cH. LIX. committed. In the end he gained the confidence both of the King and of Buckinghnm, and with the assent of the King of France a new arrangement was agreed to, by which a certain nun-,ber of French persons would be admitted to attend upon the Queen, whilst a great part of the household was to be formed of natives of England. The maritime questions at issue were discussed by Bas- sompierre in the saine spirit. He was ready to adroit the reasonablcness of the English in objecting to a large On the com- mercial trade being carried on between Spain and Flanders disputes, undcr the French flag ; but he wished to see some arrangement corne to by which the perpetual interference of the English cruisers could be obviated. But for es-ents vhich occurred to exasperate both nations, a commercial treaty laying down the terres on which neutrals should be liable to arrest might perhaps have bcen the result of Bassompierre's. mission.* Unfortunately Charles was hOt disposed to withdraw any one of his pretensions whilst the negotiations were pending. WlUo,gh- In October Lord Willoughby's fleet contrived at by.«t, last to put to sea ; but, having met with a severe storm in the Bay of Biscay, against which the ill-found vessels were incompetent to struggle, was driven back to the English svt.,s, ports without accomplishing anything. Before it Th sailed, a squadron under Lord Denbigh had cap- French ships taken by tured three Rouen vessels of ilnmense value, on the Denbigh. suspicion that they were laden with Spanish property.  Public opinion in France was greatly excited, and a fresh decree was issued by the Parliament of Rouen for oct.,« the sequestration of English goods, s Yet the Eng- lish Court did not contemplate the probability of a breach. In the beginning of November it was announced that November. Goring to go Sir George Goring would go to France to clcar to France. up ail difficulties. Buckingham was by this time once more in that frame of mind in vhich all things seemed  Mmbassade de a»sompf¢rre.  Denbigh to Buckingham, Sept. I, S. P. Dom. xxxvi. 3- * Ara English merchant at Rouen to Ferrar, Oct. * 5". /'. France. t626 THE FO.çCED ZOAN. easy, aq the more because he had reason to believe that the financlal difficulties which had plagued him so long wre at last at an end. In the course of September some clever man, not impro- bably Sir Allen Apsley,  suggested that though the Kmg had àe f««e round difiïculties in raising a so-called free gift, there .n. might be less difficulty in the way of raising a forcd loan. The Statute of :Benevolences, it may bave been urged, stood clearly in the way of any attempt to make the gift com- pulsory ; but forced loans under the name of Privy seals were perf¢ctly familiar to ail Englishmn, and it would only be necessary to extend the system a little further. It is only due to Charles that he should be heard in defence of the proposal. In a letter which Abbot was required to circulate in Sept. "r King'» all the dioceses of England, Charles cal!ed upon the «i.«k,r. Church to aid the necessities of the State. After dwelling at length upon the evil consequences of the d«feat of Lutter, the King went over the old story how he had bcen led into war by the counsel of Parliament. "This," he vrote, " upon their persuasions and promises of all assistance and supply we readily undertook and effected, and cannot now be left in that business but whh the sin and shame of all men :-- sin, because aid and supply for the defence of the kingdom and the like affairs of State, especially such as are advised by Parliamentary counsel, are due to the King from his people by all law both of God and men ; and shame if they forsake the King while he pursues their own counsel just and honourable, and whJch could not, under God, but have been successtul if he had been followed and supplied in time, as we desired and laboured for." The geatest evil of Church and State, Charles went on to say, was the breach of unity. The clergy were to preach unit) and charity, and to exhort the people to prayers for themselves and for the King of Denmark. " * At least he afterwards claimed to have been the cause of bringing /,oo, ooo.L to his Majesty. And though the loan produced less than 3.,¢,,ocoE., I ara at a loss to think of any other scheme which produced nearly so much. Apsley to Nicholas, Feb. , 6--8, S. P. Z)om. xcii. 18. *Tlï6 King I» Abbot, Sept. -, ll'ilkius, iv. 47L [44 THE RUPTURE IrlTH FR.4'CE. CH. LIX. Two days after this letter was written, and before there was rime to put it in circulation, a first atteml)t to collcct the loan sert. » was marie in the county of Middlesex. The sum to Th«com- be paid was fixed at rive subsidies, an amount far mission for l,liddlesex, greater than had ever been raised upon Privy seals. The Commissioners appointed to collect the loan were directed, first to lend money themselves, and then to summon before them all men rated in the subsidy books. Anyone who refused to lend was to be required to swear whether he had been prompted in his refusal by another person, and if he would neither lend nor swear, then to be bound over to answer for his contempt before the Privy Council. 1 Westlninster was chosen as the scene of the first meeting of the Commissioners. In the parishes of St. Margaret's and October. St. Martin's, lying as they did under the very eye of 'o««ding» the Court, little difficulty was ruade. In the parishes in West- ,i,s,er. about the Strand there was more disturbance. When the inhabitants of the country parts of Middlesex were sum- moned, the majority of those who came agreed to pay, and the Government was thus encouraged to apply to the other counties in the neighbourhood of I.ondon.  The-moment when success seemed to be dawning upon Charles was chosen by him to deal a blow at the man who had donc more than anyone else to frustrate his hopes. As soon as Eliot returned hoirie, all the swarm of 13uckingham's adherents fell upon him. Foremost of all was Sir James Bagg, the man who coveted Eliot's office, and who never signed a letter to the Duke without subscribing himself his ' humble slave.' Charges and complaints were easy to bring together when they were wel- ot. 5. corne to those who received them, and on October 5 S«qst,- they were brought into such shape as to induce the tion of Eliot'sVice- Privy Council to pronounce Eliot unworthy any Admiralty. longer to exercise the duties of his office. The Vice-Admiralty of Devon was ruade over to Sir James Bagg, and to a kindred spirit, Sir John Drake. ]3uckingham's heart was again full of triumph. In tb.e ' Commission and Instructions, Sept. 23, S.   to Meade, Oct. 6, o, Court aut 2ïmes, i. 154, 159. 626 ,4 FRE.VCH ALLIAATE [V I'IEII . I45 beginning of November it had hot only been finally dedded to send the four regiments in Holland to the assistance of the King of Denmark, but arrangements had been ruade for paying them, at least for a time. I In his conversations with Bassoin- pierre, Buckingham had much to say about the revival of the rro,, s. French alliance, and on November 5 he adroitly took The enter- the opportunity of a magnificent entertainment given tainment al V«k Hou»e. by himself to the ambassador at York House to signify the hopes which he had founded on the renewal of amity Mth France. In the masque which the spectators were called upon :o admire, Mary de Medicis was represented as enthroned in the midst of the celestial deities upt)n the sea which separated England and France, welcoming the Elector and Electress Palatine, as vell as her three daughters, with their husbands the Kings of England and Spain and the Prince of Piedmont. z It was the old dream of 6 3, with the substitution of Henrietta Maria for the Infanta. In his conversations with Bassompierre 13uckingham talked freely of the difficulties caused by want of money, and something was said of an arrangement to be brought about in Germany by French influence, a So smooth had the waters been running at home since I3assompierre's alrival that everything seemed possible. The The Queen Queenwith occasional outbursts of pêtulance--was and Buck. at last on good terres with her husband, and was ingham. even carrying on friendly intercourse with the English ladies of ber Court, and through them with Buckingham him- self. But it was r.ot easy to inake amends for the want of foresight which had postponed so long the settlement of the ro,.9, maritime quarrel between the two countries. An The mer- chants angry crowd interested in the French trade had trading with lately gathered round Bassompierre's door, and had France .pro- et ga,.t loaded the ambassador with insults. On November 9 the'liberation of theprizes, a formal petition ,,vas presented to the Council by the merchants, asking for the further stay of the French prizes  The King to the States-General, Nov. 3, ,4dd. 31SS. 17,677 , L, fol 292. - -  Salvetti's A'e'zos-[etler, Nov. IO. s Contarini to the Doge, Nov. L7 ën. 7"ratscrits, R. O. VOL. VI. L I46 THE RUI'TURE I.VIT[-I" FRAACE. C LIX. till the goods sequestered at Rouen had been liberated. * Buckingham's spirits only rose with the occasion. The knot was worthy of his own personal intervention. Bassom- pierre should go without the prizes. He should carry with him a few priests set free from prison, but the further con- cessions promised to the Catholics should for the present be Buckingham postponed. The extraordinary anabassador about to propo«. to start for Paris should go to the heart of the difficulty, go to France. and propose a reasonable settlement of the law of prize, to be followed by a renewed understanding on the general affairs of Europe. Goring was no longer considered fit for a negotiation of such extended dimensions. There was but one man in England believed by Buckingham to be equal to the task, and that man was himself.  Events were hurrying on too rapidly for Buckingham's control. The example of the Rouen Parliament proved in- fectious. Four English vessels were stopped off Fre«h aeizuresat Rochelle. Again the merchants flocked round the h«U« Council, begging for letters of marque against the French, and the Council ,cas beginning to share in their excitement. Though, for the present, the King refused to issue letter of marque, orders were drawn up for a further seizure of French property in England. Fresh news might at any time provoke an act which would involve the two countries in war. 3 Such news was already on its way.  The Duke of Epernon, Governor of Guienne, was one of the many amongst the French aristocracy who were opposed to Richelieu and his policy. If his motive was to frustrate that policy and to create a breach between France and England he could hardly have acted more  Petitiou, Nov. -.9 Bassompierre to Herbault, Nov. _x= Neg. 259. • The Duke's intention is mentioned by Bassompiere in his letter of Dec. ,- but Contarini knew of it on lov. -. Nov. 4 • Contarini to the Doge, D-êc.' l/en. Transcrits, . O. • It reached Bassompierre at Dorer on the 24th of lXTovember, but was tot known in Loudon till later. 626 TItE IdZINE FLEET SEIZE1). ¢leverly than he did. As a fleet of two hundred English and • rhe ,ine Scottish vessels, laden with the year's supply of wine, tleetseized was sailing from Bordeaux, he ordered the seizme Bordeaux. of the whole. When the news reached England, it was regarded as a peculiar aggravation of the offence that he had waited till a new duty of four crowns a tun had been paid, and had thus secured both the money and the wine. This ri]ne hot the merchants only, but all who drank wine were up in arms. It was known that the last year's supply would soon be exhausted, and its price consequently went up rapidly.  Even before these last tidings from Bordeaux reached Buckingham, he had discovered that others had hot as much Bucking- confidence as himself in his diplomatic powers. ham's pro- iectedem- Bassompierre hinted to him pretty plainly that his o»y. presence would not be acceptable in Francekadvice which may to some extent have been founded on the recollec- tion of Buckm=hams insolent behaviour to the Queen, but which was fully justified by dislike of the imï«tuous character of the Duke. Nor was resistance wanting frottl Buckingham's own family. His wife, his mother, and his sister threw them- selves on their knees, imploring hiln to desist from so hazardous an enterprise.  When the news arrived from Bordeaux the enterprise became more hazardous still. The Council was in favour of instant retaliation. Buckingham himself began to par- take of the general exasperation ; but he was ail the more con- vinced that his own personal intervention would clear away the D««. «. difficulty. Summoning back Bassompierre, who had Bkingh, already reached Dover on his return home, he went offers to go :o« down to Canterbury to meet him, and offered to cross the Straits at once in his company, to set matters right. Bassompierre had some difficulty in persuading him to wait till an answer could be received from the French Court.   Contarini to the Doge, Dec. x-]'x Ven. Transoq[,ls, . O.  to Meade, Dec. 9, Court and Times, i. I8O. Nov. 30 • Bassompierre to Herbault, Dec-xo' IVeg. 297. Contarini to the Doge Dec. ï8' Ven. Transcripts, R. O. • Bassompierre to Louis XIII., Dec. x_ Ne£. 3o7. I48 THE RUI'TURE fVITtf t:RA,VCE, c. Lix. It was hardly likely that this overture would be favour- roe«. » ably received. On December 3, belote Buckingham l='renchshlp s started for Canterbury, an Order in Council was md goods to te seiz«d, issued for the seizure of ail French ships and goods in English waters. 1 Yet even then Buckingham still talked of going to Paris, as if nothing had happened. He said that till he heard that the King of France had himself refused to see him, he would not believe that his overtures had been rejected. He may well bave hesitated to acknowledge that war was inevitable. Every day he was receiving signs of the unpopularity of which he was the object. At Court it was believed that his only aire was to seek an opportunity of making love once more to the Queen of France ; whilst reasonable men explained his desire to go to France by his eagerness to be out of England during the session of Parliament which was now naturally enough pre- sumed to be inevitable. When he set out to meet Bassom- pierre at Canterbury, the mob çollowed him with curses, shout- ing after him, "Begone for ever !"  Hard pressed as he was, Charles had not the slightest in- tention of meeting a Parliament. Yet the prospects of the loan were far less favourable in December than they had October. ,,op««t of been at the beginning of November. At first, when theloan, the money had been demanded only flom the fiv counties nearest London, it seemed as if a little firmness would bear down all opposition. In Essex, Sir Francis Bar- rington and Sir William Masham were committed to prison for a few days for refusing to sit upon the commission, and thirteen poorer men were sent down to Portsmouth to serve on board the fleet, as a punishment for their refusal to pay, though they were allowed to go home again after a short detention. November. After this, little further resistance was ruade, and the Government, congratulating itself that its difficulties were at an  Order in Council, Dec. 3, & P. Dot, c. xii. 8 - Contarini to the Doge, Dec. 7:s' /C" Tras«ript,, R. O. The ide about making love to the Queen is frequenly mentioned by Contarin[, but, I think, without much belief on his part. I6z6 THEUDG.ES tLVD TtfE LOA«V. I49 end, prepared to despatch to more distant shires the Privy Councillors who were to take part in the commissions in orde that they might overawe the counties by their presence. Suddenly opposition arose from an unexpected quarter. The judges had hitherto borne their share of Benevolences and Rsistanceof Privy seals without murmuring; but though they still thejudges, expressed their readiness to pay their quota towards the new loan, they now unanimously refused to acknowledge its legality by putting their hands to paper to e'press their con- No,,. « sent to the demand. Charles, as soon as he heard Dismissalof the objection, hastily sent for the Chief Justice, the Chier Justice. Sir Randal Crew, and, finding that he would not give way, dismissed him on the spot from his office, as an example to the rest. If Charles expected to intimidate the other judges he was quickly undeceived. One and ail they refused to give the required signatures unless they were allowed to add that they signed simply to please his Majesty, without any intention of giving their authority to the loan.  A successor was easily round for Crew in Sir Nicholas Hyde, who had been the draftsman of Buckingham's defence. The Chier Justiceship of the Common Pleas, which was va- cant by Hobart's death, was filled by Serjeant Richardson, who gave a pledge of his subserviency by marrying a kinswoman of the Duke belote he was admitted to the Bench. a But the wound inflicted by Charles upon his own authority was hOt so easily healed. When at any future time he appealed to the  Meddus to Meade, Oct. 7, Nov. 4, Court and Times, l. 6o, 65. = " Sur ce refus, le Roy a envoyé quérir au principal des juge% le- quel ayant refusé de signer, le Roy l'a desmis au mesne instant de sa charge, et puis a envoyé presenter ledit livre aux autres juges, lesquels y ont mis cette clause, que non pour donner exemple au peuple, ny le convier à faire la mesme chose, mais qu'estant interpellés et pressés, pour eviter de fascher sa Majesté ils ont souscrit." ]3assompierre, lVeg. 63. Compare Contarini's Despatch, Nov. ; Meddus to Meade, Nov. o, 7, Court and Time«, i. 67, I7o. Hyde's formal appointment was on Feb. 5, 67 ; Rymer, xviii. 835.  Meddu» to leade, Dec. I, Court a,td Times, l. tSo 1NI ov. ZT- Debate in the Council. majority, await the counties, t TI-IE I?UPTUI?.E VITH FR,4A'CE. CH. tax. iudges against what he regarded as the encroachments of the Commons, it would be remembered that they were no longer disinterested mnpires, and that the highest of their number had been dismissed from office because he refused to say that to be legal which he believed to be illegal. The judges, in short, were to be appealed to as impartial arbiters when they were on the side of the Crown ; but to be treated with scorn when thcy ventured to bave opinions of their own. The news that the judges had ruade objections spread like wildfire. Fifteen or sixteen of the Peers--mnongst them Essex, 'urther Lincoln, Warwick, Clare, ]3olingbroke, and Saye-- tOus,as, refused to lend. In Hertfordshire a large number of persons who had already given their subscriptions, declared that the opinion given by the judges had set them free. In the Council the fiery Dorset urged the ina- mediate imprisomnent of the recalcitrant Lords. The howevcr, was against him, and it was resolved to cffect of the visits of the Privy Councillors to the Not even the risk of a failure of the loan could induce Charles to change his policy towards France. On December 3, )e¢«. as bas been seen, the order was issued for the seizure ».a« of French vessels On the 8th Bassompierre left French mari- timef»rce. Dorer with a promise to send back the message which would virtually imply peace or war.  In the meanwhile everything that passed in France was regaçded with jealous scrutiny. The evident determination of Richelieu to make France a maritime nation, that she might no longer go a begging to foreign powers for the lneans of repressing rebellion amongst ber own people, was treated at Whitehall as an insult to the English supremacy at sea, an encroachment upon Charles's rights which Buckingham was bent on resisting by any means in his power. A plan was soon formed. As in 625, Pennington was entrusted with the secret. Of the twenty ships wrung from the ' lIeade fo Sluteville, Nov. 2 5 ; lIeddus to lIeade, Dec. I, Co«rt and 't'ntes. i 172 , 175. Rudyerd to Nethersole, Dec. I, S. P. Dom. xii. 3. * Hippisley to Buckingharn, Dec. 8, S. 29. 1_)oto. xii. 5o. 1626 THE FR.EA'CH TO t?E M TTMCA'ED. ISI City with so much difiïculty, some were now ready and were t)«c. ,,. lying under Pennington's command in the .Downs. 'he City Oll the z-',nd Charles wrote to Buckingham that six ships. or eight ships purchased by the French King in the l.ow Countries were at Havre. As they were intended to be emp!oyed against England he was to see that they were sunk D«¢.24. or taken.  Two days later Buckingham sent Pen- Iu¢kingl nington his instructions. "When you shall corne }rders them totck where these ships ride," he wrote, "you are, accord- French ships . ,t avr« mg to your best discretion to give the captains o commanders of them some occasion to fall out with you and to shoot at you ; and thereupon presently, with the best forçe you can make, you are to repulse the assault, and so to set upon them with your own and all the ships of your fleet as that, having once begun with them, you may be sure, God willing, hOt to fail to take them, or, if they will hOt yield, to sink or tire them. If, because they are but a few ships, and, as I am in- formed, hOt well rnanned, they shall hOt date, upon any occa- sion, to meddle first with you, then you are to take occasion to pick some quarrel with them upon some suspicion of their intent to lie there to colour enemy's goods or countenance his ships, and so to assure or take them, or otherwise to sink them and tire them. In which you are, as you see occasion, to make as probable and just a ground of a quarrel as may be, and, if you can, to make it their quarrel, hOt yours. But howsoever, if you can meet with them you may hOt fail to take, sink, or tire them. '' With his usual readiness to obey orders as soon as he under- stood what they meant, Pennington prepared to obey. He had .. 'now fifteen ships altogether ;' but he complained Penn[ngton that the Londoners had taken no trouble to make the prepares to oby. vessels extorted from them worthy of his Majesty's service. The ships themselves were 'verymean things.' They were undermanned, and those who had been sent on board were chiefly landsmen and boys. With two of the King's ships he would undertake to beat the whole fleet, z The King to Buckingham, Dec. 22, S. P. /9om. x'ii. 67. Secret instructions from Buckingham to Pennington. Dec. 24, S. /9. ,Donc. xlii. 8L  Penningt, n to Buckingham, Dec. 2S, ibid. xlii. The value of Pennington's squadron was hot to be tested this time. ]3uckingham had been completely misinformed. i6z. Havre roads were empty, and after a few days' Janury. cruise Penninton arrived at Falmouth, having done l'e»nington  tl.,esnothing, nothing at ail, except that he had fired into ten lutch men-of war, believing them tobe Dunkirkers. He was himself hOt well pleased with the result. "Consider," he wrote to Buckingham, " what a desperate employment you put upon me, tobe sent out at this rime of year with three weeks' victual, having long dark nights, base ships, and ill-fitted with munition and worse manned, so that if we corne to any service it is almost impossible we can corne off with honour or safety." * Whilst Pennington was still at sea, Louis's final determina- tion was placed in Charles's hands.  Bassompiere's plan for ina] settling the Queen's household, which had been even eea,ad»,,r more favourable to France than a scheme of which France. Louis had expressed lais approval in October, s was now entirely disavowed. The King of France, Charles was to be informed, was umvilling to accept anything short of the complete execution of the marriage contract. Nevertheless, at his mother's intercession, he would consent to some changes, though they were to be far fewer than those to which his am- bassador had agreed. As for the ships, if the King of England would fixa day for liberating the French prizes, he would do the saine on his side. The answer was regarded in England as a personal affront. l,uckingham informed Richelieu that his master now considered a'elr *jec- himself free from ail former obligations about the tion. household, and that France, having begun the seizure of the English vessels unjustly, must be the first to make re- paration, a Open war could hardly be averted much longer. The  Pennington to Buckingham, Jan. o, S./. Z)om. xlviii. .6.  The letter in Bassompierre's gCotialions (3I) is undated, but was -ritten in the end of December.  Louis XIII. to Bassompierre, Oct.  , Neg. 153.  13uckingham to Riglaelieu, Jan. (?) 6z7, Crowe's I-]islory of trranc¢ m. 5  5. 162 1.1IPEVDI_AG lf'.R. 153 marriage treaty of i624, so fair in its promise, had borne bitter fruits. The ttempt to bind too closely nations Ctse of the rupturewith differing in policy and religiçn had failed. The France. English Government had ronde up its mind to in- volve Catholic France in a declared war in defence of Pro- testantism in Germany. The French Government had ruade up its mind to secure toleration for the English Catholics. When hopes that should noyer bave been entertained failed to be realised, there was disappointment and irritation on both sides. Then came the interference of Charles on behalf of çhellc, the quarrel about the prize goods, and the quarrel about the Queeu's household, all of them perhaps matters capable of settlement between Governments anxious to final points of agree- ment, but almost impossible ofsettlement between Governments already prepared to take umbrage atone another's conduct. How was a Government which had failcd so signally in making war against Spain, to make war against Frace and ,,.,,.s Spain at the saine time ? Even at Charles's Court rgdto it was acknowledged thtt, in the long run, the con- fight France aad 8pain? test which had been provoked would be beyond the strength of England. Yet there were those who thoughtand uckingham was doubtless one of the number--that the Eng- lish superiority at sea was so manifest that it would be possible to re-establish the independence of Rochelle and to drive the French commerce from the seas, before either France or Spain would be strong enough to make resistance. Was it certain, however, that even this temporary superiority at sea would be maintained ? Again and again, during the autumn and winter, mobs of sailors had broken away from dis- cipline, and had flocked up to London to demand their pay by battering at the doors of the Lord Admiral or the Treasurer of the Navy ; and nov Pcnnington's crews were break- Mutiny in l'ennington's ing out into open mutiny at Stokes Bay. The three flee t. months for which the City fleet had been lent were ncarly at an end, and when ordcrs were given to weigh anchor and to nmke sail for the westward, the men responded with » OEhis is the substance of an undatod paper amngst the S/te Fr,nce, g-hich seems to hve corne from some one of authority. THE RUPTURE IViTH FRAIVCE. CH. Lx. shouts of ' Home ! home  ' and refused to touch a rope unless they were assured that they would be allowed to return to the Downs. 1 After the return of Willoughby's fleet, the state of the Navy had at last compelled Charles to ortier a special commission of Commission inquiry, and the defects of the King's ships were ofinquiry being daily dragged to light. The workmen at into the state «the N,vy. Chatham, the Comnfissioners discovered, had hot received their wages for a year. The sailors on board some of the ships were in the greatest distress. They had neither clothes on their backs nor shoes on their fcet, and they had no credit on shore to supply these deficiencies, e Yet, in spire of ail these disclosures, orders were given to prepare a great fleet of eighty ships for the summer. French prizes were now beginning to corne in, and would doubtless meet part of the expense. The revenue had been anticipated to the amount of 236,ooo/. a The utmost economy was practised in the Royal household. If only the loan could be collected, all might yet be well for a season. In January the Privy Councillors and other persons of note appointed to act as Commissioners for the loan started for the Progress of counties assigned to them. It was thought that men the loan. who had closed their purses tightly in the presence of the local Commissioners would be chary of offering a refusal to the Lords of the CounciL In the majority of cases, the effect produced was doubtless great. Of the reports sent up in the first three months of the new year, the greater part of those preserved must have been tolerably satisfactory to the King. erkshire ruade but little difficulty. The university and city of Oxford showed alacrity in the business. In Cheshire there was ready obedience. 4 In Somerset, Hereford, Shropshire, Stafford, Durhaln, all but a slnall number were ready to pay. » Nor does this afford matter for surprise. The immediate risk Philpot to Buckingham, Jan.  5, & P. Donc. xlix. 37. Oder of the Commissioners, Jan. 6, ibid. xlix. 68. Ibid. xlvii. 55. & t . l)om. xlix. I2, 36 ; lvL 72. Ibnl. liii. 88, liv. 28, lvi. 89, lix. 6. I627 RESISTAA'CE TO THE LOAA: I55 was great. The refitser might be cast into prison, or sent to be knocked on the head in some chance skirmish in the German wars. Except for the most resolute and self-sacrificing, the temptation to escape the danger by the paylnent of a few shillings, or even a few pounds, was too strong to be resisted. Yet, small as the number of refusers was, the Government could hOt afford to pass lightly over their denial. It represented a vast anaount of suppressed discontent, and the men from whom it proceeded were often in the enjoyment of high personal con- sideration in their respective neighbourhoods. In some counties Growing re- their example spread widely amongst all classes. In istance. Essex some of the local Commissioners themselves refused to pay. l In Northamptonshire twenty-two of the principal gentry, followed by more than half the county, offered so decided a resistance that the itinerant Privy CouncJllors at once bound over the gentlemen to appear before the ]3oard at Whitehall, and sent up a number of refractory persons of lesser quality tobe mustered for service under the King of Denmark. In Gloucestershire twelve out of twenty-five Com- missioners refused to pay, and the example thus given was widely followed, z In Lincolnshire, at the end of January, only two or three persons had given their consent. 3 The Council was in no great hurry to proceed to strong measures. Most of the members were absent from London as Commissioners, and during the greater part of February some twenty gentlemen were allowed to relnain in confinement without receiving any summons to appear before the 13oard. When no signs of sub- mission appeared they were called up and commanded to obey the King. - The threat produced no impression on them. The flower of the English gentry refused to adroit the justice of the  S. t 9. Z?om. liv. 47- e Manchester, Exeter, and Coke to I3uckingham. Jan. z : Northamp- ton and Bridgeman to the Council, Feb.  7, ibid. xlix. 8, liv. s Contarini to the Doge, Feb.  ln. 7"ranscri¢ts, tP. O.  to lleade, Feb. , Court and 7"intes, |. 9 . The story of the riot and attack on the house in which the Commissioners were sitting is contradicted lIeade on the evidence of a Lincolnshire gentleman. The rumours of the day contained in this correspondence must be received with great caution. r56 TttE RUPTURE II'fTtf t:tL4.\ŒEE. CH. LIX. demand, and every one of the offeuders was sent back to the restraint from which he had corne. The battle once engaged had to be fought out to the end. It would never do to accept payment from the weak and to allow the strong to go free. A fresh attempt to overcome the opposition in Lincolnshire ended somewhat better than the former one. Still there were sixty-eight recusants. Ten of them, who were Commissioners, were sent up to answer for their refusal 1,r«h. before the Council. Others followed hot long after- "rhe E,r* « wards. The Earl of Lincoln was detected in agitat- Lincoln sent totheTower, ing against the loan, and was sent to the Tower.  Reports of the confusion which prevailed poured in from every side. Soldiers were wandering about the country, to the dismay of quiet householders. " And besicles," wrote Wimble- don to Secretary Coke, " there are many vagabonds that, in the naine of soldiers, do outrages and thefts." The laws seemed tobe powerless against them, and yet "there was never time more needful to have such laws put in execution, in regard ot the great liberty that people take, more than they were wont." These obstructions to the well-being of the commonwealth must be cleared away ' rather at this rime than at any other, for that the world is something captious at all things that are commanded without a parliament.' Wimbledon's remedy was the al»pointment of a provost-marshal in every sbire. This advice was adopted, and the men were thus brought under martial law. e The spirit of resistance was abroad. On February z8 orders were given by the Council to press fifty of the Essex refusers for r,y, the King of Denmark ; but the poorer classes were /e:istanceof learning, from the example of the gentry, to stand the poorer cas, upon their rights. With one consent the men refused to take the press-money, the reception of which would consign them to bondage. On March 16 there was a long M arch. debate on their case in the Privy Council, and some of its members, with more zeal than knowledge, recommended  s. 19. Z)om. lvi. 39. lMeade to Stuteville, Match 17, Court and Yimes, i. 207.  Wimbledon to Coke, Feb. 23, 2[elbo«rne llISS. 1627 HA.IPDEN, ELIOT, AA.'I) I'EVTII'OI¢TtL. r57 that they should be hanged, under the authority of martial law. Coventry was too good a lawyer to adroit this doctrine. Martial l.w, he explained, was applicable to soldiers only, and men who had not yet received press-money were not soldiers. The order given for sending these bold men of Essex to the slaughter was accordingly rescinded, and thcy were left to be dealt with --if they could be dealt with at ail--in some other way. The names of these obscure men bave been long ago for- gotten ; but that persons of no great repute should bave been found on the list of those who were willing to surfer persecution for their rights as Englishmen is a thing hOt to be forgotten. It was the surest warrant that the resistance, though lcd by an aristocracy, was no merely aristocratie uprising. The cause concerned rich and poor alike, and rich and poor stepped forward to surfer for it--each class in its own way. The day would corne, if they were pressed hard, when rich and poor would step forward to fight for it. Amongst the names better known to the England of that day are to be found three which will never be forgotten as long as the English tongue remains the language ofcivilised Hampden, Eiot,,na men. John Hampden, the young Buckinghamshire Wentwort.h. squire, known as yet merely as a diligent Member of Parliament, active in preparing the case against Buckingham in the last session,  but taking no part in the public debates, was alnongst the foremost on the beadroll of honour to be called up to London, o.n January 9, te answer for his refusal to pay the loan. Eliot's summons in Iay and his subsequent ina- 1)rison'.nent need no explanation. With Hampden and Ehot and many another whose names are only less honoured than theirs, was Sir Thomas Wentworth. If Wentworth had good reasons for opposing the free gift, Wm,,,«h's he had still better reasons for opposing the forced optsition, loan. Scarcely a shred wa$ left of that freedom of choice ,hich, at least in appearance, accompanied the lieade to Stuteville, lIarch 7, 24, Court ad 7"in, es, i. 2o7. o8. This hearsay evidence is corroborated by the order in the Conncil ?e$'ister, March 19, for rescinding the directions for the press. = Forstcr, Si-. Eli.,t, i. 9o. trfl3 THE RUPTURE IPTTH FRA'VCE. CH. J.lX. former demand. An attempt to draw money illegally from Wentworth's purse was an insult which he would have been inclined to resent even if Charles had intended to employ it for purposes of which he approved. He knew that the present loan was to be employed for purposes of which he entirely dis- approved. To talk to him about the patriotism of lending money for a war with Spain, and, for all he knew, for a war with France too, was adding mockery to the insult. What he wanted was to see the Crown and Parliament turning their attention to domestic improvement. Instead of that, Charles and Buckingham were ruining the sources of their influence by forcing the nation to support unwillingly an extravagant and ill-conducted war. That the forced loan was hOt a loan in any true sense it was impossible to deny. There was no reasonable prospect of its repayment, and money thus given was a subsidy in ail but name. That Parliament alone could grant a subsidy was a doctrine which no Englishman would be likely directly to deny, and which few Englishmen not living under the immediate shadow of the Court would be likely even indirectly fo deny. Wentworth, however, as usual contented himself with passive opposition. His old rival, Sir John Savile, threw himself into the vacancy which Wentworth had made, and was The forced Ioan in York- able to report in April that the success of the loan in shir«. Yorkshire was entirely owing to his exertions. For the present Wentworth was suffered to stand aloof, taking his ease at his ancestral manor of Wentworth Woodhouse. At last, as the summer wore on, he was summoned before the Council, answered courteously but firmly that he would not lend, and was placed under restraint. 13efore the end of June he was sent into confinement in Kent. The last resource of the King was to banish the leading opposers of the loan to counties as far away as possible from their own homes.  At Court the views which prevailed on the subject of the  Savile to Buckingham, April 4, 6z7, S. /9. 29ont. lix. 35-  Council Veo,4sto', June 16, 20, 27» 29. Manchester to the Kit.g, ltlly 5, S. P. Do,n. lxx. 32. tu27 Ctt.4RLES'5 VIEV/ OF THE SITUATIOA: war with France were diametrically opposed to those which commended themselves to Wentworth. Charles did January. char.«s hOt indeed either abandon his wish to recover the opinion of the,--r with Palatinate or conceal from himself the hindrance France. which a French war would be to the accomplishment of that design ; but he was deeply persuaded that, whatever the consequences might be, he could not act otherwise than he Bdie,,es had done. Hi explanation of the whole matter  as Richdieu to very simple. Richelieu had at first meant well. But be bought by ,he Pope, he was a priest after ail. Ho had becn bribed by the Court of Rolne with an offer of the high position of Papal Legate in France, to set his whole mind upon the extirpation of the Huguenots. If such an estimate of Richelieu's character strikes those who hear of it at the prescrit day as too monstrous to have been seriously t.ntertained, it must hOt be forgotten that good judges of character are rare, and that Charles had neither the mate- rials before hiln which are in out days accessible in profusion, nor the dispassionate judgment which would have enabled hiln to extract the truth from what lnaterials ho had. and hlmself oa'¢ebeen On one point ho was quite clear. Ho himself always right, had been al,«ays in the right. The treaty between France and England had been directly violated by the seizures of English ships and goods in France. What had been done in England had been a necessity of State policy. The Queen's household had intrigued with the English Catholies and had sown distrust between himself and his wife. Bassompierre had set matters straight, but had been disavowed by Louis in a fit of ill-temper. 1 If Charles and his ministers misunderstood the motives and underrated the difficulties of the great statesman with whom l-Ianodoubt they had to do, they were equally blind to the secret oftheweak- of his power. They watched the struggles of the ness of France. inhabitants of P-,ochelle, and fancied that strength was there. They watched the seething discontent of the French  This is the main result of the language used by Holland to Contarini in g[ving an account of the opinion prevailing at Court. Contarini to the Doge, Jan. 6 Fb. s' /én. Transcri2ts , R. 0 6o TIgE RUPTURE IVITIt FRAIVCE. c. LX. aristocracy, and fancied that strength was there. They thou«ht. that they had but to strike hard enough, and the overthrow of the Cardinal would be the work of a few months. They did not see that they were aiming, not at the abasement of a minister but at the disintegration of a nation, and that the effective strength of the nation would fly in the face of the audacious foleigners who based their calculations on its divisions. In one point Charles was not deceived. The French had nothing afloat which could look the English Navy in the face. In March Pennington was let loose upon the French Match. Pennington shipping, I and English cruisers swept the seas frorn attacks the Vr«nçh Calais to Bordeaux. The goods on boa,l the prizes shipping, were sold without delay. The effect was instan- taneous. In the winter sailors and soldiers alike had been on the verge of mutiny. Rioters had thronged the streets of London, crying out upon the l)uke for the pay of which they had been defrauded. Before the summer carne the prepara- tions for the great expedition were going gaily forward. There was lnoney in hand to pay the men for a time, and to bu) pro- visions. France, it seemed, would provide the means for her own ruin. Buckingham was this time to go himself in command. With the prospect of increased responsibility, evcn he looked uneasily at the enormous forces of the two great monarchies which he and his toaster had provoked. He determined to make overtures February. F, ucking- ham's over- t-,res fo Spain. to Spain. The proposal was not to be ruade through any accredited agent ofthe Crown. In proportion as the policy of the Eng- lish Govermnent came to levolve round the favourite minister, there sprang up a new swarm of courtier-like diplomatists, vhose chief qualification for employment was to be found in their dependence on the great Duke. Such a one was Edward Clarke, who had been employed on many a delicate mission by Buckingham, and who had been reprimanded by the Colnmons at Oxford on account of the indecent warmth with  Instructions to Pennington, March 3, II, 12, S. . Dol. lvi. 8; $5, 90. t6-7 OI'ERTURES TO SPAIA: which he defended his patron. Such a one too was Balthazar ç,«rbiernd Gerbier, architect and connoisseur, born in Zealand Rubens of French refugee parents, t and settled in England--a man at home in every nation and specially attached to none. In 1625 he had accompanied Buckingham to Paris, and had there met Rubens, who was engaged to paint Buckingham's portrait, and who coveted the distinction of a diplomatist as well as that of a painter. Rubens then talked fluently to the Duke of the ad- vantages to England of peace with Spain ; but as yet the tongue of the great artist had no charm for Buckingham. The Cadiz expedition, with all its expected triumphs, was still belote him. In January, 1627, Gerbier was again in Paris, where he t627. seems again to have met Rubens, who held much lanary, the saine language as he had done two years before.  Buckingham, when he heard what had been said, resolved to avail himself of the opportunity offered to him, but, to do him Fbar)-. justice, when he now sent Gerbier to Brussels to ekingh- take up the broken thread of these conversations, it hopes to gain e,'erything was no cowardly desertion of lais allies which he was n-om Svain. planning. Just as when he ruade war with Spain he was sanguine enough to suppose that he could get everythin. he wanted by plunginginto war, so now that he was rcady to make peace, he was sanguine enough to expect to get evcrv- G«rbier's thing he wanted for the mere asking. Gerbier was proposais, ostensibly to open negotiations for the purchase of a collection of pictures and antiques, but in reality to propose that a suspension of arms should be agreed upon with a vicw to peace. This suspension of arms was to include the Dutch Republic and the King of Denmark. Such a proposal was doomed to rejection, unless Charles was ready to abandon the Dutch. With them Spain would make neither truce nor peace unless they would open the Scheldt, and tacitly abandon tleir daim to independence, z  Sainsbury, Paibers relaling, to Rubens, 316.  That the overture came from Rubens vas afterwards stated ]3uckingham, and is implied in an undated letter from Gerbier to l.uber.: in the Archives at Brussels. 8  The Infanta Isabel!a to Philip IV., Feb. , rzssel« .ILS& fOL. V/. 16"2 TttE RUPTURE IU1TH FRA2VCE. cH. LX. Rubens, of course, by the direction of the Infanta Isabella, re- ,nswer« plied courteously to Gerbier ; but he assured him, lubn», with truth, l that the King of Spain had no longer any great influence in Germany, and could do nothing in a hurry about the King of Denlnark. There would be a diffi- culty, too, about the Dutch, who insisted upon receiving the title of independent States. The best thing would be to treat for a separate peace between Spain and England. If Charles, in short, would throw over his allies he would then sec what Spain would think fit to do for him. u The claims put forward by Spain, were, hmever, out of all proportion to ber strength. The siege of Breda had completely exhausted the treasury. Never, wrote the Infanta, had she been in such straits for ,noney. If the enelny took the field she saw no means to resist him. 3 Before the end of February Gerbier was in London, telling his story to Buckingham. Baltimore, the Calvert of earlier Gerbier days, was for the first time since his dismissal from returns to office summoned to consultation with the favourite. London. Buckingham failed to sec that, at a time when Eng- land had ceased to have any terrors for Spain, it was madness to expect to impose on her such a peace as he designed. He Joachimi sent Carleton to acquaint the Dutch ambassador, ,,formed. Joachimi, with all that had passed. Joachimi was to be asked to consult the States-General, assuring them that nothing would be donc without their consent. Joachimi was frightened. He could not understand how Buckingham could seriously expect, under the circumstances, to bring about a general pacification in Germany and the Netherlands, and he not unnaturally fancied that the proposal made to hiln was only the prelude to a separate peace between England and Spain. He was the more uneasy as Charles was absent at Newmarket, and he supposed, whether correctly or ' The Infanta's correspondence n the previous year, I626, is full of accounts of an abortive attempt at an alliance with the Emperor. " .S'at)sburj,, 8-7 6. * The Infanta Isabella to Philip IX'. March J.2 Brusels lll.çS. t 6:7 Iç\'REA L DI_PL 0,][,4 C Y. t 6 3 hOt cannot now be known, that Charles was to be kept in ignorance till it was too late for him to remonstrate. His suspicions were increased when he learned that Conway knew nothing about the matter, and that when that usually submis- sive Secretary was informed of what was passing, he burst out into angry talk, and actually called his ' most excellent patron ' a Judas. What Buckingham might have been induced to do, t s impossible to say. Most probably he had, as yet, no fixed Veb. 28. design. At ail events, if he had meant to keep the The King secret from Charles, he was now obliged to abandon consulted, the idea. Taking Baltimore with him, he went to Newmarket, and invited all the Privy Councillors on the spot to discuss the matter in the King's presence. Their opinions were not favourable to the chances of the negotiation. Charles himself, though he would not refuse to listen to anything that the Spaniards might have further to say, positively declined to abandon either his brother-in-law or the States-General. It was Termson finally arranged that Carleton should go as anabas- ,,,hich the sador to the Hague, upon a special mission for which negotiation istoproceed, it was easy to find an excuse. In reality he was to take the opportunity of persuading the Dutch to accept any reasonable offers of peace which might reach him from Brussels, and Gerbier was directed to inform Rubens that England would hOt treat apart from the States-General. The pacification of Germany might, however, be left to a separate negotiation.  Whilst the Spanish Government was amusing England with negotiations which it had no expectation of being able Agreement to bring to a conclusion satisfactory to itself,  between Olivares was making use of 13uckingham's over- France and sport, tures in another direction. He showed his letters from Brussels to the French ambassador at Madrid, and, by  Jachimi to the States-General, Match ' ç" Add. )I'SS. 7,67, x3, x9» bi, fol. 43, 48. Contarini to the I)oge, MarchFeb'79' March --'x9 l'en. Tran. , ripts, 1'. O. SaD«sbury, 76-80. l[ay 22 t Philip IV. to the Infanta Is.be]].% Ju----ñ- ' Eruu/s 2ISS. t 2 t04 THE RUPTURE II'ITH FRMA'CE. CH. LIK holding up belote his eyes the unwelcome prospect of peace between Spain and England frightened him into signing an engagement between France and Spain for common lklarch i6. action against Eng]and. This engagement was at once ratified in Paris.  It was so clearly against the political interests of Spain to support the growing power of France, that it has generally been supposed that the Spanish Go April vernment had no intention of fulfilling its promises. It bas, however, been forgotten that at Madrid religious took precedence of political considerations. The letters written by i'hilip IV. at the rime leave no doubt that he contemplated with delight the renewal of an alliance with a Catholic country, and that if he afterwards failed to assist Louis in his hour of danger, it was his poverty rather than his will that was at fault.  ]3etween Charles and Buckingham there was much in common. Both were ever sanguine of success, and inclined atl« ,,.af i to overlook the difficulties in their path. But whilst «r,,y. Iuckingham was apt to fancy that he could create means to accomplish his ends, Charles was apt to fancy that he could accomplish his ends without creating means at all. In the midst of his preparations for war with France, he still thought it possible to intervene with effect in Gcrmany. In the spring of 6z7 there was indeed just a chance of retrieving Christian's defeat at Lutter if Charles could have given efficient support to his uncle. With the merely nominal support which he was now able to give, there was practically no chance at all. The one bright spot in Christian's situation was that for a time he had to contend with Tilly alone. Wallenstein was Wallenstein away in Hungary, keeping llansfeld and Bethlen in Hungary.- Gabor at bay. Before long, however, he reduced llethlen Gabor to sue for peace. Mansfeld, hopeless of suc- cess, directed his course towards Venice, and died on the way. Wallenstein, relieved from danger, was thus enabled to  Philip IV. to the Infanta Isabella, April x' lay  xx, June x " Philip IV. to iMay  17,-usselr21ISS. Mirabei, June x' : Richelieu, 21It:moires, iii. 28 ; Siri, 211em. 1Ueo. ri. 57.  627 310RGA N',S E.YPEDITION.  6 ¢. bring back his troops to North Gennany before the summer was over. Yet, if Charles had been an ally worth having at all, he would by that time have enabled Christian to strike a blow which might have changed the whole complexion of affairs. Charles had at his disposal only the four regiments which had been sent to defend the Netherlands in x6z 4. Their "rhe four terre of service was now expired. The offer to place regimentsfor them at the King of _Oenmark's service sounded the King of " )enmark. like a mockery to Christian. He calculated that, by the treaty of the Hague, 6oo, oooL were now due to him from England, and Charles, who had no money to spare, offered to send him jewels instead. There was no delnand for jewels in l)enmark, and Christian complained bitterly. " Let God and the world," he said, "judge whcther this be answerable or Christianlike dealing." t Even the four regiments were hot hat they ought to bave been. They should have numbered 6,000 men, but their commander, Sir Charles Morgan, April 7. reported in April that when the men were mustered to go on board ship at Enkhuisen, only 2,472 answered to their names, z The others had fallcn a prey to the general disorga- nisation of the English administration. The pay had corne in slowly. Many of the officers knew nothing of military service, and were living in England whilst the soldiers were leff to their own devices in the Netherlands. Such as they were, the skeletons of the four regiments were shipped for the Elbe. From rime to rime recruits were sent a'e»-.il for from England to fill up their numbers. Men pressed  Elb« against their will, and men sent abroad because they had refused to pay the loan, were expected fo hold head against Tilly's triumphant veterans. With all the efforts of the English Government the numbers never reached their full complement. On June I, Morgan had hOt quite 5,000 undet his command. Disease and desertion soon thinned the ranks, and it was round impossible to keep up even that number. .- I .tatement by the King of Denmark, Feb. 26, S. Z'. Z)en»mrk. "-' Morgan fo Catleton, March 27 ; Memorial, April 7, -ç. I'. jewel which Charles sent proved entirely useless. It was valued at xoo, ooo/., but no one in Denmark would advance such a sure upon it.  One more failure was about to be added to the many which had baffted the sanguine hopes of Bucking- ham and his toaster. : Anstrt, ther to Conwa)-, June 16, s. l'. ])«tt.vtark. t07 CHAPTER LX. THE EXPEDITION TO RHÉ. To fight in Germany still formed part of the plan of the English King, but his heart--and, what was of still greater importance, the heart of the favourite--was now elsewhere. April. Char«s Charles was deeply wounded by the refusal of th hopes for suc- cess against King of France to agree to ]3assompierre's plan for Franc« his household arrangements, and by Richelieu's evi- dent intention to make France powerful by sea. He fell into the mistake into which others have fallen before and after him, of fancying that any weapon was good enough to be used against a hostile Government, and that if he could raise a suffi- cient number of adversaries against Richelieu it would be un- necessary for him to inquire what cause they represented or what moral wêight they possessed. That the French aristocracy were highly discontented with Richelieu was no secret to anyone, and Charles and ]3ucking- l%ontagtle's ham determined to send an agent to fan the flame mission, of their discontent. Walter Montague, the )-oungest son of the Earl of Manchester, one of those sprightly young men who sunned themselves in the light of ]3uckingham's favour, was selected for the mission. In Lorraine it was ex- pected that he would find the Duchess of Chevreuse, whose bright eyes and witty tongue were inspired by a genius for political intrigue, and who had been exiled from France in con- sequence of the part which she had taken against the Cardinal. She had been a partisan of the English alliance from the be- ginning, and it is believed that in *6-'4 she counted the Eglish I68 THE EXP]DIT[O.V TO RHÉ. cH. ambassador Holland amongst her numerous loyers. 13ucking- nain now hoped that she would allure the Duke of Lorraine to attack France from the east, whilst the communications which she still kept up -ith her friends at home would be of service in preparing trouble for the French Government nearer Paris. Still greater hopes were founded on the Court of Turin. The restless Charles Emmanuel, who had spent lais youth in attack- ing France and his middle age in attacking Spain, was now believed to be willing to turn his arms once more against his first enemy. With him n-as the Count of Soissons, a French l'rince of the Blood, who disliked the government of the Car- dinal, and was pressing for a Savoyard force to enable him to invade his native country. Such were the allies with whose help Buckingham hoped to effect a diversion for his great enterprise. The great enterprise itself had something in it of a loftier strain. Cool reason may suggest that the continued independence of the French Pro- testants was in the long run likely to bring ruin on themselves ; trot the dangers attending upon complete submission to a Catholic Govermnent were so patent that wiser men than Buck- inghmn might easily have become enthusiastic in the defence of Rochelle. For such a defence the time appeared favourable. ïhe Duke of Rohan, whose authority was great in the south of France, was to raise the Protestants of l.anguedoc, and to welcome Soissons on the one side, whilst he gave his support to the Rochellese on the other.  AI1 through the spring preparations were going on in Eng- land. In the beginning of May the new levies which were to make up the wrecks of the Cadiz regiments to ilay. Prepaxations men were beginning to gather round Portsmouth, i gd. but the reports which were sent to the Government were not encouraging. Of eoo furnished by the county of Hants, izc were 'such base.rogues' that it was useless to keep them. No money had been sent down to lneet the xxants of the men.  The troops gathered at Southampton and ' 13uckingham's plans from time fo tilne may be gathered far best frona Contarini's despatches.  ]31undell to Euckingh»ln, May . & /'. Do»t. lxxii. 6. 16 _ 7 B UCA'IVGHA.1 [' S PtE PA RA TIO.VS. 169 Winchester xvere ready to mutiny for xvant of pay. I The teputy lieutenants, xx-hose duty it was to collect the men and send them forward, were hard put toit to satisfy the King and their neighbours too. In Dorsetshire the Isle of Purbeck r:fused to send men at all, and the officiais x'ho had advanced the money required for the clothing and support of thc levies ,an the match to Portsmouth, complained that the county had refused a rate for the purpose, and that they had heard nothing of any order frol the Lord Treasurer for their repayment.  A few days later came a fresh order for I5O more men. The mon were found, and were sent away amidst the tears and cries of their vives and children. On June 3, Sir John lorough, the old soldier vho xvas going as second in command of the ex- pedition, wrote that the surgeons' chests ere still unfurnished. A warrant had been given for the money, but it was hOt paid, nor likely to be. If men were to be expected to fight, care must be had to preserve them vhen they were hurt. Shirts, shoes, and stockings too were wanting, and the arms had not yet arrived. Yet he hoped that, vhen 'armed and clothed, the men would be fit to be employed.' a In spite of every dravback, the armament, vith the help of the French prize-money, was approaching completion. The June x. King vent down to Portsmouth to see the fleet, "rh ig dined on board the Admiral's ship, and talked merrily Vormouth. about the prospects of the voyage.  The Duke fol- lowed soon afterwards, boasting as he went of vhat he vould do to re-establish the reputation of the English Navy, vhich had been tarnished by the failure at Cadiz and by Willoughby's disaster.  The instructions issued to Buckinghan were dated on June 9 . The view which Charles took of his relations to the  Mason to Nicholas, iay 7, ibid. Ixii. 7o. " Dçputy Lieutenants of Dorsetshire to the Council. May 3 o, .lune $, ibid. Ixv. x9, lxvi. 4x. a Burgh to Buckingham, .lune 3, ilid, lxvi. 19.  Mason to lïcholas, une  , ibid. lxvi. 67. s Contarini to th.  Doge, .lune x tC. TratscritSts, 1. O. 9  « Instructions to Buck gham, .lune x9, S. t . Dom. lxvii. 57. French Government was very much the saine as that which he June,9. had taken of his relations to the House of Commons. 13ucklng- Both had urged him to war with Spain. Both, for ham's in- structions, their own objects, had baselydeserted him. As Sey- mour, Phelips, and Eliot wished to make themselves masters of England, Richelieu wished to make himself toaster of the sea. Charles was therefore only acting in self-defcnce. " Our nearest allies," he maintained, "even those who have counselled us to the saine war, have taken advantage to encroach upon our rights, to ruin our friends, and to root out that religion whereof by just title we are the defender. Our resolution therefore is, under the shield of God's favour, to prosecute ourjust defence." Buckingham was therefore to consider as his first business how to suppress all attempts on the part of Spain or France to interfere with English commerce and to destroy or capture the ships of either nation. Secondly, he was to conduct to Rochelle certain regiments which were needed by the French Protestants in consequence of the refusal of Louis to carry out the stipulations of the treaty of the preceding year. He was to explain to the Rochellese that there was no intention of raising a rebellion in France on any pretence of English interests, but that he was corne on hearing that they were shortly to be be- sieged in defiance of the treaty, for the maintenance of which the King of England's honour had been engaged. He was then to ask them if they still required assistance, and were willing to enter into mutual engagements with England. If the answer was ' negative or doubtful,' all the land soldiers not needed for other purposes were to be sent back to England. If the ansver was in the affirmative, the troops were to be handed over to Soubise, who was to accompany the expedition. Buck- ingham was then to go on with the fleet to recover the English vessels detained at Bordeaux, and, having made good his claim to the mastery of the sea on the coast of France, was to pass on to break up the trade between Spain and the West Indies and between Spain and Flanders. After scouring the coasts of Spain and Portugal, he was, if he thought fit, to despatch divisions of his fleet to the Mediterranean, to the Azores, and even to Newfoundland, in search of French or Spanish prizes. t627 TItE EXPED1TION SAILS. xT Such were the instructions, drawn up doubtless with Buck- ingham's full concurrence, under which the fleet was to sail. In them the aid to Rochelle is mentioned ahnost in an apologetic manner, as if it were only secondary to the greater object of maintaining the dominion of the seas. It may be that doubts were already entertained at the English Court of the extent to which any meddling with the French national feeling was likely to find favour in France. At all events it was already rumoured in London that nota few amongst the Huguenot population of the South were unwilling to join a foreign invader against their own sovereign, and that doubts had been expressed even in Rochelle itself of the feasibility of resisting the forces opposed to the city with the aid of such help as Buckingham, variable and inconstant as he was, was likely to bring toits succour.  On June 27 the fleet, numbering some hundred sail, and carrying 6,000 foot and oo horse,  left Stokes Bay with a Saningofthe favourable wind. Except a few Dunkirkers, who fleet, ruade ail haste to escape, Buckingham saw nothing of any enemy. The first part of the Admiral's instructions, which enjoined upon him the duty of sweeping the Spaniards and French from the seas, could not be fulfilled because Spaniards and French alike kept carefully within their ports. A poetaster of the day seized the glorious opportunity of declaring that King Charles was superior to Edward III. or Elizabeth. Whilst they had only conquered their enemies, he round no enemy willing to meet him.  t Contarini to the Doge, May t_o lên. Transriits , '. O. - IZer«rt (Philobiblon Society's edition), 46. The common solders embarked numbered 5,934. S. l'. Z)om. lxxxfi. 43.  May (S. /'. /)oto. Ixviii. 74) ruade Neptune address the King " I saw third Edward stain my flood ]y Sluys with slaughtered Fenchmen's blood : And from Eliza's fleet I saw the vanquished Spaniards fly. But 'twas a greater mastery, No foe at ail to meet ; When they, without their ruin or dispute, Confess thy reign as sweet as absolute." t7-" THE EXPEDITION TO RHÉ. ClJ. ix. On the evening of July xo, Buckingharr, cast anchor off St. Martin's, the principal town of the Isle of Rhé, lying on the shore towards the mainland, and guarded by the new July xo. u«nghm fort which had been recently erected, and which, at Rhé. with the smaller fort of La Prée on the island and with Fort Louis on the lnainland, served to hold in check the commerce of Rochelle. The next day was spent in luly zx. collecting the fleet as it came in, and in battering La l'rée. On the morning of the x_-,th a council of July war was held. Sir William Becher, accompanied by Soubise and an agent of lohan, was to go to lochelle to dis- cover whether the citizens would accept the hand held out to them. The English troops were to be landed at once upon the iland. There were reasons apart from the decision of the lochellese which ruade Buckinghaln anxious to place himself in possession of Rhé. If only it could be brought into English hands it would be a thorn in the side of the rising French commerce. Its ports within the still waters of the strait which divided it from the mainland would be an admirable gathering-place for English privateers, whilst its situation in the close neighbour- hood of the Protestant populations of Southern France wou!d open the door to a skilful use of religious and political intrigue. Its salt marshes too, which were in high repute all over Europe, would offer a valuable source of revenue to the English ex- chequer. In the affernoori the preparations for landing near the eastern point of the isand were completed. Buckingham, on his first day of actual warfare, showed no lack of ahing, spirit or intelligence. He was to be round every- where, listening to information and urging on the men. When the troops descended into the boats it was evident that opposi- tion would be offered. Toiras, the Governor of St. Martin's, the commander who had insidiously broken peace with lochelle two years before, had collected a force of some 1,2oo  foot and 200 horse to dispute the landing of the English. Covered by  The numbers vary in different accounts from one to aore than two thousand. the tire of the ships the boats put off. The great defect of the English army was at once ruade manifest. There was no .zohesion amongst the men, no tradition of customary discipline. There were some who hastened to take up their place in rank as good soldiers should. There were others, and that too not merely raw recruits, who, weary with the long voyage, lingered on shipboard and turned a deaf ear to the orders of their commanders, or who, even when they reached the shore, hung about the water's edge dabbling their hands in the waves. Among this helpless mass Buckingham, cudgel in hand, went to and fro, ' beating some and threatening others.' When two regiments were on shore, he had to throw himself into a boat and go back to do the like on shipboard. Sir William Court- ney's regiment had refused to leave their safe position in the vessels, and without the personal presence of the Duke nothing could be done. Toiras saw his opportunity. The French horse charged down upon the disordered clusters, and drove them headlong into the sea. Many a brave man, carried away by the rush, perished in the waters. The two colonels, Sir John Burgh and Sir Alexander rett, did their duty well. Buckingham, perceiving what had happened, hurried back to the post of danger. At last a line was formed, and before the French in-" fantry had time to corne up, the horsemen, leaving on the ground nearly half their number, many of them bearing some of the noblest names in France, drew off from the unequal combat. It was thought in the English ranks that, if the enemy's foot had hastened up, the day must bave gone other- wise than it did. Of personal bravery Buckingham had shown that The match to,,-a, st. he possessed his full share, and in his march towards Martin's. St. Martin's he gave proof of that consideration for the necds and feelings of others which is no slight element of t The accouv.t of the early history of the expedition is taken from Graham's journal (S. P. Dom. lxxi. 65) compared with another journal (ibid. lxxi. 6o), and the printed books of Herbert (The Excditian fo the Isle of Vhé), Philobiblon Society's edition ; Isnard (.4rcii S«mmartinianr bsi.'io) ; Le ,]Ier«ure François, tom. '3-, &c. 174 THE E.YP.EDITION TO RH.É. cH. LX. success. He refused a large sure of money offered him for the ransom of the bodies of the slain Frenchmen, and allowed them to be taken freely away b i their friends for burial. He tended his wounded enemies as if they had been his own per- onal friends. Not content with issuing the usual orders against pillage, he directed that none of his soldiers should even enter a village, and he himself set an example to men less delicately nurtured than himself, by sleeping under a cloak in the open fields. He neglected nothing which would conduce to the comfort of his men. With his own eyes he took care to see that the provisions were landed in due tilne, and on one occa- sion he risked his life to save a poor wretch who had been left on a sandbank surrounded by the rising tide. If only military and political capacity had been granted to Buckingham, he lnight well have become the idol of his soldiers ; but already the unstable foundations on which his en- terprise was raised were beginning to make themselves manifest. .«,s,« om Before he reached St. Martin's he knew that the R«hn« Rochellese, instead of springing into his arms at a word, were doubtful and hesitating. Soubise thought that they were like slaves too long held in captivity to venture to claire their ffeedom. Becher thought that the magistrates had been bribed by the King of France. But whatever the explanation might be, the fact was certain that they would hOt stir till thev had consulted their brother Huguenots in the interior of the country. A miserable handful of eighteen volunteers, gradually swelling to 5 o men, was ail that Rochelle had to offer to her self-constituted deliverer.  According to the letter of the Admiral's instructions, he should have turned elsewhere as soon as he found that no rem support was to be expected from Rochelle ; but it was one thing for Buckingham to contemplate in England the abandon- ment of the main object of the expedition, it was another thng for him to turn his back UpOl the enemy in the Isle of Rhé. [uly 2 t Soubise to Buckingham, Ju|y 22t (hOt A--ù-. x' as calendared). Becler' )ual. Symonds to Nicho]as, &ug. 1, S. 2 . o'tl. lxii. 4, ]xxii. 2: ; i. lxxiv. 9. AL:m. de ]¢ean, 21 I. 627 THE SIEGE OF ST..MtRTIN'S. He resolved, unsupported as he was, to remain on the isiand, and to push on the siege of the fort of St. Martin's. At first all seemed to promise well. Guns were landed and placed in position and the English officers hoped to reduce the place in a short time. A fortnight later they July st..rti,«_ were of ahother mind. The fort was well garrisoned besieged, and vigorotlsly defended. The soil around was rocky and ill-suited for the operations of a siege. What was worse still, there was no longer any cordial co-operation between Buckingham and his chief officers, l¥1en who had served in the hard school of actual warfare were restless under the command of a novice, and the Duke, with his resolute desire to look into everything with his own eyes, may easily bave given offence without any intention of being overbearing to those beneath him. Whilst his own forces were diminishing, the French armies were gathering around. Ships were fitting out along the coast, and a land army, under the Duke of Angoulême, was firmly established in the neighbourhood of Rochelle. To do him justice, Buckingham saw clearly into the heart of the situation. He knew that his chance of obtaining auxi- liaries in France depended entirely upon his success or failure at St. Martin's. If force failed, a blockade must be kept up till the fortress surrendered from sheer starvation, and if this was to be done in the face of the threatened succour from the mainland, reinforcements of every kind must be sent from England, and that soon.  By the middle of August the works surrounding the fort had been completed. On the sea side the passage was guarded .,,ugut. by the fleet, and a floating boom was thrown round "lhe siege the landing-place to make ingress impossible. In turned iato a " blockade, order that hunger might do its work the more speedily, the wives and female relations of the soldiers of the garrison were collected from the town on the x xth, and driven towards the fort. They were told that if they eturned they would be t De Vic to Convay, J,fly 27; Buckingham to Conway, July 28, ttardwicke S. P. ii. 23, 27. 176 THE E.YPDITIOV TO NH.. cH. L put to dcath without mcrcy. Toiras at first turncd a dcaf ear fo thc cries of thcsc miserablc crcaturcs ; but thc English soldiers kncw how to appeal to bim in a way wbich be was unable to rcsist. Again and again thcy fircd into thc midst of thc shrieking crowd. Onc at Icast, a mothcr with a child at ber breast, was kiIlcd on thc spot. The dcmands of thc fathcrs, hus- bands, and brothcrs within could no longer bc rcsisted, and thc ff, rt rcceivcd thc hclpless fugitivcs, to burdcn yct more its failing resourccs.  Aftcr this barbarity, cxcuscd doubtlcss in thc cyes of the English ocers as a neccssity of war, thcrc is little satis- faction in reading how thc commandcrs corrcspondcd with ont anothcr in terres of bigh-flown courtesy, how Buckingham sent to Toiras a prescnt of a dozen raclons, and how Toiras returncd thc compliment by scnding somc bottlcs of citron-flowcr watcr fo his assai]ant. It was well known in thc English camp that the rcsourccs of the besieged were limited but the numbers of the besiegers, too, were wasting away, and it was uncertain whether they would be able to hold out long enough to enforce the hoped-for surrender. Reinforcements weretherefore absolutely Relnforce- ments needed, ail the more because there was little prospect .'aeeded. of aid from the allies froln whom so much had been expected. The Duke of Lorraine had listened to Montague, but had done no more. The Duke of Savoy was thinking of designs upon Geneva and Genoa, and wanted the aid of an English army before he would stir. Soissons asked that some strong place--Sedan, Stenay, or Orange--might be given up to him before he moved, and that he might marry a daughter of the titular King of Bohemia, with a rich provision from ber uncle the King of England. Rohan was agitati.ng the South of France, and promised to take the field in September or  Is»ard, ol. tterbert (84) makes light of the whole matter, talks as though the Duke had performed an office of piety in sending the women to their husbamls, and suggests that if any were shot it was by the French. But a letter from the camp says coolly :  Afterwards they xere often shot ai by our meu.' Swaonds fo Nicholas, Aug. 15, S..19. Dom. lxxiv. 9. t627 REINFOI?CEMENTS NEEDED. t77 October. 1 Whilst the aid upon which Buckingham had counted as not forthcoming, RocheIIe promised to be a burden rather than a support. The neutral position which the citizens had taken up was fast becoming untenable. No French commander could endure to leave them unassailed whilst an English army was on the Isle of Rhé. Angoulème accordingly let them know that they must make up their minds. They must be subjects of the King of France or subjects of the King of England. The Rochellese upon this began to draw closer to Buckingham ; but they approached him to ask for succour, hOt to offer him assistance.  Louder and louder grew Buckingham's entreaties for aid ..'rom home. Men and provisions were diminishing sadly, and the work was still undone. His own personal risks he could pass over lightly, and he scarcely mentioned the danger which he had run from a French deserter who had attempted to assassinate hiln ; but the army under his command must hOt be neglected. 3 .& sanguine miscaIculation of the state of feeling in France. had left Buckingham isolated in the Isle of Rhé. Had he not equally miscalculated the state of feeling at home ? Of one thing at least he might be sure. The King would stand by him stoutly. The quarrel with France was as mttch Charles's as Buckingham's. No sooner therefore July. The King's had the fleet left Portsmouth than Charles threw eagerness to support the himself with unwonted vigour into the conduct of expedition, affairs. Up to this time he had been content to leave everything to Buckingham's energetic impulse. If be appeared on rare occasions at the Council table, it was but to give the sanction of his authority to schemes which Buckingham would t Montague's relation, July 5 ; Instructions to Montague, Jul), x3, S. 29. Sava.t,. Rohan to Soubise, July 9 Aug. 8' S. 2 9. France.  De Vic to Conway, Aug. I4, [-[ardwicke S. 29. il. 35. s Buckingham to Nicholas, Aug. t4 [?], [-[ardzvicke S. 29. il. 34- Buckingham to Becher, Aug. I4 ; Symonds to Nicholas, Aug. 1 5. An ae- ¢ount of what happened at Rhé, Aug. I5, S. 29. Dom. lxxiii. 91, lxxv. 5] I i. lxxiv. 9, IO. VOL VI. N H8 TttE E.YI'EDITIO,V TO RI-lE. cH. LX. have fo carry into effect. In Buckingham's absence the duty of rousing the sluggish flore their apathy and directing the energies af the active devolved upon him alone. As far as urgency went Charles leff little to be desired by his favourite. Marlborough and Weston, whose business it was, as Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer, to furnish supplies, were hOt long in feding the application of the spur. "I will hot think," wrote Charles on July 17, "that J!y :7. now, in my absence, delaying answers will serve me." Ten days later, finding that nothing had been done, he sent Carlisle to sec what they were about. "I confess," he com- plained, "these delays make me impatient even ahnost be)ond patience, f I did hot hope that the goodness of your ansxser should in some measure recompense the slowness of it. One iteln, and so an end. Let hot my monies go wrong ways." Such exhortations were of little avail. Charles could call upon others to do the work, but he had no practical suggestion of his own to give. Yet the position of the Ex- Difficuhies ,,fthe Ex- chequer was one in which a single practical Sues- chequer. tion would be worth a whole torrent of exhorta- tions. The great source which had marie the fitting out of the expedition possible--the sale of French prize goods-- had suddenly dried up. The supremacy of the English at sea was so complete that the enemy's vessels refused to venture from their harbours. The only resource left wa« the loan lnoney. Since Buckinghaln'S departure the loan money had been gathered in with a lnore unsparing hand. Many gentle- men in custody were sent into places of confinement in counties as far distant from their own homes as possible, so as to be a standing token of his Majesty's displeasure, and fresh batches crf refusers were SUlmnoned belote the Council3 For the present this rough discipline was successful. A large part of the loan was paid, grudgingly and angrily no doubt, but still it was paid. On July 17, 4o,ooc/. had thus corne into the Exchequer. a  The King to Mar!borough and 1,Veston, July =-1 ; pfinted by Mi. Brute in his Calendar q State ]aSers, Pteface, viii. - Halles to lVentworth, Aug. 9, çlrafford Zellers, i. 40. * Manchester to Conway, July 17, S. 1. 6 7 .IOA'E " DIFFICUL 2"lA'&  79 It was like pouring water on the sand. The money was paid out as soon as it was paid in. xo, oool. a month by esti- mate, amounting to nearer i2,oool, in practice,  had to be paid for Sir Charles Morgan's troops n the Danish service, and claims of all kinds arising from the fitting out of the expedition had to be paid by the help of the loan. Immediately upon the sailing of the fleet the Council had corne to the conclusion that 2,ooo recruits should be levied, and some days later it was agreed to be necessary to spend i2,615/. upon provisions for the seamen already at Rhé.  The money was not to be found. Marlborough was too old to lay the difficulty very deeply to heart, and took refuge in telling all applicants for paynent that their case would be taken into consideration to-morrow.  Weston growled over every penny he was called upon to spend, but was powerless to raise supplies from an alienated nation. Ordinary applicants for money due to them were driven to despair. One of them declared that when he waited on the Lord Treasurer he was treated ' like a cur sent by a dog,' and ordered out of the room ; when he applied to the Chancellor of the Exchequer he was set upon like a bear tied to the stake. 4 The King could hot be treated thus ; but if he met with more civil treatment, he did not get more money than his subjects. On August  Charles wrote again. Becher had corne from RbWto urge on the reinforcements. The Council had at last August. despatched orders for the levy of the 2,000 men, Fresh and there was a talk of finding half the sure needed urgency of theKing, for the provisions for the sailors.  Charles took even this as a promise of better things, and charged his officers to go on in the course they were pursuing. " For if," he wrote, "Buckingham should not now be supplied, not in show but substantially, having so bravely, and, I thank God,  Manchester to the King, July 20, S. P. Dom. lxxi. 44-  Manchester to the King, June 29 ; Estimate for victuals, July 5, iid. Ixviii. 28, lxx. 37- a Coke to Conway, June 20, iid. lxvii. 76.  Belou to Conway, July I?) July 3 ° (? , i3id. lxx. l, lxxii. 41.  Coke to Conway, Jul)- 3 I, 5: P. Do»t. lxxii. 48 • tSo THlz" EXPEDITION TO RHÉ. cH. LX. sqccessfully begun his expedition, it were an irrecoverable shalne to me and all this nation ; and those that either hinders, or, according to their several places, furthers not this action as much as they may, deserves to make their end at Tyburn, or SOlne such place ; but I hope better things of you." 1 Something at last was to colne of all these consu!tations. The King was able to announce to Buckingham on August i3, that in eight davs Becher would sail with provisions Reinforce- ments and 400 recruits, as well as with J4,oooL of ready promised. money. Two thousand men were to follow on Sel-,- tember 1o. Two thousand lnore were getting ready in Scotlandfl Besides this, a fresh force of about the sanie number was in an advanced state of preparation. The King's calculations had outstripped reallty. More than three weeks passed before the moncy was actually provided,  poge.sor and contrary winds prevented Becher from sailing till te siege. September x6. He arrived at the Isle of Rhé on the 25th. a An Irish regiment had anticipated hiln, and bad joined the army in the beginning of the month.  When Becher landed, matters were looking more hopefully for the besiegers. The recruits had done something towards filling up the gaps in the English ranks. Food was known to be scarce within the citadel, and desertions were becoming numerous. Buckingham, at least, cannot be accused of mis- understanding the requirements of his position. Everything, he knew, depended upon keeping up the strength of the army and stopping the ingress of supplies by sea. He erected a floating battery to watch the sea face of the fort, and when this wns broken down by the violence of the waves he barred the passage with a strong boom which, though it was in its turn  "Ihe King to Marlborough and Weston ; Calen&tr of 19omeslic State t'alS, V's, Preface, ix. " The King to Buckingham, Aug. J3, ttardzvicke S. 1 . 7, 13- a Long to Nicholas, Aug. I, S. /'. /gem lxxiv. 4o, 74, 8I. Conway to Coke, Aug. 22 ; the King to Marlborough and Weston, Aug. 3-  Becher to Conway, Sept. 27, ibid. xxv. iii. 6. ttardrvicke S. 1 . ii. 46. s Sir E. Conway to Conway, Sept. 4, Iarardwicke S. P. lxxvi. 26. 6-27 .dA" OP'FER OF SURREA'DER. St snapped by the beating waters, was subsequently replaced by a barrier of hawsers stretched from ship to ship. These failures increased the gloom which was spreading in he army. Sir John Borough, Buckinghaln's second in command, had been killed by a shot. The hot words which had September. Difficulties caused a rupture between him and the Duke had of the siege, been long ago forgiven, and the two had worked together in the face of difficulty. Buckingham did not conceal from himself the extent of the danger. The French army was gathering on the opposite coast, and if it should effect a landing belote the fort surrendered, he would hardly be able to meet t. One attempt at negotiation was tried by Buckingham. Sending lais kinsman Ashburnham to Paris, on September 4, he ruade overtures for peace. The suggestion was taken by the French Government as a confession of weakness. Ashburnham was told that as long as an English soidier stood upon French soil, no peace was to be had.  Even before tb.is answer reached Buckingham he was crying out for further reinforcements to be sent at all costs.  "The arlny," wrote Sir Edward Conway on September 2o to his father the Secretary, "grows every day weaker ; out victuals waste, our purses are empty, anmaunition consumes, winter grows, our enemies increase in number and power ; we hear nothing from England." « A week iater confidence had returned. With the excep- tion of a few boats which had slipped in from time to time, ail attempts at victualling St. Martin's had hitherto being baffled. Deserters were thrust back into the fort, to increase the number of mouths. On the 25th a request that a gentleman lnight be sent out ' to treat of a matter of importance,' was refused unless he came to treat for a surrender. All lnen in the English camp Sept. » were 'full of hope and confidence.' On the z7th the popos« offer to surrender was actually ruade. The officers surrender of th¢ fort. who brought it were to come back in the afternoon to specify the conditions. When the appointed hour arrived, a t Isnard, 35. tL'rbert, i. 9- Richelieu to Louis XIII., Sept. Richelieu 1o Toiras, Sept. 22, Z«ltres «le Ii«hdieu, ii. 609, 62o.  But kinghatn to the King, Sept. i 9. I¢ardzoicke 5.. I'. ii. 4. t ir E. C,nva)" to Conway, Sept. o 5". 2. Z)a2. ]xx-iii. 7 . t82 TttE E.YPEDIllOA r TO RI-ZÉ. CH. LX. message was brought asking for a further delay till the next morning.  In three days more the provisions of the defenders would be exl',austed.  Much, however, might be done before the next morning dawned. A flotilla of thirty-five boats had been hindered by contrary winds from atteml)ting to bring relief to the garrison. On the 27th, while Toiras vas negotiating, the wind changed and blew strongly from the north-west. The night was dark and gloomy, and the waves were running high. About three hours after midnight, the Frenchmen, guided by beacon rires within the fort, dashed into the heart of the English fleet. Sept. 28. Th« fort Buckingham, roused by the firing, hurried on board.. supplied. The combat was carried on ahnost at hazard in the thick gloom. At one point the hawsers which defended the passage were severed, and twenty-nine boats laden with supplies succeeded in depositing their precious burden under the walls of the fortress. After lnorning dawned a fire-ship was sent in after them by the besiegers ; but the wind had dropped and the garrison had no difficulty in thrusting off the dangerous as- sailant. In the afternoon a second fire-ship was let loose, with nmch the saine result. Buckingham had all his work to re- commence, s On the -gth a council of war was summoned to consider what was now to be done. The citadel had been fur- Sept. 2 9 . , concn or nished with supplies which would last for more than war resolves to abandon a lnonth. The delay could not be a long one. Yet theiege, the prospects of the besiegers were not promising. Sickness was making sad havoc in the ranks, and there were i Becher to Conway, Oct. 3, I-Zardwicke S. 19. ii. 48. Isnard (I57) spreads the negotiation over the e7th and eSth.  Letter from the French camp, Oct. 8_ S. 29. I:rance. s Becher to Conway, Oct. 3, 11ardwicke S. t . ii. 48. Symonds to Ashburnham, Oct. 4, S. _P. Z)om. lxxx. 43- Letter from the French camp, Oct. 8 & P. Frav.ce. tlerbcrt, 14. 5. lsna,'d, 157. I give the number of rS' Imats entering from the French letter, which is in accordance with Isnard. The writer had the information from Audoin, who led them in. "lhe English fancied only 14 or 15 had got throagh. The dates I give fr««n Symonds. Bechet" gives the 2Sth wrovgl3 as the da of the ofler of sur- r.-nder. 6oee 7 TIIE SIEGE PROLOA'GED. x83 only 5,ooo men fit for duty. The winter was coming on, and if would be harder than ever to watch the access to the fort; provisions were growing scarce, and as only unground corn had been sent out, 1 whenever the wind lulled the windmills were rendered useless and the lnen were all but starved. The French forces o,,. the mainland were gathering thickly, and an attenapt to relieve the gar, ison might be expected at any moment. On these grounds the council of war unanimously voted for giving up the attempt. Buckingham reluctanth" gave his con- sent, and part of the siege material was carried on boaTd ship. Before long new considerations were presented. Souhise and the Rochellese pleaded hard for delay. Their town was by this tinle girt about with the entrençhments of the Royal anny, and they knew that they must make their choice between sub- mission to their own King and a thorough alliance with Eng- land. They offered to find quarters in the city for a thousand sick lnen, to supply the troops with provisions, and to send boats to assist in guarding the approach to St. Martin's. Nor did the offcr of the Rochellese stand alone. Dulbier, Mans- feld's old commissary-general, who was nm Buckingham's chier military adviser, brought news from England that the long- wished-for reinforcements would soon be on the way. The Earl of Holland was coming with supplies in men and money which would make the army sale for the winterY The council of war was again summoned on Oc- Oct. 3- It r«t=cts tober 3- With only one dissentient voice it retracted its opinion, its former decision and voted for a continuance of the siege.  The resolution thus taken bas been severely criticised. It is possible that the officers may bave yielded, against their better judgment, to Buckingham's urgency ; but even if this were the  Like the green eoffee afterwards sent o the Crimea. -" Becher to Conway, Oct. 3 ; De Vie to C0mvay, Oct. I2, I-ardvicL'e 3: P. ii. 4S, 5 . 25rerbert, 54. s This, which is distinctly stated in Becher's letter, puts an end to the theory hitherto, I believe, generally accepted, that Buckingham remained on the island in opposition to the ofticers. Their 'ote mai" lave been re- [uctantly given, but given it undoubtedly was. 18 THE EXI'EDITIO.V TO RHE. cH. LX. case it would have been hard to affirm that the military situation was already desperate. October had been marked out for Rohan's rising, and if that rising were to take place, the French commandcrs, with a fortified city before them, would be in no position to send further aid to St. Martin's. Even if Rohan's rising came to nothing, Holland's reinforcement, if it really arrived, would place any landing of French troops out of the question. The 6,ooo foot and 3oo horse which the enemy was preparing to throw upon the Isle of Rhé, would indeed be a formidable diversion to Buckingham's 5,ooo soldiers; but they would be powerless in the face of the i3,coo which the army was expected to number upon Holland's arrival ; and, indeed, there is every reason to believe tbat if tho rein- forcements had been furnished promptly no attempt would have been ruade by the French to land troops on the island at all.  The only question would, then, be whether, with greater care and a larger number of ships, it would be possible to frus- trate any fresh attempt to revictual the fort. The dif-ficulties belote Buckinghaln, in short, were, in October as they had been in August, rather political than Rohan's military. Rohan, indeed, kept his word, and before in««tio, the end of October was at the head of 5,500 men.  In his own country, and in the midst of a Protestant popula- tion, he could not but meet with some support, but there was no general enthusiasm in his cause. Buckinghaln's theory that Richelieu was bent upon the suppression of Protestantism as a religion, in order to please the Pope, was entirely at variance with fact. The assurances of the French Government that only the political independence of the Protestant towns was at stake, found ready credence.  Statement &c., Oct. 19, S. P. Z)ozn. Ixxxif. 35. * I say this on the authority of Richelieu himself. ' Il faut faire cet effet devant que le secours d'Angleterre arrive, d'autant qu'estant renforcés de trois ou quatre mll hommes, il pourroit arriver que nous ne serions pas 6, en estat de deffaire nos ennemis " Mémoire, Sept.  Lettres, ii. 6o 3. The whole memoir should be read by those who think that ]3uckingham's failure was a foregone conclusion. s 21Idm. db A'ohan, 235. 5627 DIPLO«IIA TIC FAZL URES. 1 fisappointed of the support which he had looked for from the French Protesta,at«, Buckingham was equaIIy disappointed in his hopes of a French aristocratic rebellion. Montague had o«,. ,» been sent back to Turin, and on October 13 he re- t,,,t-gu« ported that the Duke of Chevreuse had ruade up his again at a',,riu, quarrel with Richelieu, that the Duke of Savoy and the Count of Soissons talked much of an attack upon France, but that they would do nothing till St. Martin's was taken. « ¥our Majesty's present undertakings," was Montague's con- clusion, "grow upon their own roots, and can be nourished by nothing but their own natural heat and vigour." His Majesty's undertakings had, indeed, need of all the heat and vigour obtainable. Before the middle of September it was v-i,r«« known that the negotiation carrit:d on by Gerbier and the negotia- Rubens had broken dovn utterly, u It would be well tion ''ith i. if Olivares did not send an actual reinforcement to the French army belote Rochelle. While all Charles's atten- tion was thus directed to the Isle of Rhë, the fortunes of the Misfortunes King of Denmark were crumbling avay in North oft Kig Germany. England had helped him just enough to of Denmark. spur him on to the enterprise, hot enough to save him from ruin. Even if Morgan's troops had been duly paid, ;hey formed but a slight instalment of the aid which Charles had promised at the beginning of the war. In point of fact pay came to the poor men with the greatest irregularity. On july. July 2 3 Morgan reported, from his post near Bremen, torg,'s that his men would probably refuse to fight if the regiments. enemy attacked them. a Just as Buckingham was sailing, his confidant, Edward Clarke, vas sent to the King of Denmark to assure him that order was taken for the money, and to console him for the past by informi:g him that the expedition to l.hé had been sent out 'to weaken and divert out joint enemies, that out burden might be easier to out dear uncle.' The uncle must bave been possessed of no lacet:-  Montague to the King, Oct. 3, S. t'. Savoy. * Sainsbury, l'ubens, 85-1o 5. s Morgan to Conway, July 23, S. P. D,'nraar, t'èS TttE tXI»tDITIOW 1"0 RH. cH. LX. siderable control over his temper if he did hot burst out into angry reproaches when he received the message, l Clarke reached the seat of war with a month's pay just in time to prevent Morgan's regiment from breaking up ; but he might as well have lcft the ,,4oo recruits he brought at home. No sooner had they set foot on shore than they deserted in troops of a hundred or two at a time, to hire thcmselves out to other masters who knew the value of a soldier. The one service which was plainly intolerable to an Enghshman, was the service of the Ring of England. Some of them were re- captured and brought back to their coIours, but it was easy to foretell that they would be at best of little use in the field. 2 At last the crisis was corne. A peace with Bethlen Gabor had released Wallenstein from Hungary. Crushing the Danish .qeptember. garrisons in Silesia as he passed, he met Tilly at "l'h Ring « Iauenburg towards the end of August. The pIan of I ,enmark ,.. the joint calnpaign was soon arranged. Christian, with vo,,'r«d, his finances in disorder and his forces diminished, dared not offer resistance. Only 8,000 men gathered round his standards. Throwing theln into garrisons as best he might, he took ship at GlOckstadt and fled hurriedly to his islands. On August 28 Wallenstein was lnarching past Hamburg at the head of .5,ooo men. A few days later one of his lieutenants smote heavily upoll the Margrave of Baden at Heiligenhafen. Excepting three or four fortified towns there was nothing to resist the hnperialists but the ocean, a The remnants of Morgan's men were called across the Elbe. The money brought by Clarke had proved useless. There was some confusion in the accounts, and the merchant Misery of logn'» who was to pay the bills of exchange refused to de, so. Morgan borrowed 3,ooo dollars on his own credit ; but this would hot last long. "What service," he wrote in despair, '" can the King expect or draw from these unwilling men ? Thus I bave been vexed all this summer, and could do nothing but what pleased them. Their oqcers had little com-  ]Instructions to Clarke, July 27, S. t'. Dcnmarle. - Clarke to Conway, Aug. 2o, ibid. * Anstruther to Conway, Sept. i ; Clarke to Conway, SeFt. 7, ibi.t. x627 VIOLt TIOW OF 2VEUTIt'tLITt: 87 mand over them, and by these reasons the King had no great services from us. I could bave wished our men had died at the point of the sword, rather than live to see those ufiseries we are in, and like to be still worse."  It was hot owing to Charles's wisdom that he had war with only half Europe on hs hands. The art of giving up his aoc,aa«of rights from motives of policy was entirely unknown Hamburg. tO him. Ail through the summer, when it was of the utmost importance to conciliate the Germans of the North, an English fleet, under Sir Sackville Trevor, had been lying off the Elbe and stopping the whole commerce of Haml)ulg by pro- hibiting trade with France or Spain. At last Trevor was recalled, to take measures against a State more powerful than Hamburg. When Carleton was sent to the Hague, he was ordered to watch the progress of some ships which were building in Holland for the French, and to remonstrate with the Dutch on the use which was being ruade of their harbours. Carleton's remon- strances proving fruitless, Trevor was ordered to sail into the Texel and bring out every French vessel that he could find. On the night of September 27, whilst the French boats vere dashing in to relieve St. Martin's, Trevor sailed along the front of the Dutch vessels at anchor. Ranging up unexpectedly A Vr«nch alongside of a French ship he poured a broadside hip seized into her. She was but half-manned, and her captain i, th«T,,«, hastily struck his colours. The next morniug, before the Dutch authorities had rime to remonstrate, Trevor set sail ith his prize to the English coast, leaving Captain Alleyne behind him, with orders to look out for other French ships which were known to be fitting out in Holland3 If the Dutch had been as easy to provoke as Charles or Louis, so flagrant a violation of a neutral harbour might easil have brought on an open rupture. The Dutch, however, wished merely to draw as much assistance as possible flore each of the rival nations. To please the French they sent a  Morgan to Carleton, Sept. 7, S. 1. Z)cmark. "-Carleton to Coke, Sept. 29, A: l , I-Zoll«na: Alle3,nc's ottr«al, Oet. 2 ; Duppa to iNïholas, Oct. à, S. I: Dom. lxxx. 3, 26 .lL;t»œ. de AichHictt, iii. 3S6. x88 THE EXPEDITIO]7 7"0 EH/z; cH. LX. commission to the Texel to seize upon Alleyne's ships ; but at the saine rime the Prince of Orange sent a secret message to Carleton, urging him to direct Alleyne to be gone before the Commissioners arrived, and suggesting that, ' for fashion's sake,' Alleyne and the Dutch officiais should tire in the air over one another's heads as he sailed out of the harbour. The imper- turbable refusal of the Dutch to take offence is the more noteworthy, as Charles, weary with their delay in giving him satisfaction for the Amboyna massacre, had just seized upon three Dutch East Indiamen, and had lodged them safely under the guns of Portsmouth. AI1 these tidings of failure before the enemy and provocation to allies came dropping in upon the ears.of Englishmen during Octobe,. the month of October, whilst the Government was State of straining every nerve to get ready the reinforccments feeling in Engian,. for Buckingham. What wonder if the feeling against Buckingham grew more bitter every day ? So strong was it that it left its impression even on the letters of those who were nearest and dearest to the absent man. His wife, whose clinging tenderness was hot to be turned aside by his many infidelities, had been saddened by the absence of him who was to her the head and front of ail mankind. He had promised to see her l.ettersofthe before he went, and he had broken his promise. "For t,,,ch«s» my part," she wrote when she first knew that he had of Bucking- h,m. slipped away from her, " I have been a very miserable woman hitherto, that never couid bave you keep at home. But now I will ever look to be so, until some blessed occasion cornes to draw you quite from the Court. For there is none more miserable than I ana now ; and till you leave this lire of a courtier, which you have been ever since I knev you, I shall ever think myself unhappy."  After the bad news of the in- toduction of supplies, a sense of ber husband's personal danger lp..ingled with the thought of ber own loneliness. Some hint he seems to have given of an intentiou of throwing himself into * Carleton to Coke, Oct. 5, S. t'. ltollatt,L * The Duchess of Buckingham to Buckingham, June 26 (?), S. 19. 1)oto. lxviii. 3. This and the other letters have been quoted in part in the Pre- face to ,lr. Bruce's Calot,lar, 1627-$. ,627 Il UCA'IWGttt.II 'S UNP OP ULzt RI T 1: l 9 Rochelle. Against this, in writing to Dr. Moore, a physician in the camp, she protests with her whole soul. "I should think inyself," she says, "the most miserablest woman in the world if my lord should go into the main land ; for though God has blessed him hitherto beyond ail imagination in tlfis action. )'et I hope he will hot still run on in that hope to ventur¢ himself beyond ail discretion ; and I hope this journey hatl not made him a Puritan, to believe in predestination. I pray keep him from being too venturous, for it does not belong to a general to walk trenches ; therefore have a care of him. I w.ll assure you by this action he is hot any whit the more popular man than when he went ; therefore you may see whether these people be worthy for him to venture his lire for. ''1 Buckingham's mother, as a good Catholic, wrote in another tone, scolding her son for his blindness and presumption. " 1)ear mother," he had written from Rh6, "I am Bucking- ham'seorre- SO full of business as hardly bave I rime to say my spondents. prayers, but hardly passes an hour that I perceive hOt His protecting hand over me, which makes me bave re- course to your prayers to assist me in so great a dutv. For my coming home, till I bave means from England wherewithal to settle this army here, I cannot with any honour leave them. If it be possible for you to lend me some money, doit."  The Countess had plenty of good advice to give, but no money. " I ara very sorry," she wrote, "you bave entered into so great a business, and so little care to supply your wants, as you see by the baste that is ruade to you. I hope your eyes will be opened to see what a great gulf of businesses you bave put yourself into, and so little regarded at home, vhere all is merry and well pleased, though the ships be hot victualled as yet, nor mariners to go with them. As for moneys, the kingdom wi]l hot supply your expenses, and every man groans under the burden of the rimes. At your departure from ne, you told me ' The Duchess of Buckingham to Moore, Oct. 20 (?), S. /. Donc. lxxxii. 42- * Buckingham to the Countess of Buckingham. Printed from the Eafl of Denbigh's collection in the F,.u, th lt'elWt ,f the Hist 31S.5; Commis$iç.»t, 6. t,), THE EXPEDITIOW 20 ]?HÉ. c-i. LX. you went to make peace, but it was not from your heart. This is hOt the way ; for you to embroil the whole Christian world in war, and then to declare it for religion, and make God a party to these woful affairs, so far from God as light from darkness, and the highway to make all Christian princes to bend their forces against us, that otherwise, in policy, would have taken our parts." 1 Most of Buckinghaln's correspondents, however, wrote in a different strain. The Earl of Exeter told him that his suc- cess at Rhé was ' miraculous.' Dorset assured hiln that he had only to let him know his will, for if he failed to obey it he deserved to be 'whipped with double stripes. '2 Yet even amongst those who were entirely dependent on his favour there were some whose anxieties would not allow them to conceal from him the misery at home. On Septem- 3eptember. vy. ber 2, amidst the difficulties of getting Holland's ,v««nlng. reinforcement ready, Sir Robert Pye, whose position as Auditor of the Exchequer gave him every opportunity of knov;ing the truth, uttered a note of warning. "Pardon lrie, I beseech you, if I humbly desire that you would advisedly con- sider of the end, and how far his Majesty's revenue of ail kinds is now exhausted. VVe are upon the third year's anticipation beforehand ; land, much sold of the principal ; credit lost ; and at the utmost shift with the commonwealth. I would I did not know so much as I do, for I do protest I would hot for 5ooL but I had been in the country. Deputy lieutenants are not active, and justices of the peace of better sort are willing to be put oat of commission, every man doubting and pro- viding for the worst, so that all our fears increase at home. I know I please not, but I cannot see one I ana so much bound unto and hOt inform him lrty reason. I know no way to advise, but by some speedy accommodation of these loans, for nothing pleaseth so long as this is on foot, and of late no money, or little, hath been paid thereupon. For my own  The Countess of Buckingham to Bucknghmn, Aug. 26 (?), ,.ç.P. /)oa. lXXV. 22. * Exeter to Buckingham, Nov. 3 ; Dorset to Buckingham, Aug. 2I, S. /'. Dom. lxxxiv. 16. Preface te Bru»'s C,:endar, p. L .-627 HOLLAA'D'S FLEET DELA t'ED. r9t particular, I will lay myself to pawn for your Lordship, but so soon as the fort is taken I could wish your Lordshlp were Itere." 1 "So soon as the fort is taken" was easily said; but the taking of the fort depended-on Holland's speedy setting out, and the difficulties in the way of Hollands Delays in Holland's expedition were ahnost insuperable. Weston might expedition, be, as Sir Humphrey May asserted, 'not a spark, but a flame of tire, in anything that concerned' the Duke, but the words with which this assertion was prefaced were none the less true. " It is easy for us to set down on paper ships, and money, and arms, and victual, and men, but to con- gest these materials together, especially in such a penury of money, requires more time than the necessity of your affairs will permit."  The vhole frame of government was unhinged. Lord Wihnot, a veteran who had seen hard service in Ireland, was to command the reinforcements which were to be shipped on board Holland's fleet. On October 6 he was waiting at Plymouth for supplies froln London.  The warrant for the money needed for feeding the troops was only issued three days oct.9, later.* On the saine day Sir James Bac«,, Bucking- ham's creature who had succeeded Eliot in the Vice-Admiralty of Devon, wrote that no money had been sent him to l)urchase provisions, or to hire ships for his patron's relief. oct. ,o. Of the new levies which were ordered to rendezvous »t Plymouth, large numbers had, as was now usual, escaped the hateful service by desertion? On the xth, oCt. ,,. Wilmot again wrote that the supplies from London had hOt arrived, that he had no arms with which to train the men, and that the population of the county was exasperated ' Pye t) Buckingham, Sept. 2, S. P. Data. Ixxix. a. "- May to Buckingham, Oct. 7, ibid. Ixxx. 6o. * Wilmot to Conway, Oct. 6, ibid. Ixxx. 55.  Docquet, Oct. 9, S. P. l)o«quet Boole.  Commissioners at Plymouth to the Council, O¢. !o» S. /. Dom. lXxi. 4. t92 THE EXPEDITIOW TO Rtfç. crL at being forced to maintain the soldiers upon credit.  His answer was an order from Conway to put his men as Oct. soon as possible on board ships !ying at Plymouth. Holland would sail from Portsmouth, and the whole expedition would meet before St. Martin's.  Charles was growing anxious. "Since I have understood your necessities," he wrote to Buckingham, "for fault of timely supplies, I still stand in fear that these mav ()ct. 13. The King's corne tOO late. a But I hope Goal is more merciful anxiety. to me than to inflict so great a punishment on me." Even yet Wilmot could hot start. On the 5th the ships from London had only reached the Downs.  o«. ,s. On the same day Holland reported from Portsmouth that nothing was ready, but that, though the captains assured him that it would take ten or fifteen days to remedy the defects of their ships, he hoped to sail in two. " On the i8th the long-expected SUplflies from the Thames reached Plymouth. Holland, leaving Portsmouth on the i9th , oct. 2,. was driven back to Cowes by a storm. » Leaving Holl,,d his windbound ships behind him, he posted to Ply- unable to «. mouth to meet Wihnot, who was then ready to sail.  Almost at the moment of his arrival the wind, which had been favourable at Plymouth, chopped round and blew steadily from the south-west, s Everything on board the provision ships was in confusion. No bills of lading were on board, no official to take any account of the stores. But it mattered little now. The pitiless wincl made the voyage impossible. The Portsmouth squadron, têmpting once more to get out, was driven back into the Soient? ' Wihnot Io Conway, Oct. II, S..P../oln lxxxi. 13. z Conway to Wihnot, Oct. 2, ibid. lxxxi. 2 5. * The King to Buckingham, Oct. 13, tZardwi«ke S Z . ii. 9- * Conway to Wihnot, Oct. 15, S. t 9. I3om. lxxxi. 5 o. s Holland to Conway, Oct. 15, ibhl. Ixxxi. 5. * Holland to Conway, Oct. 19, ibid. lxxxii. ào, àl  Wihnot to Conway. Oct. 2, ibL1. lxxx!i. 46. • Hoiland to Comay, ()ct. 22, ibLL lxxxii. 58. * .i,mot to Conway, Oct. 23 ; Mervyn to Nicholas. Oct. z3, /bid, htxxii. 66, 68. 1627 DISORGANISA TIOV A T ItO,IlE. The soldiers on board at Plylnouth were eating the provisions designed for the army at Rhé. 1 On the 28th news Oct. from Buckingham reached London. The Duke had ruade up his mind to assault the fort. If Holland calue in time with the SUpllies , he would stay on the island. If not, he would throw himself into Rochelle, and run ail hazards with its defenders. On the 29th the wind lulled, and Holland's fleet left th¢ Catwater. In the laight the storm raged once lnore, and the ships were in' great danger from the vaves, lashed oct. 29. into fury in the then open waters of the Sound. q'he winds blew loudly for twenty hours. Even if the wind changed, wrote Wihnot, it would be long before the damaged ships could be repaire& The soldiers, besides, were iii armed, and there was no store at Plymouth from which to SUl»ply them.  If evidence were still needed of the thorough disorgani- sation of the Government, it would bè found in the circum- o,,.2. stance that rive or six hundred recruits arrived at Disorganisa-Plylnouth without any directions accompanying tion of the ¢;o,-nm,.t. them. Nobody had orders to receive them, and Hol- land was obliged to support them out of his own pocket till he could persuade the unwilling deputy-lieutenants to force their maintenance upon the county.  No wonder that one more of the Duke's confidants should De found bewailing to his patron the state of affairs at home. "In my last," wrote the courtly Goring, "I was bold h'ov. 5. C.oing's to represent unto your Lordship the hazard you letter. would run if you expected lnore tilnely supplies ; for the City, from whence ail present money must now be raised, or nowhere, is so infested by the malignant part of this king- dom, as no man that is moneyed will lend upon any security, if they think it rb go the way of the Court, which now is made diverse from the State. Such is the present distemper ....  Ashburnham to Nicholas, Oct. 25, S. /'. Dom. Ixxii. 87.  Conway to Holland, Oct. 28 ; Holland to Conay» Oct. o ; bX¢ilmot to Conway, Oct. 31, ibid. Ixxxiii. x7, 3% 38. a Hollnd to Conway, Nov. 2, ibid. lx.xxiv. VOL., VI. O t.94 TtIE L.YPLDITIOV TO RITÉ. CH. LX. In a word, therefore, my dearest Lord, let me tell you whal many honest-hearted men, divested of passion or bye-ends, say --that if it be true, as is here conceived, that the fort be again revictualled in such plenty as will force you to a winter siege at the best, before you can hope for any good success, that then your Lordship would rather betake you to a new counsel, and think what way to curb the French insolency some other way than by a wilful struggling against them where the season and llace give them such infinite advantage of you. 13esides, lny dear Lord, here at home--where your judgment is first to rcflect--are such desperate obstructions as nothing but your l?resence can remove, and that will doit, if you will yet be ldeased in time to look about you, or let nie perish for a fa]se, vile wretch to you." t Whatever others might think of him, 13uckingham was still certain of the King's support. The letter written by Charles in the midst of all this uncertainty is very pathetic in Nov. 6. The Kin_,'s its mingled spirit of resignation and confidence. " I ,»»t,«y. pray God," he wrote, "that this letter be useless or never corne to your hands, this being only to meet you at your landing in England, in case you should corne from Rhé without perfecting your work, happily begun, but, I must confess with grief, ill seconded. This is therefore to give you power--in case ye shall imagi.ne that ye have not enough already--to put in execution any of those designs .ve mentioned to Jack IIip- pesley, or any other that you shall like of. So that I leave it freely to your will, whether, after your landing in England, ye will set forth again to some design belote )'ou corne hither ; or else that ye shall first corne to ask my advice before ye undertake a new work; assuring you that, with whatsomever success ye shall corne to me, ye shall ever be welcome, one of my greatest griefs bemg that I have not been with you in this time of surfer- ing, for I know we would have llluch eased each other's griefs. I cannot say longer on tbis subject, for fear of losing myself in it. To conclude, you cannot corne so soon as ye are welcome ; and unfeignedly in my mind ye have gained as much repu:ation t Goring to Bud(in-gham, Nov. 5, Si P. /gara. lxxxiv. 20. 1627 COWDITION OF TItE IESIEGERS. 95 with wise and honest men, in this action, as if ye had performed all your desires." t Charles's forebodings of evil, though he knew it not, were already realised. By the middle of October the condition of oct. ,6. the besiegecs was pitiable. The weather was cold Position of and wet, and the men were exposed to grievous affairs at Rhé. misery in the trenches. The officers were 'looking themselves blind' by sweeping the horizon with their telescopes for the first signs of Holland's fleet,  as in old days the soldiers of Nicias gazed across the Sicilian sea for the trirelnes of l)cmosthenes. But for the south-west wind in the Channel. Holland would bave been with them in less than a weck, and their necessities would have been relieved ; but Holland came hot, and Buckingham was called on once more to face the luestion of relinquishing his enterprise. Everything hung on the chances of Holland's arrival. If he came quickly, ail might yet be well. If he delayed, the army lnight easily be exposed to an irreparable disaster. Was it strangc that the officers of Buckinghaln'S council concurred in taking a gloomy view of the situation, while Buckingham himself, upon whom failure would weigh infinitely more hcavilv than upon ail the rest together, hoped against hope, broke out into passionate reproaches against those who seemed to have forgotten him at hoirie, and, whilst prudently making prepara- tions for departure in case of necessity, still clung firmly to the spot on which he was? The time was fast passing by when hesitation would be any longer possible. The smaller fort of La Prée had been left unassailed in July, and it now afforded a shelter to the French oct. « troops passing over from the mainland. By October 20 Th F»«ch nearly 2,ooo soldiers had been received within its land in the ia, walls and within the entrenchlnents which had been thrown up in front of it, a and their number might be expected to increase every day.  The King to ]3uckingham, ov. 6, I[archt,tcke S. P. ii. "- BoId to Nicholas, Oct. 6 ; Louie fo Nicholas, Oct. 6, lxxx. 59, 6L -" lsn.ml, 77-93. It is hot for me, rememberivg the controversoe 122 x96 THE EXPI:DITION TO RHÉ. cH. LX. It was lamentable for Buckingham to be so near success and yet to rniss it. Toiras had only provisions to last him till November 5,1 and though the exact date was not known in the English calnp, the conjectures formed by the besiegers were lOt far wrong. Between the greatness of the prize and the ter- rible consequences of exposure to a French attack upon his diminished army, Buckingham was unable to forma rêsolution. During the week which followed upon the last landing of the French there were continued combats, in which the English held their own. Yet it was certain that when fresh troops arrived at La Prée, Buckingham's position would be untenable, and at last he reluctantly gave way to those who urged hiln to retreat. Yet in the desperate condition in which he was, he was ready to catch at any straw, and having heard that Toiras had but 500 men left capable of bearing arms,  he talked openly of or- dering an assault upon the fortress, though an assault Oct. 27. .ttemvte« had long ago been regarded as a hopeless opera- t°" tion. a _ On the morning of the Tth the attelnpt was ruade. Toiras, probably through Buckingham's want ofreticence, about attacking the north side of Sebastopol afler the battle of the Alma, to say whether Buckingham was right or wrong in neglecting La Prée. Of coure he was blamed after the event for what he did, and Herbert, xvho represents the taik of the camp, says (p. 5 o} that ' some of our ancient and well-experienced soldiers thought fit to begin with it,' whilst ' the pretenders to the Duke's favour advised him to begin with St. Martin's.' I do not see, however, that anybody supposed that the Duke was strong enough to attack both at once ; and the only question therefore is, whether he would have been able at thë saine rime to toaster La Prée and to hinder Toiras ri-oto provisioning St. Martin's, so as to make a blockade of that fort practically impossible after La Prée was captured. As matters stood in July, there was no oanger of the landing of the French troops at La Prée, because there were none to spare on the mainland. Such a danger did hot arise till October. It therefore seems to me to be a perfectly sustainable argument. for those who care to embark on such speculations, that ]3uckingham took the wisest course. All that I mn concerned with, however, is to show that he was not the mere infatuated being that hislory chooses to represent hir  Isnard, 84.  2Vews-Letter, Nov. 5, S. t'. IDom. lxxxiv. 2 4.  Sec the account of Courtney's conversation with Eliot, in .,rorster, i. 4o,t. 162"! FAIL UIE AA'D RETREA  x97 was amply forewarned, and the troops from La Prée came out to threaten the assailants in the rear. Even if secrecy had been maintained, the operation would probably have failed. The works of the citadel were intact, and the scaling ladders were too short. After a useless butchery, ]3uckingham was compelled to draw off his men. Military prudence counselled instant retreat; but Buck- ingham had hot learned to steel his heart against suffering. The Rochellese urged him to protect them a little longer, whilst they gathered in provisions from the island to replace those which they had ruade over to the English army in the beginning of the month. Neither could he ber o leave his own 'ounded to the mercies of the enemy. The whole of the next Oct. day was spent in shipping the injured men.  On the oct. . morning of the 29th it was too late. Marshal Schom- The retreat berg, who had already landed with fresh troops at La from St. Martin's. Prie, advanced to the attack at the head of }ittle legs than 6,000 men. Preparations for retreat had been duly ruade. A wooden bridge had been constructed across the marshes and the narrow arm of the sea which separated the Isle of Rhé from the smaller Isle of Loix,  and this bridge was to have been guarded by a fortified work, which would bave enabled the troops to embark in safety. Unhappily, by some blunder, the causeway which led to the bridge from the side of the Is}e of Rhé was left entirely undefended, whi}st only the farther end of the bridge on the }esser island, to which the troops were marching, was guarded by an entrenchment. The French accordingly had but to watch their opportunity. As soon as three regiments were over they charged the handful of horse whicb had been leff to guard the passage. 4 Yielding to the weight of numbers the English t Isnard, 2IO.  Crosby to Conway (?), Nov. I4 (?), 5". P. Z)om. lxxxiv. 7 8.  Now joined to the larger island.  Cosby notes on this leaving sixty horse to meet 2oo, "An error never to be sufficiently condemned in the Colonel-General and the Sergeant- iMajor-General, to whom the Duke committed the retreat." If this is true, and hot a mere camp rumour, Buckingham was hot responsible for the details of the manœuvres o| that da),. 198 THE IXtI-DfTION TO RH c. LX. horse gave way, and dashing in headlong flight towards the bridge, threw the infantry into hopeless confusion. Almost at the saine time a body of French, who had pushed round the three English regiments which had not crossed the bridge, fired upon them in the rear. From that moment a sheer mas- The s|augh- ter o, ,be sacre ensued. Two colonels were slain upon the spot. bridge. Nota horseman succeeded in crossing the bridge. " By this time," wrote the officer who had the command or the work beyond the bridge, "the Rocheilese, having found another way on the ieft hand through the salt-l,its , ruade ex- tracrdinary haste to the bridge, and wedged themselves into the flank of Sir Alexander Brett's regiment then passing over, by means whereof, the passage being choked up, the enem had the killing, taking, and drowning of our men at the bridge at lais pleasure, without any hazard, musqueteers being not able to annoy them without endangering out own men." The bridge, too, had no protection at the sides, and large numbers fell over and were drowned. At first the soldiers who guarded the entrenchment beyond the bridge were borne away by the flying tout. But, after a time, a knot of men was rallied by the officers, and the French were driven back. At nightfall the English were still in possession of the entrenchment ot. o. Early in the morning the bridge was set on tire, and the remains of Buckingham's army were enabled to re-embark at their leisure.  Various accounts have been given of the numbers lost in this disastrous retreat. The French claimed to have destroyed Estlmateof 2,000 men. The English authorities would hardly theloss, adroit that more than i,ooo perished.  If, however, the ravages caused by warfare and disease during the preceding weeks be taken into account, the entire English loss must be set down at little less than 4,000 men. On October o, 6,884 soldiers drew pay at St. Martin's. On November 8 the embarkation was effected without further difficulty, and after a short voyage  Crosby to (Conway ?), Nov. 14 (?), & P. Jgom. lxxxiv. 78. Com- pare It«rbert, z4. The bird's-eye view given by Inard brings the whole scene before us. " Herbert, z57. r67 ,4 I)ISA+'TROUS RETRt:'M T. 199 2,98 9 poor wretches, worn with hunger and enfeebled by disease, were landed at Portsmouth and Plymouth. 1 One of the colonels bas left on record his opiuion of the proximate causes of the disaster. " It is hot to be doubted," C«th he says, " that the l»uke had both courage, munifi- dister. cence, and industry enough, together with many other excellent parts, which in tilne would lnake him a renowned gencral. But his prime officers undervaluing his directions because of his inexperien-e, and taking a boldness in regard of his lenity to delinquents, did hOt onlv fail to co-operate with him, but by giving out that he cared hot to expose them ail for his own vainglory, had infused into a great part of the army a mutinous disposition, insomuch as whatsoever vas directed touching dur longer abode or auy attempt tobe ruade upon the enelny was either cried down, or so slowly and negligently executed as it took none effect. For instance, when it was re- solved in council that the little fort should be besieged, they obstinately declined it.  On the other side, hatsoever tended to the retreat was acted with ail possibJe expedition ; as for example, the shipping of ail the brass cannon, whereunto they had by surprise gotten his consent before the assault, by him- self often repented of. In this distraction of affairs, the Duke was forced to resort to new and private counsels, by which he was then so guided that Dulbier, one author thereof, writing to his. friend in Holland, used these words :-- ' Z'igtor«ce et la dissention qu'est enlre les Mnglois, m'a ftict z'endre les coquilles  à bon m«trgké.' "4 An inexperienced general, discontented conamanders, and a half-mutinous soldiery were enough to ruin any undertaking, and it can hardly be denied that Buckingham's hesitation during the last few days went far to convert a necessary retreat  Accounts of the number of soldiers, Oct. 2o ; Statement of tF, e hum. bers, Nov., S. . Dom. lxxxii. 43, lxxv. 94-  This cannot refer to the original question of besieging La Prée, but to some later resolution, probbly when the French were ginning fo land. s , i«n z,endre les coquillës' is ' tirer u,t ?rofil exagéré d'une oéralion ou un setz'ice.' Zittré, s.r. coquille. Dulbier, on the contrat, sold his shells eheap, Le. got little for his pain,. * Crosby to Con**'ay [?), oç. I4 (?}. S. P. om. lxxxiv. 2oo TttE" E«I,'PEDITION TO Rtt.É,. c-I. LX. nto a terrible disaster. Yet neither must it be forgotten that, ex- cept when he ordered the assault, his fault lay simply in his calculation of chances over which he had no control. But for the persistence of the south-wcst wind in the Channel, Holland would bave been at Rhé about October 4 or -"5, and the firm- ness of Buckinghaln in resisting the tilnid counsels of his subor- dinates would bave been one of the commonplaces of history. As a man ]3uckingham gains much from an impartial exa- lnination of his conduct in this expedition. At least he was no Buckingham carpet knlgh'., no mere courtier dancing attendance at Rhé. upon the powerfill at banquets and festivities. No veteran could have surpasscd hiln in the readiness with which he exposed his person to danger, and in his deterlnination to sec all with his own eyes, to encourage the down.hearted, and to care for the suffming of his men. After all, the charge which history has to bring against Buckingham is hot so lnuch that he failed il the expcdition to Rhé, as that there was an expedition to Rhé at all. The politician, hot the man, was at fault. Even if the French war had been justifiable in itself, the idea of undertaking it with no support but that of an alienated nation was hazardous in the extreme. The south-west wind which kept Holland in port was but a secondary cause of the disaster. But for the thorough disorganisation of the English Govern- ment, which was the clear rcsult of the quarrd.with the House of Comlnons, Holland would bave been able to start at least a fortnight earlier, whilst the wind was still favourable to his voyage. The position at Rhé after the succour had been thrown into the fort ,cas something like that of the allied arlnies before Sebastopol after the failure of the first bombardlnent ; but the allicd armies had powerfill Governlnents behind theln, and the British army at lcast had the support of a nation feverishly anxious for the honour of its arms, and ready to pour forth its treasures without stint to support the enterprise which it had undertaken. Buckinghaln had nothing behind hiln but an attached but incapable sovereign, and a handful of officials rendered inert by the dependence in which he had kept them, and by their knowledge of the ill-will with which every act of theirs was scanued by the vast majoritàr of the nation. CHAPTER LXI. PRE, ROGATIVE GOVERNMENT IN CHURCH AND STATE. ON November ii Buckingham landed at Plymouth. Although he was met by information that a plot had bêen formed to murder him on his way to London, he refused to take Nov. Bucking- any precautions. To his young nephew, Denbigh's ham's return. son, l.ord Fielding, who offered to change c]othes with him in order to shie]d him from danger, he replied that if his enelnies believed him to bc afrMd of danger, he should never be safe. l The meeting between ]3uckingham and the Kiug was ex- tremely cordial. Charles threw the whole blame of failure upon the delny in sending supp]ies. Though Buckinglmm was well aware of the temper of his officers towards him, he had nothing but commendation to bestow upon them. 2 If he sometimes used hard langunge, it was directed against the officiais at home, and he was even heard to charge the faithfu] Sir John Coke with stabbing him in the back in his absence, z His anger, however, soon cooled down, and the lesson of lais fni]ure was q'uickly forgotten in the excitement of preparation for fresh enterl)rises. Alrendy he was talking of an attack upon Calais. 4 Whatever the plan finally resolved on might be, he was con- templating nothing but the active resmnption of hostilities. t Z'el. ll/ollonia;tw, i. 229.  Cnway to Sir E. Conway, Nov. 20, S. t . 1)oto. lxxxv. I I.  Cntarini to the Doge, No,,. 22 bec. " l'ctt. -anscritVs.  The King to Buckingham, Nov. I4 ; misdated in Eardwid-e S. o P2?EIOG4TIU (¥//'K']t'.,'.I/E.VT. cil. LXL Ver)" different was the conclusion drawn outside the charmed circle of the Curt. Ail throngh the summer news had been œeeU,,gl, eagerly looked for, and rumours, true or false, had England. sprcad from mouth to mouth. In spite of the general unpopularity of the Government, sympathy with the Protestants of Ro«elle was hot dead, and the hopes of success which had been raised from time to time caused the final blow, ' the great- est and shamefullest overthrow,' as one letter-writer described it, 'since the loss of Normand.v,' to fall all the more heavily. At first it was rumoured that hot a single man or gun had been brought away: 1 Although the exaggeration of the tale was soon discovered, every tongue was loosed in criticism, and the object of every criticism was the Duke. "l'he sins of evcry officer and soldier fell, as was perhaps inevitable, upon the head of the contriver of the ill-starred expedition. "The disorder and confusion," wrote Denzil Holles to his brother-in-law Wentworth, "was so great, the truth is no man can tell what was done. This only every man knows, that since England was England it received hot so dishonourable a blow. Four colonels lost, thirty-two colours in the enemy's possessi»n, but more lost,--God knows how many men slain,they say not above two thousand on our side, and i think hot one of the enemy's."  After this disaster, the resistance to the Ioan could no longer be treated from a purely legal point of view. The reply given in the smmner by George Catesby when his contri- Effect of this fee!inTin buËon was demanded, "I will be toaster of my own slimulating it,,,c« purse, ''a would bave had a somewhat sordid appear- to the loan. ance if Charles had in reality required his money on behalf of an undoubted necessity of State. It was now iln- possible for the King to place hilnself before the world as the defender of his country's honour in the face of a factious Op- position. A disaster worse than that of Cecil in t62, a failure worse than that of Willoughby in 626, had crowned the efforts of an ill-advised and reckless administration. Whoever favoured » Letters to Meade, Nov. I6, Court and Times, i. 285. • Holles to Wentworth, Nov. I9, Straflord Letters, i. 4L  Letter to Meade, Feb. 2S, Court and 7ïmes» i. I96. 6z7 ECCLESI.,4 S TICAL P.,4 R TiE& !o3 Buckingham and his designs stood fortb, in the eyes e[ all but a select circle of his admirers, as.the worst enemy of lais country. As if to make Charles's difficulties )'et «r--a'Lter, he had allowed the political strife between himself and his people to February. be still further embittered by involving it with the ccle«i,- ecclesiastical problem which was already hard enough tical diffi- cultie-, to solve. As soon as the demand for the Ioan had. been ruade, each theological party drew instinctively to the. side of its natural supporter. The Puritan, sharing as he did in the general sentiment of the House of Commons, and asking for nothing but the exclusive maintenance of a popular form of doctrine, trusted for support to the conservative leclings ofthe nation. The new school of Churchmcn, thirsting for change alter the standard of an earlier a«* looked to the Royal power as the lever with which they hoped to effect their purl)oses. It is ia the nature of things that the political theories and preferences of ecclesiastics should vary with the circumstances- in which they find themselves, and itis easy to conceive a state of things in which Puritan would appeal to a Govern- ment for sui)port , and their opponents would throw them- selves upon populàr sympathies. Yet it is difficult to imagine Churchmen of the stamp of Laud and Montague placing any confidence in the general good-will of the people. They were too scholar-like and refined, too much inclined to throw doubt on the sweeping assertions which pass current with the multi- tude, and at the saine time too little conversant with the world, to know how to bring their influence to bear upon those who distrusted or disliked them. As their idea of Church govern- ment was the idea of a system controlled by a minority of learned men without any consideration for the feelings and prejudices either of their learned antagonists or of the ignorant multitude, they looked with fondness upon the Royal authority which was alone able to give them the strength which they lacked. " Defend thou me with the sword and I lXl ature of thUoyli, will defend thee with the pen," the sentence with of the Laudian which Montague concluded lais Miiello C«esarem, çarty. expressed the common sentiment of the whole party.. Tae predominance of Charles in the State meant thc predomi- o4 PREROGATlt'F. GOUER'21IE.'VT. cH. LXl. nance of their own way of thinking, and the carrying out of their own principles into action. They did not see how in- sufficient these principles were for purposes of government. They did not see that, even if their ideas had been ail that they fancied them to be, they were pinning their faith to the mere personal prepossessions of the reigning Sovereign. If Charles was their supporter and protector, who could say that his suc- cessor might not support and protect their opponents ? The future might take care of itself. For the present, to magnify the King's authority was the one way of safety. The King The Laudian party of Charles's reign was the Ieast the«entr« ecclesiastical ofalI ecclesiasticaI parties. The great of their system. Popes and Churchmen of the Middle Ages would bave branded thêm as recreants to the cause of spirituaI supremacy. It mattered Iittle to them. In the King's authority they saw their only refuge against the tyrannicaI domination of the multitude, the only fulcrum by the aid of which they could hope to move the world and to settle the English Church in that secure and orderly form which was the object of their aspirations. Laud, preaching before the King when he opened his first Parliament, chose for his text, " When I shalI receive the con- .65. gregation, I will judge according unto right. The Jn«rg. earth is dissoled, and ail the inhabitants thereof ; I Laud's o-. bear up the pillars of it." The king, he declared, "is God's immediate lieutenant upon earth ; and thereforc one and the saine action is God's by ordinance, and the king's by execution. And the power which resides in the king is hot any assuming to himself, nor any gift from the people, but God's power, as welI in as over him." If the earth was hot to dis- solve, ' the king must trust and endear his people ; the peoplc must honour, obey, and support their king ; both king and peers and people must religiously serve and honour God.' The king, however, could hot take the whole of the burden of govcrnmcnt upon himself. "There must be inferior judges and magistrates deputed by the king for this : men of courage, fêaring God and hating covetousness. AII judges, even this great congregation, this great counciI, now ready to sit, receive tO"- 5 £.4 UD'S POLITIC,4L THEOIdIES. -,.o 5 influence and power from the king, and are dispensers of his iustice as well as their own, both in the laws they make and in the laws they execute ; in the causes which they hear, and in the sentences which they give : the king God's high steward, and they stewards under hiln."  Even the Parliament then was but an instrument m the King's hands, for 'counsel not for control,' as Charles after- ature« wards said. Laud's view of the constitution was no his theory ,«gov«rn- new theory evolved out of the recesses of his own ment. mind. It was in the lnain the doctrine of the Tudor sovereigns, the doctrine under which England had won its national independence from Rome. The authority of the State, according to this view, did not lie in the multitude, necessarily ignorant and driven hither and thither by passion and pre- iudice. It lay with him whol't't God had placed at the helm, and who knew better what was good for the people than they could possibly know for themselves. This authority was his not that he might gratify his own will, but that he might do judgment and justice. As long as he did this he would be an instrument in God's hands for bearing up the pillars of the world. Many months had not passed since the delivery of this sermon before everywhere men were beginning to look about for some other theory to lire by. Whatever they x66. n«ne« might think about the King, they had no longer of current evn»o any belief that his ministers wished to do judgment hic. and justice. It was not in the nature of things that these views should be shared by Laud and his friends. To them the House of Commons, which attacked lIontague and impeached Buckingham, had ceased to do judgment and justice, and they clung ail the more closely to the only power in Eng- land which they believed to be willing to do them right. In this temper they were found by the forced loan. Looking with admiration upon the King's ecclesiastical policy, they cared little about his foreign policy, and were willing to take 62r. it upon trust. The victory of Parliament would be a terrible blow to them, and they threw themselves eagerly upon t Zaud's Vorl:s, i. 93. zo6 PREt?OGA TIUE GO b'ERAIIE]VT, cH. l.x. Charles's side. One of theln, Dr. Robert Sibthorpe, preaching before the Judges at the Lent Assizes at Northamp- Feb. . Sibthorpe's ton, set forth the royal pretensions with irritating «m«,. plainness of speech. It was the duty of the prince he said, to 'direct and inake laws.' Subjects were bound to pay active obedieiace to the king, except when his commands were either impossible, or contrary to the laws of God or nature. But even then they were not to resist him. I Sibthorpe's sermon was by no Ineans remarkable for ability, but it inight be uscful as a inanifesto in behalf of the loan, and Archbishop Abbot was ordered by the King to license it for the press. The sanction of the highest authority in the Church was thus demanded for the loan, just as the sanction of the highest authority iii the law had been delnanded a few weeks before. Abbot, however, proved as impracticable as Crew. Abbot re- « to He had no objection to make against the ceremonies licenseit, of the Church, but his austere and ungenial mind was thoroughly wedded to the Calrinistic system of doctnne, and in consequence thoroughly opposed to Laud and his ways. Somethizg, too, of personal bitterness doubtless mingled with nobler Inotives. Laud had supplanted him with Charles, as Williams had supplanted hiln with James. Since Buckingham's predominance had been undisputcd, he had ceased to attend the Privy Council, where his word was held to be of little worth. He now fancied that the inessage which he had received was a trick of Buckingham's to bring him into still further dis- «redit with the King, if he refused to do that which his con- science forbade him to do. Once before in lais life Abbot had bearded a king, when he refused to nmrry Somerset to the divorced Countess of Essex july4. He now again refused to conform to the royal or- Abbot sent ders. The consequences which he predi:ted were into confine- ment. hot long in coming upon hiln. Independence could not be suffered in the Church an)" more than on the Bench.  Through the kindness of Mr. Wil-on, of King William Street, Charing' Cross, I was able to obtain a sight of this sermong .41ostoh'«al Obe, ti«nce» which I could hot find in the Museum Library. ¢)n July 4 Abbot was ordered to betake himself to Ford, a mansion in Kent belonging to the sec of Canterbury, and there o«., to remain in confinement. On October 9 a further Abbot's indinity was placed upon him. The archbishopric jurisdiction  sequestered, could hot be taken away, but he could be deprived of his jurisdiction, on the plea that he was unable to attend to his duties in person. The control of the Church courts was placed in the hands of a commission of which Laud was the leading spirit. Care would now be taken to keep in check those who, contrary to the ILing's proclamation, ventured to write books against Arminianism.  Laud rose higher in thc King's favour as Abbot fcll. Hopes had been .iven to him of succeeding evcntually to the Arch- Laud stro,xg bishopric of Canterbury, and now, on June i7, just in the as Buckingham was sent to Rhé, Charles promised King's fa,'our, him the "" " Blshopnc of London as soon as a vacancy occurred. - As Buckinglaam imposed upon Charles by the romantic side of lais nature, filling his mind with the pronaise cf those great achiêvements upon which he lovcd to dwêll, I.aud imposed upon him by lais love of external authority and his con- tempt for the popular will. Two such counsellorswere enough to ruin any t, rince. By this time a licenser had been found for Sibthorpe's sermon in the least reputable of the prelates then living. Mon- y8. taigne, Bishop of London, bas been severely dealt Sibthorpe's ith by both of the Church parties. "Which, v i«»dy wrote Milton ironically of the condition of a primi: Bishop lontaigne. tire bishop, "what a plural endowment to the many-benefice-gaping mouth of a prelate, what a relish it would give to his canary-sucking and swan-eating palate, let old  Commission, Oct. 9, Store Trials, ii. I45. Abbot's narrative in A'ushworth, i. 434. Fuller's blunder (vi. 42), that Abbot was suspended for his ' casual homicide,' has been exposed by Heylyn, Examen, 2o6. Bu[ it bas probably done more thon anything else to keep olive the belief that Abbot's retirement from affairs was owing to that cause. The part which he took in the Parliament of x628, and whch is only known by the evcla r iions of Elsing's 2Voler, shows that he did hot shrink from public activity vhen-he e,pected any good to corne of it. : tleylyn, [ifeofLaud, I74 ; Laud's Diary, lIorks, iii. 196. o8 PREROGA TIVE GO VER'5IENT. CH. Bishop Montaigne judge for me." Even Laud's admiring t,iographer, Heylyn, spoke of him as 'a man inactive and ad- dicted to voluptuousness, and one that loved his ease too well to disturb himself in the concernments of the Church.  The year belote he had ruade himself notorious by the vigour with which he threw himself into the support of Buckingham's candidature at Cambridge, and he had recently, in sending a present to the Duke, assured him that he could not live if the l)resent were refused. For, he said, when God returns back a man's sacrifice, it is because he is offended with him. a Sibthorpe's sermon had, indeed, done much to exasperate the popular feeling ; but there were others who were prepared to go to greater lengths than he. In two serinons July. ,,ig'» preached before the King in July, Dr. Roger Man- mons. waring asserted in the strongest possible terres the duty of obeying the King as the ordinance of (;od, on pain of eternal damnation. The King represented the rule of j'.lstice as opposed to that of mere numbers. He then applied the argu:nent to the refusers of the loan. " First," he said, after a reference to those who appealed to Parliamentary right, "if they would please to consider that though such assem- blies as are the highest and greatest assemblies of a kingdom, be most sacred and honourable, and necessary also to those ends to which they were at first instituted ; yet know we must, that ordained they were not to this end, to contfibute any right to kings, whereby to challenge tributary aids and subsidiary helps ; but for the more equal imposing and more easy exacting of that which unto kings doth appertain by natural and original law and justice, as their proper in- heritance annexed to their imperial crowns from their birtb. And therefore if by a magistrate that is supreme, if upon necessity extreme and urgent, such subsidiary helps be re- quired, a proportion being held respectively to the ability of the persons charged, and the sure and quantity so required surmount hot too remarkably the use and charge for which it was levied, very hard would it be for any man in the world t On Re[owtation in England. * Hevlvn, Li# ofLaud» IY4, • Montaigne to Buckingham, March (?), 167î S. /9. Z?atn. t6_7 .[t.VII'tRLVG'S SER«I[OA'S. 209 that should hot accordingly satisfv such demands, to defend his conscience from that heavy prejudice of resisting the ordi- nance of God, and receiving to himself damnation ; though every of those circumstances be hOt observed, which by the municipal law is required. "Secondly, if they would consider the importunities that often may be urgent, and pressing necessities of State that cannot star without certain and apparent danger for the motion and revolution of so great and vast a body as such assemblies are, nor yet abide their long and pausing deliberation when they are assembled, nor stand upon the answe6ng of those jealous aud over-wary cautions and objections ruade by some who, wedded overmuch to the love of epidemical and popular errors, and beut to cross the most just and lawful designs of their wise and gracious sovereign, and that under plausible shows of singular liberty and freedom, which, if their con- science might speak, would appear nothing more than the satisfying either of private humours, passions, or purposes."  Such was the argument vhich Charles vished to see printed for the instruction of his subjects. Even I,aud remonstrated. There were things in the sermon, he said, 'which would be very distasteful to the people.' Ciaarles was, however, resolute. Montaigne was ordered to license the book, and Montaigne once more did as he was bid.  Posterity has wisely decided against the principles advocated by Manwaring. Vhatever the evils were which he attacked, .t,,,-,ing'» the remedy which he proposed was undoubtedly opinions, worse than the disease. Yet it would be unfair to deny that the germ of much that was evil existed in the pre- tensions of the House of Conamons. In defending the rights of the individual against arbitrary taxation, words were some- times spoken which might be used to countenance that undue reverence for property and vested rights which was the bane of  This extract, brought before the Lords by Pym, is printed in State 2'rials, ifi. 346. A copy of the two serinons, printed under the title ' Religion and Allegiance,' is in the Libmry of Sion College. "- State ]'rials, iii. 35 I. Books might be licensed by the Archbishop ©f Canterbury or the Bishop of London. VOL. VI. P PREROGA TIV GO VERIç]IEIVT. c. LXL a later period, and to discountenance that higher ideal accord- ing to which each man is called to justify his claires upon society by arguments founded upon the welfare of the society in which he lires. Nor is it possible to deny that the growng ascendency of the House of Commons, desirable as it was, had yet its ugly side ; that it might corne to represent the interests rather than the wisdom of the nation, and that, unless the national mind were aroused to reverence for justice, it might be as arbitrary as Charles had ever been, and as little inclined to deal justly with those who were from any cause regarded ith detestation or contempt by any considerable majority of its nlelubers. It may reasonably be allowed that Parliaments no more approach ideal perfection than kings are likely to approach it. It was Manwaring's mistake that he exaggerated that which was worst in the House of Commons, and that he exggerated still more that which was best in Charles. What he s,aw in the Roy,al authority was that which enthusiastic dre,amers always imagine that they see in the government of their preference. Royalty was to him what the Republic bas been to many a republican. What he sighed for was a ruler who would look beyond the wants of the lloment, beyond the petty exigencies of partisan and private objects, to that ideal justice to which the influence of welth would be no seduction and the clamour of ignorance no hindrance. The authority of kings, he asserts, rising ahnost into poetic fervour as he utters the words, is derived directly from God. It bas no dependence even upon angels. Nothing in the world, nothing in the hierarchy of the Church can restrain them. " No parts within their dominions, no persons under their jurisdictions, be they never so great, c,an be privileged from their power, nor be exempted fro/r, their care be they never so mean. To this power the highest and grentest peer must stoop, and c,ast down his coronet at the footstool of his sovereign. The poorest creature which lieth by the wall or goes by the highwy-side, is hot without sundry ,and sensible tokens of that sweet and royal c,are and provi- dencewhich extendeth itself to the lowest of his subjeçts. The way they pass by is the king's highw,ay. The laws which mnke t6al I,,'I, VG A.VD PARLIA,]IE.VT. 2t provision tor their relief take their binding force from the supreme will of their liege lord. The bread that feeds their hungry souls, the poor rags which hide their nakedness, all are the fruit and superfluity of that happy plenty and abundance caused by a wise and peaceable government." The time would corne when a triumphant Parliament would be forced to hear from the lips of Cromwell that a great o,mionsto country cannot be ruled by mere law and custom, thethory, whilst those who are entrusted with its guidance are fattening upon the abuses which they have neither the will nor the understanding to remove. In 6_ 7 the immediate danger did not lie here. Whatever Laud or Manwaring might think, Charles's government was in no sense of the word a national government, able to appeal to the higher needs of the people. and to take its stand above disputing factions. How such a government would rise upon the basis of the Parliamentarv institutions of the seventeenth century was the secret of thc future. The claire of Parliament fo predominance had yet to be rendered otherwise than intolerable by the admission of the air of liberty and publicity within its walls to an extent which the foremost men of Charles's reign found it impossible to conceive. Yet even as it was, with all its faults, the hope of England was in the House of Comlnons and not in Charles. The Commons, it is truc, had failed in apprehending the full meaning of religious liberty ; they had ruade mistakes in their mode of dealing with this or that action of the Crown ; but the great principle that, when new circumstances call for new modes of action, the course to be pursued must be resolved upon in concurrence with those men whom the nation chooses or allows to represent it, was the principle upon which the gteatness of England had rested in past ages, and the vindica- tion of which was the business upon which the Parliaments of Charles's day employed themselves-for the benefit of posterity. It was fitting that the first answer--if hot to Manwaring's serinons, at least to the spirit by which those sernaons were prompted--should proceed from Eliot, the man to whom the House of Commons was the ri presentative of as high a wisdom ts the King was to Manwaring, and to whom th:: old laws c.f 212 PREROGATIVE GOVERNIIE,VT. CH. LXl England were not records of the dead past, telling a mingled raie of wisdom and foi]y, but words fraught with stern reso]ve and prophetic hope, in which a mighty nation had recorded fir all future time the conditions on which alone it would deign to live, and from which no subsequent generation, on pain of degradation, might dare to depart. From his prison in the Gatehouse Eliot's petition was sent to the King,  humble in outward form, unbending in its firm liot'sve- reliance on the strength of the position it assume& tition from "The ru]e of justice," he declared, "he takes to be the Gate- h«« the law; the impartial arbiter of government and obedience ; the support and strength of majesty ; the observa- tion of that justice by which subjection is conmanded ; whereto ;cligion, adding to these a power not to be resisted, binds up the conscience in an obligation to that rule, which, without open prejudice and violation to those duties, may not be ina- peached." Then came a string of quotations from statutes of the first and third Edward directed against taxation without the consent of Parliament, followed by the one clause which Precedents affecting the bore directly upon the question of the loan. In the 1°'" reign of Edward III., on the petition of the Coin- ruons, it had been ' established that the loans which are granted to the King by divers persons be released, and that none from henceforth be compelled to make such loans against their wills, because it is against reason and the franchises of the land ; and that restitution be ruade to such as ruade such loans.' Looked at narrowly it may perhaps be doubted how far these words will bear the interpretation placed upon them The case in the rime of Edward III. appears to bave been that the Royal officers first compelled certain merchants to advance beforehand customs which were hOt due for some montha to corne, and subsequently refused repayment of the money thus  Printed in Forster's 'h'o[, i. 4o. The petition seems to bave been generally adopted by others in like circumstances (Fors[«r, 4o$, note 4); but the langttage seems characteristic of Eliot, and I bave no doubt that he had at least a main hand in drawing it up, doubtless afier consultation with lawyCtSo t627 ELIOT OA" TttE. LO,4A: 3 obtained.  An advocate of the prerogative might perhaps ask what this had to do with a demand ruade generally in a case of pressing necessity, when the House of Commons had, as he would say, taken advantage of the King's circumstances to impose its will upon the Crown, in defiance of the constitu- tion of the kingdom. It is, however, needless to pursue further such investigations. The strength of Eliot's case lay precisely in that which even he did hOt venture to say, that the necessity, so far as it was a necessity at ail, had arisen from sheer mis- government, and that the appeal to a higher law than that of the reahn, which Charles was continually making, needed no discussion, because no case had really arisen making such an appeal needful. Such is the point of,Aew which the modern reader should keep resolutely before his eyes. If the gentry who closed their Volnt of purses against the loan had believed that a real danger ,-ie,fro- existed, or that Buckingham's policy was realls' cal- which the " question isto culated to advance tle cause of Protestantisln, they beregarded, would surely not have been extreme to mark anv deviation from the strict laws of coistitutional propriety. Manv of them ere the saine men who in i62 and in 624 had kept silence on the subject of the impositions, deeply as they felt the wrong which had been done to them. Their belief that the whole argument from necessity was based upon a fiction lnust be taken for granted ; but it was none the less present to their minds because they veiled it in silence before that sovereign whom they longed to honour and reverence above all human beings. At last rive of the prisoners--Sir Thomas Darnel, Sir John Corbet, Sir Walter Erle, Sir John Heveningham, and Sir Ed- round Hampden--appealed to the Court of King's Five of the vion» Ce- Bench for a habeas corpus, in order that they might mand thelr ,,»«, know what their offence had been. On November  5 ¢'"" they were brought to the bar, and the zznd was ap- pointed for the argumen * of their co,ansel. Four notable lawyer, Bramston, Noy, Selden, and Cal.  5 Edw. III., lolls ofI'arliament, ii. 39, compared with ii. 3o. z4 P.R.E.ROG,,tTII'.E GOI/.ER, V.ILE«V7". cit. Lxl. throp appeared for the defence. It was admitted on both sides No,,. 2. that the King and the Council had a right to commit Wh«d«««,«« to prison ; but it was held on the part of the de- fendants that the cause of committal must be expressed in order that the case might corne before the Court of King's Bênch, which would proceed to bail the prisoner or to remand him to prison, if it saw fit, till the day of trial came. From this poin of view the King and the Privy Council would be reduced to the position occupied in less important cases by ordinary jus- tices of the peace. They would merely prepare the case for the King's Bench, and if they were too long in their prepara- tions, the judges, on being appealed to, would set the prisoner at liberty on bail. Whether this theory were right or wrong, it is certain that for many years it had not been in accordance with the practice. The Privy Council had again and again kept persons in prison, as dangerous to the State, without attempting to bring them to trial,  and those so imprisoned had patiently awaited their deliverance from the King's mercy, without venturing an appeal to a court of justice. On their side the Privy Councillors had taken thêir own time in preparing accusations, sometimes because fresh evidence was expected, sometimes because they had reasons for keeping the prisoner shut up as long as pos- sible. Inspired by the indignation which had blazed up everywhere on the imposition of the loan, these four lawyers now stood forward to plead that ail this was utterly illegal. They Argument fo, ig, had much to sav in dêfence of their position. The c,t,, Great Charter, they urged, declared that 'no man should be imprisoned except by the legal judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land,' and thêse latter words, they said, were interpreted by certain statutês of the time of Edward III. to mean 'due process of law,' which an exalnination before the Privy Council was not. They then drew attention to the con- sequences which would result from any other interpretation.  Arabella Stuart, for instance, and more recently the Earl of Arundel, for vhom no claire had been put forward, except when Patliament was rdtting. 1627 THE FIV.E K2VIGHTS' CASE. If the Privy Council could imprison without showing a cause upon which the Court of King's Bench could act, a man might never leave his prison till he was released by death. The argu- and from ment was followed by a long string of precedents iu precedents, which persons committed by the Privy Council had been brought before tbe King's Bench to be bailed as a pre- paration for trial. When the argument was concluded, the decorum of the place was startled by unusual sounds. Men shouted out their Effctofthe approval and clapped their hands for joy.  Even arg,,men, thejudges themselves were shaken. " Mr. Attorney," said Jones, "if it be so that the law of Magna Carta and other statutes be now in force, and the gentlemen be hot delivered by this Court, how shall they be delivered ? Apply yourselves to show us any othcr way to deliver them." " Or else," said Doderidge, "they shall have a perpetual imprisonment." Heath was not likely to startle the Court by placing his argument for the Crown in an extravagant form. The prece- o.6. dents on the other side he met by showing, at least H eat h's argument for to his own satisfaction, that they were all cases in tnCro,, which the King had voluntarily handed over the prisoners to be dealt with in the King's Bench, and that they therefore proved nothing as to the course which the Court ought to take if the King refused to do so. Further, he urged that due process of law extended to committals by the King, just as it extended to committals by the House of Commons, and that therefore the Court of King's Bench had no right to inter- fere. In t2ueen Elizabeth's time the judges, as was proved by a statement a]]eged--incorrectly as it afterwards appeared--to bave been drawn up by Chief Justice Anderson, had decided, after due consultation, that the King was hot bound in all cases to show cause. For, as Heath argued, one of two things might happen. There might be persons who had committed no crime which would bring them under the ordinary penalties of the law, but whose liberty would be dangerous to the State. In support of this theory he referred to the children of an Irish chieftain,   o Meade, Nov. 2 3, Court «ttd 'mes, i. 9Z. PREROGt TIUE GO UER,V, IlEA'T. cH. LX I who had themselves done no wrong, but who had been con- demned to a lifelong imprisonment in the Tower, lest their libe- ration should be the signal for a revolution in Ireland. Upon this branch of his argument, however, the Attorney-General did not lay much stress. The days were long passed when-- in England at least--any individual was likely to be dangerous from his social position, and Heath had more to say on the other branch of his argument. It was the duty of the Privy Council to prepare matters for trial. These matters, often in- volving the discovery of deeply laid plots, frequently demanded a long time to disentangle their intricacies. If the cause of committal were at once signified, and the trial hurried on, accom- plices would escape and the ends of justice would be frustrated. Ail that the judges were asked to do was to trust the King so far as to take it for granted that he had good reasons for with- holding the case for the present from their knowledge. The next day judgment was delivered. If Coke had been ubon the Bench he would probably have seized the opportunity of asserting the suprelnacy of the Court over all Nov. 8. Thejudg- c0.uses whatever. But Hyde was not a Coke ; and n«t, though the other judges--Whitelocke, Doderidge, and Jones--were honourable men, they were hot likely to sec their way clearly in so difficult a path. The judges took a middle course.  Adopting Heath's view of the statures and  Whitelocke, when examined in the House of Lords, declared that the prisoners might have had a fresh habeas corpus the next day, and that the Judges only took time to advise. " I did never see nor know," he said, "by any record that upon such a return as this a man was bailed, the King not first consulted with in such a case as this. The Commons' Houle do not know what letters and commands we receive, for these remain in o,r Court and are not viewed by them." I do not understand these last words as implying that there were private solicitations and threats addressed to the Judges, for these could not be sald to remain in court. I fancy the .-.rgument is that the Judges had a right to decide whether they would liberate or no, and that they ought to decide in favour of liberty if the pris- oner remained in prison too long ; but that the special mandate of the King was a primâfacie argument that there was a good cause, though it was not expressed. Ail that was needed was that the Judges should be convinced that there was a good cause, and for this it -as not necessary to bave the case t67 BAIL REFUSED. 2 7 precedents, they held that it would be impertinence on their part to hasten th-e King's proceedings. They therefore refused to adroit ttie prisoners to bail; but, on the other hand, they refused to leave any evidence on the records of the Court that they held that the Crown might persistently refuse to show cause. 1 It was perhaps best as it was. The question in debate opened up so manv issues too wide to be determined by the de- q.'he question cision of a lurely legal tribunal, that it was well that it tot settled, should be di.cussed in an assembly more competent to fise to the h¢ight of the great argument. For it is evident that Heath's strongest point as a lawyer would be his weakest when he came to appeal to statesmen. The judges might nesitate to sanction a doctrine which might allow a wily Pretender to the crown to wander about untouched on Eng]ish soil, or might force on the premature disclosure of the due by which the Government hoped to corne upon the traces of some second Gunpowder Plot. The multitude, which had broken through the stern ru!es of etiquette by applauding the popular lawyers a week belote, knew full well that nothing of the kind was really at issue at the moment. Eliot and Hamlden had no influence in England beyond that of the prinçiples which they professed. ]t was a matter of notoriet" that there was no fresh evidence to be collected, no deep conspira«y to be tracked in its secret wittdings. If all that Charles wanted was to obtain the deciion of the Court of King's Bench upon the legality of the loan, he might bave sent every one of the prisoners to trial months before as easily as he could now. Yet the prospect of seeing the legality of the King's pro- ceedings discussed in Parlialuent seemed more distant than ever. The Duke talked confidently of ruining French commerce, and of carrying on the war for many years, u He argued that argued in open court. This information they would derive from 'letters and commands,' and. would exercise the cliscretion which a police magis- trate now exercises when he grants a rem.and, upon ,applic,ation in open court» on the-ground that the evidence is hOt complete. ushworth, i. 6o.  çtate Z'rials, iii. I. * Contarini to the Doge, De¢. *-- 'cn. Transo¢/ts, R. O. 14 '  x $ PREROGA Tf VE GO VI'RA\IIEWT. CH. LX I. what had happened was no fault of his. His honour was sale. He had been deserted by those who ought to have succoured "rhe Duk« hiln at home. But, whatever the explanation might difficulties, be, there was no turn in the tide of his lnishaps. In the beginning of December it was settled that Carlisle should go upon the Continent, to take up the web of iutrigue which Walter Montague I had spun. In a few days news arrived that an officer commissioned by Richelieu had swooped W. Monta- gueseizedby down upon Montague as he was passing throu,h the French. Lorraine, and, in spire of the protection of neutral territory, had carried hinl and his despatches to Paris. Mon- tague was lodged in the Bastille. His papers, vith all they had to tel] of intrigues with the l)ukes of Savoy and Lorraine and with the French aristocracy, were under the cold, penetrating eyes of the Cardinal.  At home matters were in the greatest possible confusion. Before the end of November Buckingham had gone to Ports- lnouth, and had distributed lnonev in his affable wav Want of oey t amongst the soldiers and sailors ;  but he could do no more than satisfy theln for a tilne. His back was hardly turned when letter after letter came to assure him that everything was in disorder.* At Plylnouth the sailors were stea]ing and selling the so]diers' arms ; ail were withoul i,yofh sufficient clothes in the wintry weather ; the ships «,1o. were leaky, and there were scarcely sailors enough on board to carry them round to the Medway to be dcked at Chatham.  The soldiers were paid till the oth of December, but there was no means of doing anything more.  Captain Mason was sent down to set lnatters straight, but he reported that Sir JalneS Bagg, whose business it had been to pay the  See page 67. - Contarini to the Doge, Dee.  ; Beaulieu to Puckering, Dee. 2, 9- lIeade to Stuteville, Dee. , Court and Times, i. 3o3-3o7. Richelieu, Al,"»oires. s Contarini to the Doge, Nov___.. 2. én. 'anscritSts , ri'. O. ]Aec.    Bagg to Buekinham, Nov. 9 ; Courtney to Buekingham, Nov. 9» ,ç. P. zOom. lxxxv. 6, 64. » Itolland to Buekingham, Dee. 5. ibid. lxxxvi. 5. « Bagg t, Buckingham, Dee. 7, ibid. lxxxvi, v7- 1627 21IONE Y 21IUST t'E ttAD. 2[9 men, had received large sutns for which he was unable or un- willing to account.  At Portsmouth matters were even worse. Many of the ships' companies prepared to desert in a body, and to match up to Whitehall with their complaints. It was only upon a false assurance that money was coming to relieve them at Christmas, that they consented to remain on board. They had not, they said, been paid for ten months. Their clothes were worn out, and they knew hOt what to do. * If the sailors were in evil plight no one suffered but them- selves. The soldiers billeted about the country spread the The soldiers" mischief in ail directions. It was bad enough for a outrages, quiet countryman to be forced to entertain, for due 1)ayment, a number of rough young men whose character belote they were pressed into the service was probably none of the best ; but when payment did not corne the burden threatened to become utterly unendurable. The Irish quartered in Essex were especially obnoxious to the peasant. They treated him and lais fami}y as the dust beneath their feet. They flung about the goodwife's household utensils. They broke the furniture, and threw the meat into the tire if it did not suit their tastes, a A German peasant would perhaps have wondered at their gentleness, and would bave thanked God that they did not proceed to graver outrages still. In England, what was done was enough to rouse public indigtiation in classes which the loan had hardly reached. At all costs money must be had. The }oan had brought in on the whole 36,oooL, only 5,ooo/. less than the sure origin- M,spro- ally expected.  There was a talk, if rumour might v¢a f« be believed, of recurring to a fresh Ioan ;  but the raising moe» idea, if t was ever seriously entertained, was soon abandoned, excepting so far as ao,ooo/, were extracted on some pretence or other from the Six Clerks of the Court of Chancery. Mascn to Buckingham, Dec. 3, S. 1:'. 1)oto. lxxxvi. 7o, 75. Watts to Buckingham, Dec. 6, iMd. Ixxxvi. 83, 86. The inhabitants of Maldon to the Council, with inclosures, Feb. fo S. P. Dom. xcii. 85. State of the loan up to Nov. 3 o, ibid. lxxxv. 77.  to Meade, Nov. 3 o, Court and Times, i. 296. 20 PRtïROGA TIVE GO VtïRA21IEA'T. cr. Lt. The only resource left was the mortgage or sale of Crown lands. In this way x43,ooo/, were obtained in the half-year beginning at Michaelmas, and on ])ecember  7 the City of London agreed to pay x2o, ooo/. by instalments on the security of the King's rents from landed property. 1 The whole sum thus obtained was 263,oool ; but even this amount, large as it was, did hot cover the deficit of the past 'rei. year, the anticipations on the revenue on December necessues. 29 amounting to 3x9,ooo/.,  or little less than two- thirds of the whole ordinary revenue of the Crown. Even if this could be paid off, the pressure of the preparations for war was enormous. Together with the recruits which had been levied to reinforce Buckingham at Rhé, there were now 7,557 land soldiers and 4,ooo seamen, entitled to pay at the rate of 2oo, ooo/. a year. If fifty sail were to be sent out in the spring, xxo, ooo/. more would be needed for repairs and naunitions,  and there was besides the imlaaediate necessity of providing and sending out the provisions urgently wanted by Rochelle before its supplies were cut off by the besieging forces. The one thing needed was to make peace. Peace, how- ever, was the last thing of which either Buckiagham or Charles thought. The dislike of the French war, which was universal n the nation, had settled down even upon the Privy Council. Some of its members were less outspoken than others; but those who had the best opportunities of judging were of opinion that Charles and the Lord High Admiral stood a|one in their resolution to resist all reasonable overtures of peace. Not, indeed, that Charles and Buckingham acknowledged the case to be so in their own minds. When the King of France c» a- sent back the prisoners taken at Rhé without demand- termined on ing a ransom, 4 the Venetian anabassador thought ita carrying on t«wr, fair opportunity to urge Charles to meet these ad- rances in a conciliatory spirit. "I will not say," was the King's Proceedings of the Connnon Council, Dec. 17, S. t'. Dom. lxxxvi. 97- List of anticipations, Dec. 29, ibid. lxxxvii. 63. Note of charges, Dec. 22, S..P. Dolll. lxxxvii. 35. Contarini to the Doge, Dec. x én. 7'ra.s«rits» R. O. 6"-7 CH.4RLES DEFENDS ttlAISELF. :eply, "that the retreat was fortunate, but neither ean I assert that it was ruinous. My intentions were always directed towards the common cause, without the relnotest thought of ever gain- ing a span of territory from France, knowing that circumstances were unsuited to such a design. Had hOt the King my brother allowed me to give a guarantee for the Huguenots, I should never have stirred. But as his intentions were always false and feigncd, as appeared by his actions in the elnployment of Mansfeld, in the league for the Valtelline, and in the affair of the edicts he promised to the Huguenots, I deemcd ita lesser evil to have him for an open enemy than to bave him for a false friend, in order that I might prevent his corrupt policy from taking effect. I aih aware that this is hOt the mornent for calling him to account for the lesser injuries he bas done me. Whenever he makes lne think he is of the saine mind with myself, I shall readily join him in the relief of Germant: "But he is determined to destroy Rochelle, and I ara determined to support it  for I vill never allow my word to be forfeited. "I believe that the safest plan would be to recommence operations, and to send an army of eo, ooo men to Rochelle, from which point succour could be given to the whole Huguenot body. I ara convinced that in this way I and the King of France will be the sooner friends." In nmch the saine way/3uckingham spoke "The French," he said, "have vowed to destroy Rochelle, and we to preserve r,,cki,,g- it. As long as this punctilio exists there is no use ham'sviews, in treating or speaking of peace. Let all men beware of dealing with Frenchmen, for they are thoroughly false." With such sentiments as these peace was hopeless. how were the growing expenses of the war to be met ? Buck- inghaln, audacious as ever, advocated the calling of a Parlia- ment. The last of ail lnen to believe that his actions would hot stand the light, he threw himself on his knees bcfore the Dec. 3  Contarini to the Doge, Ja-j'--. ' Ven. Transcrits, R. O. As I bave merely a translation ot a translation to give, I bave altered some of the le»s important words, so as to bring out the sense more clearly. 222 PREROGA TIU.E GO UERVAIENT. CH. LXl. King. If he were found worthy of death, he said, let them hot spare him. 1 After Christmas he nmde the saine proposal in open council, but the King would not hear of such a measure. The Councillors knew not what to think when they heard the great Duke pleading for once in vain. They fancied there was some collusion, and that the scene had been pre- arranged for the purpose of winning popularity for the favourite. Then was seen the effect of such predominance as 13ucking ham's upon the men whom he had trained to flatter, hot t0 counsel. Not a man ventured to open his mouth to give advice. The sovereign and the favourite were isolated at the council board as they were in the nation. 2 It is far more likely that Buckingham expressed his real opinions. The Council, however, had to obey the Kxng, and they were called upon to discuss the best means Debate in the Councll Of filling up the deficiency irregularly.  They were on taxation, first asked to declare whether they would themselves render obedience to any resolution which might be taken. Proposed Upon their answering in the affirmative, they came to ×¢i« the conclusion that some excise upon commodities --beer or wine to begin with--would be necessary. And yet how was it to be donc ? Persuasion, it was generally recognised, vould be of no avail. Any attempt to impose the new taxes by force would be met by an appeal to the courts of law, and the courts of law were certain to decide against the Crown. The only resort from this difficulty would be a proclamation, the contravention of which would be punishable in the Star Chamber. » lIeade to Stuteville, Dec. I5, Court and Times, i. 304.  Contarini to the Doge, Jan. _L IC. 2"ranscrits, . O. s This debate in the Council is from a paper which was used by Hallam (hrargrave 2I[SS. 32I, p. 3oo). It is a modern copy taken by some one ho could hOt properly read the original, and is in some parts unintellible. Its date is not given ; but from a statement in Contarini's despatch last quoted, that the Council had been occupied with schemes for laying im- positions on commodities, I bave no doubt that the discussion took place in the last week of the year. At ail events, as the King's last words show ,t must have been befre Jan. 3 o. DEI'ICES FOR GETTI2VG MOA'E]: 3 It would be interesting to know from whom the last ,ecom- mendation proceeded ; but the brief notes 'hich alone have reached us are silent on this head. Whoever the bold man may bave been, the King felt himself called upon once more to justify so unheard-of a proceeding. "If there were any othr way," he said, "I would tarry for your advices. I can find no other real way. For the particulars, I bave thought of som. If you can find any easier, I will hearken toit. To call a ]arliament, the occasion will hot let me tarry so long." Was it really only the want of rime which hindered the calling of a Parliament ? At all events the courtiers wcre bound to believe that it was so. When the King proceedcd to support the plan for an excise upon beer and wine, they all assented fo the wisdom of the proposal. Suffolk, Laud, and Weston agreed that something of the kind must be done. Buckingham spoke at greater length. In obedience to Charles he bad by this rime abandoned the idea of a Parliament, and he fell back upon the idea of strengthening the throne by military force, which he had entertained in 6e4.  "Had you not spent ail your own means," he is reportcd to bave said, addressing the King, " and yet your friends lost, I would hot have advised this way. But being raised to defend religion, your kingdoms, and your friends, I see no other way but this. Neighbour kings are now beyond you in revenue . . . therefore, not I, but necessitv lf affairs." The army, he went on to say, would re(uire nd 3oo,oooL would be needed for the navy. The armv would be kept at home as a standing force of x x,ooo men, A standing «« po- in readiness to be employed in the relief of Rochelle posed. or of the King of Denmark, as the case might re- quire. On December 9 it was formally resolved that a flect of xoo sail should be got ready in the ensuing summer. * To the demand for an army, apart from any expeditionary force to be actually employed for a definite purpose, all who spoke, with the single exception of Sir John Savile, gave their ap- probation. As a military measure it would be an admirable precaution to bave a standing depôt at home ; but what would  See Vol. V. p. 95.  Council Register, Dec. 29. PREROGA TIUE GO VERA21[EA'T. crL LX[. be its effect upon the civil constitution ? Were the armed men, in the intervals of fighting at Rochelle or in Denmark, to force the new taxes upon England in defiance of courts of law and umversal indignation ?  Nor was this the only danger. Dulbier, now Buckingham's chief military adviser, was to be x628. Ja,,uary. sent over to Germany with Sir William Balfour to hurse sent levy a thousand German horse, who were to form the for. cavalry of this force. It would probably be hard to convince those ,'ho heard the news that nothing more than a mere measure of military precaution was intended. That Dul- bier's horsemen were intended as a threat to the English oppo- nents of the Government is a belief which bas been frequently adopted by modern writers. But, after all, there is one cir- cumstance which militates against this interpretation. Already, on l)ecember -*9, the King had declared his intention of re- viewing the cavalry of the militia of the ten counties nearest london ; and it seems incredible that, if Charles had really intended to suppress resistance by the sword, he should think of calling out a body of armed men who, as drawn from a class whose possessions were larger than those of the foot militia, were hardly likely to stand by in silence whilst their countrymen were being trodden down by a handful of German horse. Probably, after ail, nothing more was meant by Balfour and 1)ulbier's commission than met the eye. It would only be one more example of Charles's extreme ignorance of the people amongst whom he lived if he fancied that he could summon t Conway to the Clerk of the Signet, Jan. 4, s. IL D,,m. xe. o. The last suspicion was strongly entertained by Contarini in his despatch of Jan. 28 Mr. Forster (Sir '. Eliot, i. 4'7) bas suggested that they were in- -Feb. 7" lended to overawe the Yarliament. But the arrangements were ruade before a Parliament was determined on. Still there may have been some eventual intention of this kind. Mr. Forster was aware that the order for the money fi»r Balfour and Dulbier was signed on the 3oth of January. But he does hot seem to bave noticed Conway's letter for its preparation as early as the *4th. That Dulbier's horsemen were to be Roman Çatholics is a later invention. They were levied in North Germany, and were subsequently transferred to the army of Gustavus. Dulbier was taken prisoner by Tilly at New Brandenburg. Charles wrote in vain to request his liberation.  Council Regis.'e; Dec. 20. 68 A PROPOSED EXCIS.. . them to his defence at the saine rime that he was pressing them down with illegal taxation, and flaunting in their eyes the ban- ners of his foreign mercenaries. The deliberations of the Council about raising money dragged on more slowly than their deliberations about raising men. The more the subject was discussed the less easy it must have seemed to venture upon so flagrant a breach of the law as the scheme which had been mooted. Avowedly The pro- po-d «xci or tacitly the proposed excise was abandoned for a -b.nd,,n«d. rime. The next scheme which rose and died away was one to compel every parish to keep three armed men in readiness at its own cost, thus producing a force of rather more than 30,000 men. Towards the end of January the Council as- sembled daily. One plan after another was discussed, and some even took heart to maintain, in the face of the King and the Duke, that it would be better to withdraw altogether from the Continent, and tobe content with maintaining a strong defence at home. No names are given, but the counsel is attributed to the Spanish faction, the old opponents of the war, of whom Weston was the sole remaining Privy Councillor, though he may possibly have been supported by other voices at such a time i. l',Tor was this the only unpalatable advice to which Charles was compelled to listen. Those who were disinclined to with- clraw altogether from interference on the Continent told him plainly that the only alternative was a Parliament.  One ob- stacle, indeed, no longer stood in the way. On January 2 orders  had been given that the prison doors should Releae of the p,isoners be opened to. those who had been confined for their _I1 collfille- ment about refusal to pay the loan. Seventy-six persons in all, ti« 1o. . some imprisoned, some in banishment in different counties, were permitted to return home, but we may be certain that hot one of the whole number fer the slightest gratitude for * Contarini 1o the "Doge, Jan. xo, uo, Jan. .8 Feu. Trarscrit'ts , . O. " o, 30, Feb.  Councill¢egiste', Jan. 2. s The King to the Council ; the King to Worcester, Jan. 25, S. /. 2Dom. xci. 52. Doc¢uet igook. VOL. v. z26 PREROGA TII'E GO UER.X51IEzVT. CH. LXL the word which had unbarred the doors closed upon them by the decree of arbitrary power. On January 2 5 the King, who had hOt yet consented to summon Parliament, ordered a fresh issue of Privy seals, the old resource of the forced loan under another form. Jan. S ex«,vse The next few days were spent in urging upon the vovse, unwi!ling Carles the necessity of calling a Parlia- ment. The leading personages at Court --their nalnes bave hot reached us--gave their personal guarantee that no attempt should be ruade to renew the Duke's impeachment. Jan. 30. t',-i,,e,t At a late hour on the night of the 3oth Charles gave . meet. way, and orders were given that writs should be issued for a new Parliament.  Nothing, however, was further from Charles's intention than to place himself without conditions in the hands of the House of Commons. As sheriffs were chosen in Novelnber, it was too late to have recourse in January to the manœuvre which had been practised two years before ; but various schemes were canvassed for making the Lower House pliable. Itis even said that it was proposed to issue a proclamation excluding all law- vers from sitting, and it was decided that any attempt to touch the Duke should be followed by an immediate dissolution. In that case the King would consider himself no longer bound by the laws and customs of the realm.  Parliament was not even tobe allowed the option of giving or refusing. It was to meet on March 7, and the fleet was to put to sea on the xst. A scheme for levying subsidies before they were granted approved itself highly to Charles's mind. His fleets since x6_- 5 had been largely composed of vessels demanded from the port towns and the maritime counties. The idea of a universal ship-lnoney tobe levied in every county in Èngland seemed to him tobe merely a further extension of t Pembroke, one would guess a likely man. ï The date, with the test of the facts, I get ri'oto Contarini's despatch o! Jan. 3 He is more likely to know than Meade, who gives Jan. 28. Feb. o" Contarini to the Doge, lan2- IZc. Traæso'iIs» . O. Feb. sg28 PROPOSED .I'_EI'Y OF SHIP-3IOVEI: the old principle. On February I I letters were issued to ail the ver,.,,, shires. The distress of the King of Denlnark, the Ship-money ruin of English commerce in Germany and the Baltir, to  coL- ie«ted, the danger to Rochelle and the Protestant religion, and the possibility of invasion from France and Spain were Inade the most of. It was asserted that the fleet lnust go to sea before Parliament could be brought together, and it was stated that if the money were paid at once the King would allow Parlia- ment to meet ; if not, he would think of some other wav. "l'he sure assessed upon each county must be levied and l)aid into the Exchequer by March i. The whole sum demanded in England was 73,ooo/. I On the 15th the clergy were ordered to pay 2o,oooL as a free gift. 2 A few days brought wiser counsels. Lord Northampton. when he ruade the unheard-of demand in Warwickshire, of which county he was Lord Lieutenant, was told to his face that he had promised that the last loan should be repaid, and was asked how he could expect to draw inore money from the sub- jects' purses. In Berkshire the Earl of Banbury, the honest Wallingford of J ames's reign, refused to raise his voice in favour of ship-money, on the ground that he had engaged, if the loan were paid, never to ask anything unparlialnentary again. SU«|l words were doubtless but samples of others uttered all over "rodr England. Charles swiftly drew back, revoked okd. letters, and hung up ship-money in the Royal armourv of projects to be used as occasion might require, n Charles, however, could hOt understand that the insuperable objection which his subjects appeared to entertain towards the payment of ship-money extended to all unpar- Feb. 9- Commission liamentary taxation whatever. On February 9 lac foe«ise, lssued a commission to the Icading members of the Privy Council, d;.recting them to consider ail thc best and speediest ways and means of raising money 'by impositions or  The King to the Sheriffs of Anglesea, Feb.  I ; List of the sum levied on the counties (Feb. II), S. /'. /)oto. xcii. $8, 93. " The King to Archbishop Abbot, Feb. 15, S. /. /)oto. xcfi. 39. s Beaulieu to Puckering, Feb. o ; Meade to Stuteville, Feb. -2, Court ami Timer, i 322 24. "_.8 PREROGA TIVE GO I/'ERWAIEWT. c. LX. otherwise ' as thy might th[nk best, ' in a case of tbis inevitab]e necessity, wherein rotin and circumstance must be dispensed wth rather than the substance be lost or hazarded.'  That Charles should have imagined it tobe possible that he could raise oney in such a manner is indeed strange. All that can be said is that he was in desperate I he ,,«d« straits. While he was racking his brains Rochelle was .-««« perishing. Ever since November the city had been I,lockaded. A line of entrenchments cut it off from ail com- munication with the country around, and the Cardinal, in the midst of the winter storms, restlessly superintended the erection of two vast piers projecting from either side of the long harbour to bar the passage of succours from without. The Rochellese, bold seamen as they were, had not force enough o resist the Royal fleet. Their deputies reminded Charles tlaat they had deprived themselves of provisions to supply Buckingham's wants, and Charles felt it a point of honour to restore the means of subsistence of which he had stripped them. Denbigb was to take command of the convoy which was to l,rotect the store-ships laden with supplies for Rochelle ; but big  tbe saine causes which had hindered Holland stood l%'t- in the way of his departure. The convoy was not ready, and the bread, beer, and cheese were spoiling in bar- bout3 On Match 15 everything was in disorder. ,«». The ships needed repairs. Men tan away as soon as they were pressed. The 26th was talked of as the day on which ail would be ready. But unless six hundred men could be pressed and kept from deserting, the fleet could not sail) On land matters were as bad. At Banbury, encouraged perhaps by the near neighbourhood of Lord Saye, men refused to contribute o the billeting of the soldiers. In Dorsetshire, when the promised payments from the Exchequer were not forthcoming, the men were turned out of doors to steal or  Commission, Feb. 29. WarL ist. il. 47.  Burlamachi to Conway, Feb. (?), S. P. Dom. xciv. .o 3.  Denbigh to Buckingham, Match 1 ; Manwaring to Buekingham. Match 6, & . Da»c. xcvi. 3,  1. 6z8 THE ELECTIO.VS. 2 9 starve. I It might be feared that, unless money could be found speedily, ail England would be in an uproar. _AIl this while the elections were going on, and with a few rare excel)tions they went against the Crown. Those who had refused the loan were sure of seats. The House vhen it met would be as stern in its opposition to illegal measures as the Parliament of I626. I ]3anbury to Manchester, Feb. 28 ; Deputy Lieutenants of Dors¢t- «hire to Suffolk, Match I, S. /'. /)oto. xciv. 73, xcv. 8. 2t0 CHAPTER LX[I. THE PARLIAMENTARY LEADERSHIP OF SIR THOMA$ WENTWORTH. Ox Match 17 the Houses met. The sermon was preached by l,aud, on the text, "Endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." The tone of the sermon was March 7. .=,ud's somewhat plaintive. Three years before he had set «mo,,. forth, in the presence of the first Parliament of the rcign, his theory of the constitution.  The King was to do judgment and justice ; the Parliament, by its knowledge of ail that was passing in the reahn, was to give him information which would enable him to govern with full understanding. The hope that this would be a picture of Charles's reign had turned out to be a dream, and the preacher had no other explanation to give than the evils of distraction and discord against which he warned his hearers.  It never entered into Laud's head that he was doing his best to foment the distraction and discord which he deplored, Th, m«aing by teaching Charles the lesson vhich he was already ofthe leaders «the Coin- tOO prone to learn, that he had nothing but informa- nos, tion to look for from his subjects. The events of the past year had brought the King's authority in question in a way in which it had not been brought in question before. A fcw days belote the opening of the session a meeting of the lcading members of the House of Commons had been held at the house of Sir Robert Cotton. There was a general feeling t See p. 234. "-' Laud's ll'orbs, i. 49- 168 TttE OPENI«VG OF l'f-lE ._çESSIOA; 3 t that the attack upon Buckingham should hOt be repeated, and Eliot, who was of the contrary opinion, withdrew his opposition in the face of the general sentiment, reserving his right to revert to his original position at some future time. To the others it was becoming clear, notwithstanding their reluctance to face the truth, that the main struggle was with the King and not with Buckingham. The gravity of the situation impressed itself on their mio, ds. A whole range of questions opened up before them, every one of them possibly leading to a complete disloca- tion of the relations existing between the King and his people. Coke and Phelips, Wentworth and Selden, concurred in the opinion that the violated rights of the subject must first be vindicated. The very being of the commonwealth, they de- clared, was at stake. If there had been any doubt before of the difficulty of the work to which the new Parliament had to address itself, there could be none after the King's speech was deliveced. lIarh 17. rh ing's Charles seemed determined to console himself for speech, the unpleasant necessity of calling Parliament at all by treating the Houses with studied rudeness. He at least did not 'endeavour to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace? He had called his subjects together, he said, in order that means might be provided to meet the common danger. If they failed to do their duty in this, he must, in discharge of his conscience, use those other means which God had put in his hands. They were not to take this as a threat, ' for he scorned to threaten any but his equals ;' but he wished them to under- stand that, though he was ready to forget their distractions in the last Parliament, he expected them to alter their conduct.  This time there had been no attempt to exclude anyone from the House of Commons. Yet in spite of all that had cti been said and done in the last Parliament, when the We,.b.nt. Lords took their seats, Abbot and Williams, Arundel, Bristol, and Lincoln were absent from their places. The Peers quickly called the roll of the House, and instituted inquiry into the reasons of their absence. In a few days the missing  Fcrster» Sire. £!iot, ii. . *- Zords' o, rnals, iii. 6S 7. z32 II'E.VTI'ORTH'S LadI2DRSIIP. CH. LXll. members took their places without furth«r hindrance. Since the last Parliament every one of the rive had suffered much from the Govermnent. Abbot had been suspended from the exercise of his functions ; Williams had been kept in banishment in his diocese ; Arundel had been placed under restraint, nominally for his part in his son's marriage--in reality, it would seem, as an opponent of the warlike policy of the Court ; Lincoln had resisted the loan, and had been sent to the Tower ; Bristol had been summoned belote the Star Chamber to Bristol's Star Ch-mber answer to :he charges which Charles had been driven potio, to bring against hil in the last session. He had, however, fallen seriously ill, and his illness had been taken as an excuse for postponing the prosecution indefinitely. It is hardly likely that it was more than an excuse. He had professed his readiness to produce the private correspondence relating to the journey to Madrid, and it would scarcely be pleasant to Charles to see that mystery laid open, even belote a Court as devoted as the Star Chamber.  The ability and tact of Bristol alone might make a great difference to the Govemment if its fortune ever came to depend on the opinion of the Upper House. For the present the main interest was in the Commons. The foot of the evils com- plained of lay in the King's daim to withdraw from the cog- nisance of the judges ail cases of imprisonment by his own command. If Charles could be deprived of the assumed right of punishing offenders against his will, it would marrer little what commands he might choose to give. He might ask for '..oans and taxes as he pl¢ased. No one would be the worse, if the judges invariably liberated persons committed to prison for refusing to comply with his illegal requirements. Such at least seems to have been Coke's opinion. On the st .rh . he brought in a Bill providing that, except by the Co« iu sentence of a Court, no person should be detained ,m imprison- me,t. untried in prison for more than two months if he could find bail, or for more than three months if he could not.'- Whether Coke intended by this Bill to meet ail the diflïcul-  Intertogatoties to Porter, Sherorne iIIS.ç. z 11arL 211SS. 477', fol, 15, Vico.'as'« A'otes. -,.8 ELIO T O-.V .IIISGO b'ER''IIE.VT. --33 tes of the case we cannot tell, but it was certain that the burning indignation which was in men's hearts would soon find expression in a more sweeping form. The next day something ar«h 2. was said about supply. "If his IXlajesty," said Sey- Sey,,onron mour, "shall be.persuaded to take what he will, what supply, need we to give ?" Serinons had been preached to persuade the people that all they had was the King's. The question of supply was one to be discussed seriously in com- mittee.  In vain Edmondes and May, on the part of the Government, pleaded that the House should forget and forgive. In a speech of wondrous power and comprehensiveness, Eiot Eiot «eclares drew a lively picture of the past nfisgovernnaent. It against arbi- tryt,,a- was no question, he told his hearers, whether they tion, would forget and forgive. The question at issue was the very existence of the ancient laws and liberties of England. If these laws were set aside, ail right of property was at an end. "It falls," he said, "into the old chaos and çonfusion, the will and pleasure of the mightier powers." It was no mere question of money, no mere temporary breach of the law under pressure of necessity, which might be considered as being of no more consequence than any other accident. "Yes," he cried, "it is of more ; lnore than is pretended ; more than tan be uttered. Upon this dispute hOt alone out lands and goods are engaged, but ail that we call ours. These rights, these privileges, which ruade our fathers freemen, are in question. If they be hOt now the more carefully preserved, they will I fear tender us to posterity less free, less worthy than our fathers. For this particular admits a power to antiquate the laws. It gives leave to the State"--the Government, as we should now say--" besides the Parliament, to annihilate or decline an), Act of Parliament ; and that which is done in one thing, or at one time, may be done in more or oftener."  This debate is not given by lgicholas. I bave adopted the order speeches in the ttarL llS., which is confirmed by Phelips, ho a the end oi he debate referred to the principal speeches in the saine order as thal gi'en above. The ordinary arrangement, which was adopted bl Sir. teq is. I believe» quite wrong. . It "E.VTII "OR TIr 'S ZE/fDERSIf,'P. cH. LXtl. Ail the evil, the great orator went on to say, sprang from the danger of innovation in religion. Favour had been shown within the Church to those who were most in unison and speaks ofthestate with Rolne, and even to Rome itself. No man in ofre!igion. England had any interest in attacking the ancient liberties of the kingdom ' but that false party in religion which to their Romish idol sacrifice all other interests and respects.' There was a danger therefore in ' the habit of disregarding and violating laws.' "Apply to religion," said Eliot, " what has been propounded as to moneys exacted for the loan. We possess laws providing first in general against all forms, of inno- vation, and also careful in particular to prevent the practice of out enemies by exclusion of their instruments, by restraining of their proselytes, by restricting their ceremonies, by ab¢lish- ing their sorceries. Sir, while these laws continue, while they retain their power and operation, it is impossible but that we should in this point be sale. Without that change also in out policy by which law is set at nought, there could hot be an innovation in religion." The attack upon the liberties of the subject, and the attack upon the religion of the nation, were in reality, he argued, af, attack upon the King. "Fo discuss these matters was the truest service to the King, and the whole complicated subject should be referred, in its several divisions, to the committees of the House. 1 Rudyerd followed, in his feeble way, trying to reconcile things that could not be reconciled. The danger of the kingdom was great  the danger of offending the King was also Rudyerd p«h great. It was the crisis of Parliaments, by which men io. would know whether parliaments would live or die. "Men and brethren," he said in his distraction, "what shall we do? Is there no balm in Gilead?" On the whole, he thought the best thing would be to vote a large sure of m,oney, and then to ask the King to set everything straight that had gone wrong. t Forster, Sir . Eliat, il. 8. Mr. Forster has given an abstract of the part of his speech which referred to Laud and the clergy. It is a pity that he did not give Eliot's own words. 6-"8 IVENTIVORTH AS .,4 REFOR,IEI?. -'235 Rudyerd was succeeded by a speaker of a different order. The business of Parliament, said Wentworth, was to produce union between the King and his people. 13oth had Wentworth's viewofthe been injured by past evils. ]3oth were interested in .situation. finding a remedy for those evils. "The illegal ways," he exdaimed, "are punishments and marks of indignation. The raising of loans strengthened by commissions with unheard-of instructions and oaths, the billeting of soldiers by the lieutenants and deputy-lieutenants, bave been as though they could have persuaded Christian princes, nay worlds, that the right of empire had been to take away by strong hand, and they have endea- voured, as far as was possible for them, to doit. This hath not been done by the King, under the pleasing shade of whose crown I hope we shall rather gather the fruits of justice, but by projectors. They have extended the prerogative of the King beyond its just sylnmetry, which makes the sweet harmony of the whole. They have rent from us the light of our eyes, inforced a company of guests worse than the ordinances of France, vitiated our wives and daughters before our faces, brought the Crown to greater want than ever it was by antici- pating the revenue. And can the shepherd be thus smitten and the flock not be scattered ? They have introduced a privy council, 1 ravishing at once the spheres of ail ancient govern- ment, = imprisoning us without banks or bounds, a They have taken from us--What shall I say? Indeed, what have they left us ? They have taken from us ail means of supplying the King and ingratiating ourselves with him by tearing up the roots of ail property ; which, if they be not seasonably set into the ground by his Majesty's hand, we shall bave, instead of t A reference to the secret councils of Buckingham and his friends. = Mt. Nutt, of Rugby, bas pointed out to me that this phrase is founded on one in Bacon's Fssa), on Stqbers/itioJt. " Superstition hath been the confusion of many states, and bringeth in a new ripJtutt tobi/e, that ravisheth ail the spheres of government." Compare also in the Fssay on Counsd: " For which inconveniences, the doctrine of Italy, and the prac- tice of France in some kings' rimes, bath introduced cabinet councils ; a remedy worse than the disease. » a This is the reading of some !IS. authorities. The ordlnary  bail and bond ' is probably the corruption of a prosaic copyist. -',3 6 II'ENTIVORTI-I'S ZEADERSttIP. cH. LXlI. beauty, baldness. To the making of all these whole I sball apply myself, and propound a remedy to all these diseases. By one and the saine thing bath the King and people been hurt, and by the saine must they be cured, t To vindicate what ? New things? No. Our ancient, sober and vital liberties, by reinforcing of the an¢ient laws of our ancestors ; by setting such a stamp upon them as no licentious sprit shall dare hereafter to enter upon them. And shall we think this a way to break a l'arliament. No,--our dèsires are modest and just. I speak truly, both for the interest of the King and people. If we enjoy hot these, it will be impossible to relieve him." Wentworth and Eliot were heartily atone in denouncmg the evils of the times; but the difference between the modes Co,,v»i»o, in which the two men regarded the grievances of the b,,,.ee:, nation was ominous of coming division between them. Wentworth and Eliot. Wentworth had nothing to say about religion, nothing to say about the large constitutional groundwork on which Eliot founded his conclusions. Both were loyal to King and Parliament alike ; but, whilst Eliot was thinking chiefly of Parliament as the mirror of the national will and the guardian of ancient law, Wentworth was thinking chiefly how the King's government was to be carried on. With him the practical mischief was of more importance than ail theoretical considera- tions, as throwing obstructions in the way of the true work of government, as well as inflicting the most exasperating injuries upon the people. Different as were the points of view flore which the events of the past year were regarded by the two men, the remedies which they proposed were no less different. Eliot would have had the whole state of the nation discussed in committee; Wentworth, having very little confidence in committees, and very eat confidence in himself, stepped Wentworth's forward to offer his own guidance to the House. remedies. There must, he said in conclusion, be no more illegal imprisonment, no more compulsory employments abroad, no forced loans, no biileting of soldiers without the assent of the householder. ..  There seems to be something omitted here, but I bave been unable to rectwer it. 6-_8 EFFECT ON THE A'IA'G. 237 In a fcw short words Wentworth had laid the foundation c,f the great statute which afterwards assumed the form of the Petition of Right. A condemnation of martial law was after- wards added. If Coke was finally to give to the Petition its form, Wentworth was the originator of its substance. The debate still rolled on for some little time. Phelips did his best to reinforce Eliot's argument by protesting against the sermons of Sibthorpe and Manwaring. I Coke, on Speeches of Phelips and the other hand, sêems to bave been unwilling to go Coke. as far as Wentworth. He was hot able, he said, in allusion to the words of Phelips, 'to fly at al1 grievances, but only at loans.' Hê recommended that subsidies should at once be granted, but that a statement of the illêgality of the late Ioan should be insertêd in the preamble of the Bill. In reply Secretary Coke ruade an admission most damaging to the King. He could not deny, he said in pressing for an immediate supply, that the law had been broken, but he could say that it had been brokên undêr necessity. It would hot bê vêry long belote Sir John's acknowledgment that the law had been broken would be thrown in his teeth as a complete abandonment of the case set up by the King. In the end Sir Henry Mildmay suggestêd that nothing should bê done hastily. The King should bave rime given him to consider what had been said. Charlês's wisest course would evidently have been to close promptly with Wentworth. He did hot understand that Went- March 24. worth's demand was the measure of the House's TheKing' determination. As in x65 he had agreed to per- reception of " thedemands, secute the Catholics in order to persuade the Coin- ruons to give him money to send out the fleet to Cadiz, so he would do now. Eliot and Phelips should learn that against the Catholics at least they had the King upon their side.  Phelips's speech is curious as enouncing, in opposition to Manwaring, a doclrine which afterwards became famous. " It is well known," he said, " the people of this state are under no other subjection than what they di'd voluntafily assent unto by their original contract between king and people." 2»8 II'EA'TH'ORTH'S LEADERSHIP. ci4. LXL A few days before the meeting of Parliament a discovery had been ruade, that a bouse at Clerkenwell, belonging to the Earl of Shrewsbury, was being used by a small party "rhe Jesuit at Clerken- of Jesuits as a place of meeting. The |esuits were well. " at once arrested and their goods and papers seize& As there was nothing treasonable in the papers, some clever scoundrel thought fit to forge a letter from one of the com- munity, in which it was told how the Jesuits had a plot on hand for keeping alive the quarrel between 13uckingham and the House of Commons, and the forged letter was widely circu- lated. Buckingham, when he saw it, was highly offended, as the unskilful forger had allowed expressions about Dulbier's horse to slip in which might be more damaging to him than to the Jesuits. Neither Buckingham nor Charles, however, cared to protect the Catholics, e and they lnay very likely bave instructed thc t The whole story was told by Mr. J. G. Nichols in the Camden illis- cd,'alty, vols. ii. and iv. Sir J. Maynard seems to bave had something fo do with the forgery, if he was hot himself the forger. Mr. Nichols printed at the saine time a curious letter ri'oto the Council to Falkland, which he held to be a firgery also. But the grounds he alleged were manifestly insufficient. Ite argued, in the first place, that the letter had an impossibe date. This would be worth attending to if we had the original. But the hasty copy which is ail we have may easily have substituted the end for the 2znd of March. Mr. Nichols's second argument is that the letter is signed by Suffolk, Salisbury, Morton, and Durham. The latter, he said, if meant for the 13ishop of Durham, would scarcely bave corne last. But surely earls would corne before bishops. "]lorton,"too, he arted, " is a name hot familiar to the history of the period." He was, however, a Privy Councillor, being the Scotch carl who commanded the reinforcement which was to bave joined Buckingham at Rhé. The letter is very charac- teristic of Buckinghands off-hand way of treating serious nmtters. I in- cline to think it genuine. I may add that the Ist ]ctter Iever wrote to Mr. Nichols was to call his attention to these points, being unaware at the rime of his illness. Tho.e who had the good fortune to know him will I,e sure that, if he had been convinced by its arguments, he would bave accepted the correction w,th pleasure. Truth was the one thing which he cared for in his investigations.  The Northern Commission, of which the Earl of Sunderland was the n«»minal chief and Sir J. Svile, the acting head, was, I fancy: intended I',8 t SUI'POSED ,PLOT. a 39 Secretary to make the most of the affair of the Jesuits at Clerken- sir j. Coke well ; but Sir John had hot the light hand which was tri«to needed to deal with the discovery so as to make a t'righten the taous« good impression. On the z4th , after promising that if the House would take the question of supply into imme- diate consideration, his Majesty would then be rcady to redress ail grievances, he proceeded to unfold his tale." Vou little think," he said, "there was another pretended parliament of Jesuits, and other well-willers to that party, within a toile of this place." The House was hOt to be frightened with this bugbcar. Not one of the speakers who followed even referred to the terrible Grievanees portent. There was much sharp speaking about the to p«a« Arminian divines, and the House gave it to be undcr- 'supply. stood that it meant to discuss its grievances before doing anything about supply. This was a bitter pilI for Charles. Denbigh's mournful let- tors were lrouring in day by day, to plead for the necessities of .,r =s. his charge. The council of var, too, had just sent in N ecessit ies ofthe Go- an estimate of Iittle less than 6oo,oco/. for the mili- ,r,*m.t. tary and naval service of the coming year, besides an immediate demand for nearly 7oo, ooo/. for repairs and munitions of war.  Charles was thus in much the saine difficulty as he had been in t6œee 5. If he asked for all that he wanted, he would get a refusal. If he asked for less, the service would be starved. The course adopted was to lay hefore the House the heads of expenditure, without any mention of the sums required for each. On points of form the Commons were hot illing to contend with thc King. At the urgent cntreaty of Secretary Coke, they simply to get lnoney. 13y taking less than the legal fines directly from the recusants, a -hole set of informers would be discountenanced, and more money corne actu.lly to the Çrown. See the Commission, June 23, 1627 ; tgalenl tolls, 3 Charles 1., Part 35, No. 7- The affair, however, seems to bave bcen mismanaged.  Z-farl. e|[SS. 4771, fol. 24. - Estimate, March 22, S. /o. Z)om. xcviii. I. It is one of the few ina- portant errors in Mr. Bruce's Calendar, that he overlooked the first of thes¢ demands, and so under-estimated the whole sum reqt'ired. 240 IVENTIVORTtI'S LEADERSIIIP. CH. LXlr. resolved that the rand Committee which was to discuss On Chr1«s grievances should also discuss supply. It soon ap- request the peared that Charles had gained but little. As soon as committee orderedto the House had gone into committee, speaker after consider both griev- speaker announced lais full belief that their property supply, in their goods and the liberty of their persons must be placed beyond dispute before it would be fit to mention supply. D,bt in Phelips, with his usual proneness to seize upon ques- committee on the tions which were hOt yet ripe for solution, even asked liberty of the subje«t, what was the use of ascertaining the law if the judges could expound it as they pleased. It was but the natural result of Charles's system of govern- ment that he was as ill-served in the House of Çommons as he was everyhere else. To Eliot and Wentworth The King .Imos,i,h- and Phelips he had nobody to oppose but Secretary out support int,« Coke. May and Edmondes contented themselves Commons. with general exhortations to concord ; and Weston, who, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, had no love for the war expenditure for which he was expected to provide, sat silent by their side. To the great lawyers of the Opposition, with Coke and Selden at their head, there was no one to reply except the Solicitor-General, and Shilton was an example how easily in- competency could float to the surface when buoyed up by Royal favour. When he rose it was only to say that he had not been present when the case of the habeas corpus was argued in the King's Bench, but that if they would give hiln time to consult Heath, he would sec what Heath had to say about the matter. Shilton's verbal admission of his own incompetence brought up Sir Edward Coke. The old lawyer contemptuously replied Coke's state- that he too would be glad to know what the Attorney- ment of the ,,. General had to say. In the meanwhile, he had something worth his consideration to tell him. Whenever the old law-books spoke of the King's imprisoning a man, they meant that the King's command was signified through his judges. " The King," said Coke, "can arrest no man, because there is no remedy against him." He then produced a pre- cedent from the rign of Edward III., according to which a 16_-8 /IRGUM'E.VT FOR TttE cROII\V. committal without cause named had been deemed insufficient by the judges. Scripture too was on his side. Had not Festus said to Agrippa, "It seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and hot withal to signify the crimes laid to his charge ? " Coke ended by saying that he had giveu the Attor- ney-General a preparative, but he had more physic in store for him. Coke's argument was another warning to Charles to close with Wentworth quickly. If Eliot 'ould bave placed the direction of affairs in the hands of the House of Commons, Coke would have placed the final decision in the hands of the judges. The question asked by Phelips earlier in the day had to be answered in favour of the judges before they could be considered competent to the task assigned them. As Charles ruade no sign, the Commons stepped boldlv forward. They refused even to consider the Secretary's heads of expenditure for the present, and they passed a resolution con- 1arch 6. demnatory of taxation 'ithout a t'arliamentary grant. Resolution The question of imprisonment 'as hot so easilv on taxation, settled. There was something to be said on the side of the King. In ordinary times it might be ail very well that the King should not imprison without showing cause, alarch 8. and that the judges should be called upon at once to decide whether the accused person should be admitted to bail or kept in prison. Would not this, however, be dangerous in extraordinary times? In the last two reigns there had been grave conspiracies affecting the well-being of the whole nation. There had been plots to assassinate Elizabeth, and more recently a plot to blow up King, Lords, and Commons with gunpowder. " I will put my case," said Nethersole, in evident al- Nethersole's argument, lusion to the position of Northumberland in connexion with the Gunpowder Plot : "there is alnongst us a great party of Jesuits and priests, and the scholars of Jesuits are about to question the King's title to the crown ; and suppose some friends of some one great man and allied to the Crown, do conspire against the King and Crown. Now, to keep that great man out of danger, they never acquaint him with the plot. Will not all men confess that a warrant in this case is both law- VL. VI. R 42 II'.E, VTII'ORTti'S LEAI)ERSItlP. c_. LXI|. fUI and :mcessary to secure this great man ? And what reason of his imprisonment can be added ?" In the course of the debates s.hich followed, this argument was put again and again in every possible fonn. It is childish Estimateof to ignore its weight. The conclusion to which it its fo, ce. points bas been embodied in that unwritten con- stitution under which Englishmen are content to lire. In ordinary rimes the rule which Coke advocated suftices ; but when any extraordinary commotion makes itself felt in the dcpths of society, when some great conspiracy is on foot, the ministry of the day Colnes to Parliament for a suspension of the ]-t«beas Cous Act, and arbitrary comlnittals find no impediment. There are occasions on vhich the historian bas to ac- knowledge that no complete solution of existing difticulties was No complete possible at the tilne, t'ractically the great evil or sclution then the day sas that Carles was hot fit to be entrusted possible. vith powers which had been wielded by former sovereigns. He had acted as if there had been an elnergency, when, if there was an elnergency at all, it was one of his own creation. Even if the leaders of the Commons had looked fairly into Nethersole's argument, ail that they could have said vas that, by solne possible re-arrangement of the constitution, by solne forln of government hitherto untried, that which he asked for lnight beneficially be granted. Sufficient for theday was the evil thereof. The Comnmns had colne to consider that it was more important for them to bind the King's hands than to arm them against conspiracies which, in their time at least, had no existence except in the fertile imagination ot Secretary Cke. The legal aspect of the question was by this time coming to the front. It was in vain for Eliot to appeal to the high rh» position of Parliament as the interpreter of the .ti,,. national conscience, in vain for Wentworth to lay the foundations of a new settlement in an intelligent perception of the requirements of the State, if Carles refused to take account of their just demands. It relnained for the eat legal authorities of the Commons to lay dmn the law as it stood, to trace out t628 /I C-HtLLE«VGE TO COA'E. œ43 the long tradition of legality which in the cour.,e of ages had raised a barrier against arbitrary power. That the barrier thus raised had not always been firmly maintained it is impossible to deny. Precedents were hot always consistent, and the weak side of the legai argument was that it attempted to reduce the fluctuations of social forces toa uniform system, and to account fol the constitution of England in the Middle Ages without mentioning those revolu- tionary disturbances which had supl)lemented the decisions of the judges. In the Commons Coke had no adversary worthy of his steel. Yet even Shilton contrived to embarrass him for the moment by producing a resolution of the King's March "9. c.,,«.na t3ench in t6t5, in which Coke himself expressed Shilton. approval of the doctrine that when the Council sent a man to prison the cause of the imprisonment need hot be disclosed. At the saine rime Shilton quoted the opinion of Chier Justice Anderson, to which Heath had referred triumph- antly in Westminster Hall. Even Coke was for once disconcerted by the attack. The report, he said, was not yet twenty-one years oid. Then floun- dering stiii more deeply in the mire, and forgetting dates and everything else in his confusion, he begn taiking wildly of the necessity of dealing strictly at that time with the traitors con- cerned in the Gunpowder Plot, as if, in 6I 5, every (»ne of them who had failen into the banals of the Government had not beer executed nine years before. It was a fine opportunity for Shilton. " What !" he might bave said, "do you really hold that in times such as that of the Gunpowder Plot, the strict law for which you are pleading car- not be executed ?" Shiiton, however, was no debater, and sat silent. Wentworth came to Çoke's rescue with a few sarcastk words. " Mr. Solicitor," he said, "hath donc that which belongs to his place, but not so ingeniously as he might."   HarL ISS. 477, 45 b. The word is "ingeniously," which in those days bore the signification of "ingenuously " as x-ell as that ot "ingeniously." Probably Wentworth meant to reflect Oll Shilton's want of ekill. The [l'arl. ,IS. gives the only satisfactory account o- the affair. 244 II'ENTII'OI?TH'S LEADEI?SH[P. cH. LXlI. Two days later Coke was himself again. He had the right, he sad, of changing his opinion when his knowledge was in- creased. Since he signed the resolution referred larch 3 . Co«,,- to, he had seen members of Parliament imprisoned. tification. He had himsclf only just escaped imprisonment. He had gone to his law-books, and there he had found that the boasted resolution of Anderson and the judges of his day was apocrvphal. Anderson's words were ve different from those whi«h had been cited in Court. Coke had risen above the weakness which led him to claire infallibilitv in matters of law. " I cannot think of flattery," said Eliot, 'but we may here thank him now whom posterity will hereafter commend."  Eliot, in fact, had a great part in the old lawyer's triumph. A report of Anderson's resolution in his own handwriting had been treasured up as a precious pos- session by his heirs. Thcy now sought out Eliot and placed the manuscript in his hands. On the morning of April  Eliot laid it before a Comlaaittee of the House. Il a,««o,'s it was not by any means so explicit as the popular judment p«,«««, lawyers would bave drawn it, it was more in their favour than the note which had been cited by Heath.  Coke  a% [SS. 4771, fol. 46 b. Coke's speech has a wrong date in State rials, iii. 82.  "And where it pleased your Lordships to will divers of us to set down in what cases a person sent to custody by her Majesty, her Council lori some one or two of them, are to be detained in prison and not delivered by ber Majesty's Courts or Judges, we think that ifany person be committed by ber Majesty's comnaandment from ber person, or by order from the Council Board, or if any one or two of ber Council commit one for high treason, such persons, so in the case before committed, may not be de- ]ivered by any of ber Courts without due trial by the law and judent df acquittal had. Nevertheless the Judges may award the Queen's writ to bring the bies of such prisoners before them ; and if upon return thereot the causes of their commitment be certified to the Judges, as it ought to , then the Judges in the casesbefore ought not to deliver him, but to'remand him to the place from whehce he came, which cannot be conveniently done unless notice of the catase in generality or else specially he given to the keeper or gaoler that shall have the custody of such prisoner." nderson' R,ort«, i. 98. Upon thé, Hallam (i. 387), observes : "For though th is not grammatically woded, it seems impossible  doubt that it ackno- 68 COI£E'S TRIUJIPIt z45 interpreted the words entirely as he wished them to be ln- terpreted. The old man was more than triumphant. " Of my own knowledge," he said, "this book was written with my Lord Anderson's own hand. It is no flying report of a young studen't. I was Solicitor then, and Treasurer ]3urghley was as much against contmitment as any of this kingdom .... I.et us draw towards a conclusion. The question is, Whether a freeman can be imprisoned by the King without setting down the cause ? I leave it as bare as _/Esop's crow, they that argue against it."  Coke's appeal to Anderson's opinion swept everything before it. In three resolutions the Colnmittee unanimously resolved that no freeman might be committed without Resolutions on imprison- cause shown ; that every one, however committed, ment. had a right to a writ of habeas corjus ; and that, if no legal cause of imprisonnaent appeared, he was to be delivered or bailed. These three resolutions on inap6sonment, together with the resolution on taxation, constituted the main part of the case of the Commons with regard to the liberty of the subject. Thc ledges the special command of the King, or the authority of the l'rivy Council as a body, to be such sufficient warrant for a commitment as to require no further cause to be expressed, and to prevent the Judges from discharging the party from custody either absolutely or upon bail." The cCnsequence, he goes on to sa)r, would be to tender every stature by which the liberties of Eglishmen were protected, a dead letter. The effect of Anderson's report depends on vhether he meant ' the cause in generality ' to apply merely to the order of the Queen or Privy Council, or to some general statement of the offence committed. In any case, however, Anderson seems to have had in view a trial before the King's Bench as the proper resu'.t, and to have been thinking rather of saying that bail ought to be refused to per»ons so committed, till the time for trial came on, than of the further question xxhether they could be kept back entirely or for any long time from the jurisdiction of the Court. Anderson's assertion that the cause of commitment ought to be certified, would be the part of the report on which the Commons would probably lay stress.- 1 There is some difficulty aboat this speech (State Trials, iii. 76). Part of it, tlrttmoreç mati, &c., occurs in a speech of the 29th, and the rest is hot mentioned by Nicholas or in the copy in the Itarleian MSS. But it can hardly bave been spoken except on the production of Anderson'$ original MS. 246 IVENTIVORTH'S LEADERSttlP. CH. LXtt. day before, the King had accorded a gracious reception to the joint pétition of the two Houses for the strict execution of the :xprit 2. Recusancy laws. 1 On April 2 the Commons took into r)ete o, considération the heads of expenditure presented on ,»vly. behalfofthe King. The general opinion was that pro- visi.on should be ruade for thé defence of the kingdom, but that no encouragement should be given to Charles to launch out into another of those great expeditions which had hitherto ended in such disastrous failure. Sir John Coke indeed argued that attack was often the best defence. It might be so, retorted »:iot'»ob- Eliot, but attacks conducted after the fashion of thé j«tion», late attempts upon Cadiz and Rhé could défend nobody. " Consider," he said, "in what case we are, if on the like occasion, or with the like instruments, we shall again adventure another expedition. It was ever the wisdom of our ancestors here to leave foreign wars wholly to the State, and hot to meddle with them. There aay bé some necessity for a war offensive, but, looking on out late disasters, I tremble to ¢or.e- think of sending more abroad."  Wentworth took commended by wnt- a course of his own. tic would bave nothing to sav ,oth. to Eliot's investigations into the past. "I will not all," hé said, " mto the deep of foreign actions, but address myself to particulars. I cannot forget the dut 3" I owe to my country, and unless we be secured in our libertics we can- hot give." Wentworth recommended that there should bé no attempt to enter upon thé heads of expenditure. He also re- commended that a bountiful supply should be given ; but he reminded thé committee that the list of grievances was hOt yet exhausted, and that there was no security that, if money were voted, their grievances would be redressed. Hé therefore moved and carried thé adjournment of the debate to thé 4th. Hé held, in fact, that thé House should not make itself respon- sible for thé mode in which the money voted would be spent. Hé did hOt care enough for thé war to think it worth while to inquire whether Rochelle was likely to bé lost or saved ; but he did care for the settlement of those domestic difficulties which  a,.L//ist. ii. e4S. -" Forster, çi,'. Eliet, ii. 6",8 FRESH RESOLUTIO2VS. 47 ruade all healthy government ilnpossible, and though he was not likely to abet any lnovelnent which would have placed the House of Commons in direct opposition to the Crown, he was quite ready to use the refusal of subsidies as a lever to obtain that which he regarded as advantageous to the Crown and the Corrlmons alike. As the result of the adjournment the committee betook itself to supplement its previous resolutions. The practice of Resolution confining a pcrson obnoxious to the Court to his own on confine- bouse, or to the house of any other private person, ,ent. which had been recently practised in the cases of Bristol and the refusers of the loan, was voted :o be illegal. llillting The warlnest discussion, however, arose on the bil- soldier», leting of soldiers and the malpractices connected with it. Eliot related, with striking effect, a circumstance of which he-was cognisant. The house of a gentleman near Plymouth, he said, had been attacked by a band of soldiers, and its owner forced to fly froln their fury. A few days after- wards he was recognised in Plymouth by the saine soldiers, and assaulted by them. He complained to thê Mayor, and was by him referred to the Commissioners appointed for the govern- ment of the troops. Not only did the Commissioners give him no redress, but they sent him and his servant to prison. « Littlê difference I sec," said Eliot, "between these and the old Roman soldiers. Can this people give supply that are not masters of thelnselves ?" Complaint waxed louder and louder. "If we go on in parficular," said Digges, "we shall never corne to an end. It is too common for the comlnanders to deny ail justice." Phelips said that the deputy lieutenants had no right to lnake rates for the lnaintenance of the soldiers. Yet there was some- thing in the defence of Sir Edward Rodney, himself a deputy lieutenant. The soldiers, he said, came with elnpty stomachs and with arms in their hands. If the King's orders had hOt been obeyed, the men would bave seized by force ail that they wanted. It had always been the custom to levy money for the support of soldiers on the understanding that it would be repaid from the Exchequer. If the men had been billeted in private 48 IfOE,'VTIf'OlgTH'S LEADERSHIP. CH. LXII. houses it was because no money had corne down from the King to support them in inns.  No lnoney had corne down. That was the gist of the whole grievance. And why had no money corne down ? Because, the King would say, the Commons, in neglect of Question of authority" their duty, had refused to vote it. The Commons open«dup, held that it was because the King had engaged in an expenditure of which they were in the right in disapproving. I)o what they would, the deep question of sovereignty--of the right of saying the last word when differences arose--was for ever cropping up. The next morning a message was delivered from the King by Secretary Coke. His Majesty, he said, had heard that there were rumours that he was angry with what the House Satisfaction pr«sse«*,y had been doing, and that Buckingham had spoken the King. malicious wordsagainst the Parliament. He assured them that this was not the case. Sir John added that the King wished them to vote him a supply the next day, without any condition. He would then assure them that he had no in- tention of intrenching upon their liberties. Charles, in short, could hOt see that their liberties were at ail in danger. "For God's sake," he had said, " why should any hinder them of their hberties? If they did, I should think they dealt not faithfully with me." There is no reason to accuse Charles of hypocrisy in thesc words. He did hOt yet fully understand where the struggle wht eia really lay. He had regarded the loan as an irregular Chares expedient, forced upon him by the course taken by ,en the Comlnons in the first two Parliaments of his rcign, much as the King of Prussia regarded the unparliamen- tary budget arranged by himself belote the campaign of i866. Now that the Conunons appeared likely to resume their proper functions, there would be no need for hin to revert to such unusual proceedings. They would vote him the supplies which he needed, and he would assure them that he would hot again put in force the extraordinary powers of which they  ttarL A!SS. 477, fol. 5-57 b. Aïcholas's 2Vote«. 628 ARE SOI.DIERS TO BE PRESSED? "49 t'omplamed ; but which he firmly believed to be part of the m- heritance of the Crown, of which he was resolved hot to divest himself. In the course of the day the four resolutions on imprison- ment and taxation were formall.v reported to the House. "l'he debate on foreed employment on foreign service touk Question of pressingmen an unexpected turn when Selden called in question for th«ar,y, the existing s.vstem of pressing men for military and naval service which had grown up since the commencement of the Tudor reigns. Even Phelips was startled by the prospect which had been opened by Selden. Without compulsory service, he asked, how was an army to be maintained ? Went- worth gave expression to the saine doubt. If Selden was right, and the King had no power to press, the sooner the power was given to him the better. The only point to be considered was how such a power could be moderately exercised. On Went- worth's motion a committee was appointed to consider the question.  The position thus taken up by Wentworth is significant. Above the question of Royal or Parliamentary authority, above W«nt,,,orth' the question of law and precedent, he kept ever position, steadily before him the necessity of an intelligent perception of the wants of the country. Parliaments might be merely the reflection of the interests and passions of an ignorant nat!on. Lawyers might appeal to the dry records of a dead past which could give no fuie to the living prescrit ; but in- telligence could hOt rail. The strength and the weakness of Wentworth lay in this doctrine, so truc when intelligence takes account of the elements of passion and pre.judice, zeal r sluggishness in the nation, so false when it deals with a people as mere brute matter, to be handled and directed as the man of wisdom thinks best. 9 Wentworth's motion had at ail events, by taking up the rime of the House, ruade the completion of the list of grievances  Igarl. ,IlSS. 477, fol. 57 b ; 233, fol. 28. 2 The modern idea of statesmanship, in fact. looks upon government as a ta««vr r4Xvn. But the Socrates of politics was yet in the future in Wentworth's days. 2So tVIVTII'OITI['._ç LI?SHIP. cH. LXH, impossible for the present. The next morning had been rixed for the debate on supply. It was accordingly April 4- Sepamtionof resolved to suspend the consideration of the mili- civil from military tary grievances for the present, and to lay the four gri«vances, resolutions on taxation and imprisonment before the Lords. Before the House went into Committee of Supply, a fresh message from the King came to give assurance that they should r«b.t«on cnjoy their liberties under him as fully as under the supply, best of their former kings. Though the House was in a liberal mood, there were many to whom the heads of ex- penditure seemed excessive, many too in whose minds they awakened incmories of disaster and defeat. Wentworth recom- mended that the heads of expenditure should be quietly shelved. The House should grant a large supply, and ask no questions how it was to be employed. The recommendation had a marked success. Eliot said that he had intended to sa)" some- thing about the heads of expenditure, but that he had no wish to interpose any further delay. Wentworth's motion was carried, and the House was thus relieved from ail responsibility for the prosecution of the war. What was given wonld be a free gift, binding no one for the future. Then followed a discussion on the number of subsidies to be granted. Some said rive, others less. Eliot, frightened at rlve.b- the excessive liberality of the House, moved the ad- sidies voted, journment of the debate. Wentworth supported the largest grant suggested, and he had the House with him. Eliot protested in vain that so much could hOt be raised without the aid of military force ; but he did hot venture to appeal to a division, and rive subsidies were unanimously voted. The leadership of the Conlllons was clearly in Wentworth's m,,oth' hands. He represented the desire of the majority "t-adershlp" Of the inelnbers to carry conciliation to the utmost possible limits ; but he also represented their desire to havê a full and effective remedy for their grievances. As The grnt .ot o  soon as the motion for the subsidies was carried, «»ot.,. he proposed that no report of the vote should be ruade to thc House. What had been done, he said, was done i68 IVENTI l'OR TH'S BILL conditionally on the King's agreement to settle the fundamental fiberties of the subject. The proposal thus ruade was practically if not formally adopted. I No report was ruade, and there vas thus no official record that the subs|dies had ever been voted at all. It would be impossible for Charles, if matters went ill, to levy the subsidies as he had attempted to do in 626, on the ground that they had been offered by the House. Charles's hopeful picture of an immediate grant of supply, followed by a vague declaration of his own intention to maintain the liberties of his subjects, was therefore not to be realised. Though Wentworth had no wish to reduce the Royal authority to a shadow, it was by his hand that the cup had been dashed from the King's lips. He had been one of the committee which had unanimously recommended that the four resolutions should be laid before the House of I.ords. * He may bave thought that such a course was unavoidable under the cir- Wentworth cumstances, or he may bave been unwilling to lose vropo-,-  his influence by openly differing from the great lawyers Bill on the liberties of of the House. At all events he had something more  i«t. definite to propose. "He wouid," he said, "have the Grand Comnfittee al)point a sub-committee to draw into a law what may assure us of out liberty of our persons and property of our goods before we report the resolution of our gift." Here then, at last, was Wentworth's scheme. Not a humble petition to the King, four resolutions when law to provide for the Whatever might corne it would be certain to hOt a legal argument to accompany the they were laid before the l'eers, but a future, was his solution of the difficulty. of the argument before the Upper House, offend the King. He would bave to be  There is a discrepancy in the authorities, The Harleiau «][S. 477 {6o b-63 b) ends with an order for a report. Nicholas gives the further speech noticed above, and then says, " the Speaker goeth unto the chair :md the IIouse riseth." Another Harleian «]IS. (433, fol. 34 b) gives the order for the report with Wentworth's speech following. As no report appears to bave been ruade, there can be no doubt that the order -as dropped on Wentworth's intervention, though it may hOt have been for- mally rescinded. " Commons" ff'ournals, i. $79 2"2 If'E.VTI'OVTH'S .LEADERSI,-I['. cH. LXII.-_ told that he had been utterly in the wrong, and that he had broken a whole series of laws, from Magna Carta downwards. It might indeed prove that Charles was hot to be conciliated, an.l then it might be necessary to go through all this. Went- Werth may well have thought that there was a better way. If once it became statute law that thê King lnight not lêvy loans without the consent of Parliamênt, and that he might not imprison lnen without allewing them to seek their trial in open court, ail the learning in the world about the constitution of England in the Middle A_ges would be no more than an anti- quarian investigation, more interesting to Englishmen but not more practically important than an inquiry into the laws of Solon or the procedure of the Roman prœetors. A Bill, moreover, would bave the advantage in Wêntworth's eyes of being capable of limitation. Nethersole's argument was hOt likely to pass unheeded by Wentworth, and he was sure to regard with special favour a lnode of procedure by which it would be possible to consider hOt lnerely what the law was, but 'laat the law ought to be. For the present, however, the lawyers had it all their own way. A day was fixed for their argument before the LordS. Even Charles was in high good humour. Either . pri| 7- The King he did not yet see how far the claires of the Lower pleased Mth tbsi- House would reach, or he confided in the firmness di«. of the Peers to reject at:ything which in his eyes was clearly unreasonable. The rive subsidies had surpassed his expectations. " By how many voices was it carriêd ?" he asked Secretary Coke, who brought the welcome news. Sir John - could afford to jest, and replied, " By one." Then, having frightêned Ihe King for a lnoment, he explained that the Commons had voted with one voice and one assent. Ail this and more Coke garrulously reported to the House ;. but he had hot the tact to be content with singing the praises c,,;« «.,,t of the King. He added that Buckingham had joineià P, ueking- in a hope that the desires of the House would be s.peech, granted. If the spirit which had animated the last Parliament was asleep it was hOt dead. Eliot sprang to his feet and protested against the mediation of a subject between I628 T[-]E ARGUJIEA'T I?EFORE TI-[E LORDS. 253 King and Parliament. His words found an echo iii the cries ef "Well spoken, Sir John Eliot ! " which arose on every side.  That day brought knowledge to the King that lnore was meant by the Commons than he had hitherto supposed. Coke: Se!den, and Littleton laid the resolutions of th6 The resoiu- tio., o«ore House belote the Peers. Much new light had been the Lords. thrown on the subject since the proceedings in the Kiug's Bench. and the lawyers of the Commons ruade a strong case in behalf of the absolute iilegality of committals without cause showv.. The next da}' Heath commcnced his argument on the other side, contending that the King had never relin- quished the right of interfcring with the ordiuary jurisdiction of the Courts when the necessity of the State so required. Charles was beginning to open his eyes to the magnitude of the issues at stake. It was something more than a mere ques- tion of the legality of this or that action. It was Charles sees thee,xtentof sovereignty itself, the right of deciding in the last the conces- sion. re- resort, which he -as required to abandon. Fie was uire& ready to promise that no more loans or taxes should be levied without the consent of Parliament ; and that in ail ordinary imprisonments he would leave the decisions to the judges ; but he was nct ready to promise that. in questions in which the fortunes of the whole realm were interested, he would stand aside and descend from the high position which his predecessors had occupied with general consent. Nor vas it on the question of imprisonment alone that the Colnmons were pressing upon him. Whilst the argument was April 8. proceeding -before the Lords, the Lofer House had Billeting again taken up the grievance of billeting. "In my soidier, county," said Sir Walter Erle, speaking of I)orsetshire, "under colour of placing a soldier, there came twenty in a troop to take sheep. Théy disturb markets and faits, rob meu on the highway, ravish women, breaking houses in the night and enforcing men fo ransom themselves, killing men that bave assisted constables to keep the peace." Other members had tales equally bad to tell. Sir Edward Coke proposed to pelition  If'arc. t"tt. il. 274. leade to Stuteville, April Iz, Coto't and Time 254 I4"EA'TII'ORTtI'S LEADERStlIP. cri. LXll. tle Ki**g against the abuse. Wentworth, true to his principles, suggested that a Bill should be drawn up to rcgulate the mode of quartering sold"ers for the future. Soldiers must lire, and Wentworth seems to have thought it useless to attack the evil unless provision were ruade for the necessity which had caused it. He proposed a petition to the King, tobe followed by a Bill in due course of rime. Orders were at once given to draw up the petition. This time, at least, Wentworth had succeeded in keeping the whole subject from the cognisance of the Lords till the Bill vas in existence. I Charles's hopefillness was beginning to rail. As the require- ments of the House became plainer to him, the prospect of supply grew more distant. Yet money **-as sadly needed. lenbigh had hot left Plymouth. The pressed men were still deserting daily. The ships laden with corn for Rochelle were April t-. reported to be unfit for sea. u April io was Thursday Th, r«t«, in Passion week, and the House had already ruade recess for- bdden, provision for the Easter recess ; but a message was brought from the King conveying his pleasure that there should be no recess. Not even on Good Friday were the Commons to have rest. The members were iii pleased to be deprived of their holiday. Eliot suggested that worse was behind. He believed that the King's message b.ad been in the hands of the Privy Councillors for two days. Why had it hot been delivered before, unless it were with the expectation that vhen many members hnd left town it would be easy to hurry a vote of supply through a thin House? He moved thnt no vote of supply should be taken till the House was again full. Though his motion was hot formally adopted, the House had been put upon its guard, a Martial law, hot supply, was the subject of that Good Friday's debate. Eliot placed the whole subject on the right footing. ' tfarl. ).SS. 477, fol. 67-69 b. "-' Denbigh to Buckingham, April 8, S. P. Dom. c. 56. s Meade says that the motion w adopted. Meade to Stuteville, April 9, Coure and Fimes, i. 34z- ethersole (S. P. Dom. ci. 4), who was himself a member, says that it W:LS rejected, and this is confirmed by the absence of an}, mention o« its adoption in the llarlcfan IS. 477 , fol. 74- i628 3IAKTIAL LA V. A paper of instructions had been read, appointing special April xz. punishlnents for military crimes. Mutiny, disregard r,«bat« on of orders, and such offences, were to be punished in .artil l.,,., soldiers as they are now punished in every army in the world. To ail this Eliot raised no objectk,,l, but he held that when a soldier committed an offence against a civilian, the civilian should have lais remedy in the ordinary course of law, nd hot be dependent for justice on the good pleasure of the officers. Thus stated, the case against the Government involved the whole of the relations between the civil and the military power. Were soldiers to be subject to the laws, or were they to be a law to thelnselves? If the latter view was to prevail, how long would the laws of England subsist in their presence ? The debate was interrupted in the strangest manner. In spite of Eliot's warning of the previous day Sir Edward Coke,  of ail men in the world, started up to propose that Coke's pro- polot the dates for the payment of the subsidies should be supply, fixed. In vain Eliot explained that the business before the comlnittee was hOt supply. Secretary Coke rai»- turously echoed the prot)osal and it seemed difficult to get rid of it decently. At last Wentworth rose. " I must confess," ho said, with a bitter allusion to the day on which they were sit- ting, "I expected within myself this day to hear a sermon." As, however, the thing had been said, let the dates be fixed. But let them hot be reported any more than the grant itself. Though even this was too much for some, Coke's untoward proposal was eventually disposed of as Wentworth suggested. Charles grew impatient, and sent a fresh lnessage reproving the Commons for spinning out their rime, and ordering them to vote the subsidies at once. 'Notice,' the April hptient Secretary explained, was taken 'as if this House Iltessage »o, pressed not upon the abuses of power, but upon Charles. power itself.' Sir John was asked to explain what he meant by power. The word, he replied, came from his Mfijesty, and to his Majesty alone belonged the explanation. Wentworth knew that he was himself the author of the  IIarL 3ISS. 477t, fol. 7 b, 78- That it was Sir Edward, and hot Sit John, seems tobe settled by Nethersole's letter just quoted. '_,6 IVE,VTIVORTtt'S LEADERSttIP. CH. LXI!. motion against reporting the subsidies which had given such offence to the King. He moved for a committee to explain that there had been no intentional delay, and a statelnent to the effect that grievances took precedçnce of supply, was prepared for the Speaker to present together with the petition on billeting. The House was growing accustomecl to Wentworth's leader- ship. A letter-writer of the day speaks of him as the man ' who The Lords hath the greatest sway in this Parliament.' * Would incline he be able to force his policy on the King as towards the King. well as on the Commons? It seemed as if Charles would soon receive a powerful ally in the House of Lords. The Peers listened to Heath's argument, and arranged that the opinion of the judges of the King's Bench should be heard. Buckingham and his fiiends pleaded for a decision without admitting the Lower House to a further reply. Eliot took alarm, and carried a motion for a message beggiv.g the Peers to decide nothing without hearing the Commons once more. a The temper of the courtiers in the Upper House was grow- ing warm. " Will you hot bang Selden?" said Suffolk, the SOrok t- son of James's Treasurer ; "he hath razed a record, ,«kS,. and deserves to be hanged." Selden, in his place in the Commons, indignantly denied the imputation. Suffolk was too cowardly to stand by his words, and denied that he had spoken them. The Commons took up the defence of their naember, but in the midst of more pressing business they were unable to bring the accusation home. 4 On the i4th the judges appeared before the Lords. They did not bring much help to either party. They said that they -«vn 4. had not given a final judgment, and that the prisoners Thejudges might have applied for a habeas corpus the next day heard by the Lords. if they had pleased. The Court only meant to take further time to consider. That afternoon Charles received the explanatlon of the Comlnons, that they were right in considering grievances belote ' ttarl. I]ISS. 4771, fol. 78-8I. " Nethersole to Elizabeth, April II, S. t . Dont. ci. 4- s lZlsing's A'otes. Harl. AI.S'S. 4771, fol.  Sla/e Trials, iii. 156. 16a8 supply. The King expostulates with the C.f-IARL'S _t:'LEADS FOR SUt'I'Lt: He replied sharply, that he did not question tneir right. "But, for God's sake," he said, "do hot spend so much time in that as to hazard the ruin of your liberties and my prerogattve by a foreign army." I-te was as careful of their Iiberties as they were them selves. Charles spoke under the influence of the disheartening news which came to him froln Plymouth. He had just sent an order to Denbigh to sail at all risks, and he had been told that the fleet might put to sea, but that there was no chance of its bmng able to fight its way into Rochelle.  Ail this lnade The Com- mons again no impression on the Colnmons. They did not refuse to proceeà with know what the King understood by the liberties supply, which he said he was ready to maintain, even if they had been inclined to trust his unsupported promise. They accordingly took no notice of his words, but went quietly on with the debate on martial law, as though he had never pressed them for money at al12 On April 6 and 7, in consequence of the message from the Commons, there was a fresh argument by the lawyers before the House of Lords. On the one side it April zé. Frh legal was maintained that the King could in no circmn- .l'gtmen t br«th stances commit without showing cause. On the Lords. other side it was alleged that, though the King might not abuse his power by imprisoning men for ever without allow- ing them to appeal to the Courts, he might exercise a discretion in ke«ping back any particular case flore the cognisance of the judges, a On the existence of this discretionary power the battle was to be fought. The bare assertion of a right in the King to override the laws would not meet with the support of the Upper House. A statement ruade by Serjeant Ashley in the course of his argmnent for the .Crown, to the effect that the question was too high to be detennined by a legal decision, was at once checked by Manchester and disavowed by Heath.  Co,«tacil Regisl«r, April 12. Clarke to Buckingham, April 12, S./. Z)om. c. 64.  l-/arl..ISS. 4771, fol. 9 I. s Zor, ts' onrmls, iii. 746. V()l.. VI. S 258 H'E.VTII'OTI-I'S ZEADEISIIII". CH. LXlI. Ashley was comlnitted to prison by the Lords till he had apologised for his offence.  On the 2Ist the great subject was merely approached by Avril. the Peers. They resolved that the Kingand Council I)ebatein had power to commit upon just cause. On the the Lords. 22nd they considered whether it was necessary for Apæi122. the cause to be expressed or not; in other words, whether the judges or the King were to decide upon the legality of the comnutment. It was generally believed that the majority would be on the King's side. Heath's arguments had told, and the influence of the Court was strong. Within the la.st few days four new l'cers, Coventry and Weston amongst them, had taken their seats. The Commons, in alarm, sent to beg for another con ference belote the vote was taken. The opposition, minority as it was, stood firm. Saye was foremost in the combat ; and he was varmly supported by those who had suffered from Buckingham's domina- Rvsistance ofthe tion. Williams pronounced strongly for the popular minority, interpretation of the law. Abbot was equally decided. The first hand held out to the King outside the ranks of the Court was that of a man whom he had deeply wronged. Middle Bristol argued that they were simply discussing the course pro-posed by limits of the King's leCal power. Behind that xas l-ristol, a regal power upon which he could fall back in extra- ordinary cases. "As Christ," he said. "upon the Sabbah healed, so the prerogative is to be preserved for the preserva- tion of the whole." Bristol, in short, proposed that the law should be declared according to the demand of the Commons, but that an acknowledgment should be ruade that if a really exceptional state of things arose, the King might boldly set «,, y aside the law for the sake of the nation. The Lord t.:oventry. Keeper would have uone of such help as this. For the Privy Council to commit without showing cause, he said, was only in accordance with the ordinary law. Upon this, uckingham, confident in the support of the majority, moved  Lord's ournals ii. 759. lsing's 'ote«. 16-:t-8 TftE LORDS AS ilIEDIATORS. 9 that the debate be closed. The next step would have been to reject the Commons' resolutions, but Saye interposed with a motion for delay till the judges had been consulted. If this werê hot done, those who were in favour of the resolutions would enter their protests. It was :hought that, if it had corne to a division, there would have been fifty-six rotes recorded a'hea«t« in opposition to the Court, against sixty-six in its aiounea. favour. Buckingham did not venture to divide in the face of so formidable an opposition, and the debate was adjourned, t When the discussion was re-opened the next da)-, Arundel declared his concurrence in the general doctrine of the Commons ; but he thought that some modifications April 4. Ar,al'» might be introduced into the resolutions. At Pem- p,-opo.,, broke's suggestion a Colnmittee woEs appointed to examine the whole bearings of the queetion. Before this ex- amination Buckingham's lnajority lnelted away. It is said that when he went clown to the House he assured the King that the resolutions would be rejected before he came away. For ten hours the debate swayed to and fro. The decisive ilnpulse came at last from Abbot. who pointed out the ruinous con- sequences of a breach wit:. the Lower House in the face of so many enemies abroad. * It was resolved that, April 5- "l'a« Loa'» instead of rejecting the resolutions of the Commons, propositkms, counter-propositions should be drawn up in lieu of them. As Harsnet, the Bishop of Norwich, was elnployed to put them into shape, it may be supposed that there was a defection on the Episcopal Bench, which, as a rule, was the c.hiefsupport of the Court. The defection, however, was hot universal. To Laud, at least, Harsnet's desertion seemed a base concession to expediency, sinning against the principle  Elsing's Notes. ttarL ISS. 477, oz b. Meade to Stuteville. Ma}, 3, Court and Times, i. 348. ï This debate is not reported b}, EIsing. The account in the text is taken from Contarini's despatch of Ma), --.s He gives no date, but his 5 description will hOt suit any other day than this. .6o IVEA'TII'OITHS LEADERSttlP. CH. LXll. that the King is above all laws, even above Magna Carta itsel£ I The first four propositions were intended to secure the subject against all interference with the ordinary course of iustice. The Great Charter, and six other statutes by which it had been interpreted in early rimes, were asserted tobe in force. Every freeman was declared to bave ' a fundamental property in his goods, and a fundamental liberty of his person.' His Majesty was to be requested to confirm the ' ancient just privi- leges and rights of his subiects in as ample and beneficial manner' as ' their ancestors did enioy the saine under the best of his Majesty's most noble progenitors ;' and to promise that ' in all cases wi:hin the cognizance of the common law concern- ing the libcrty of the subject, his Majesty would proceed according to the laws established in this kingdom, and in no other manner or wise.' The fifth proposition ran thus: " And as touching his Majesty's royal prerogative intrinsical  to his sovereignty, and Th 6fth entrusted him from God ad communem tonus p@uli proposition, salutem, et non ad destruclionem, that his Majesty would resolve hot to use or divert the saine to the prejudice of any of lais loyal people in the property of their goods or liberty of their persens ; and in case, for the security of his Majesty's Royal person, the common safety of his people, or the peaceable govcrnment of his kingdom, his Majesty shall find just cause, for reason of State, to imprison or restrain any man's person, his Majesty would graciously declare that, within a convenient time, he shall and will express the cause of the commitment or restraint, either general or special; and, upon a cause so expressed, will leave him immediately to be tried according to the common justice of the kingdom."  A copy of the propositions (& -P. Dom. cii. 14) is endorsed by Laud, as 'penned by Dr. Harsnet, Bishop of Norwieh.' Amongst other notes in Laud's hand, is one referring to the confirmation of iXlagna Carta : " Yes, but salvojure corott¢e tost' is intended in ail oaths and promises exacted frora a sovereign." - So in ttarl. [çS. 477, fol. c', and so quoted by Coke. Tlae arl. tt«st, has 'incident.' t628 COA"tF'S CRITICISJL 26  In sending these propositions to the Commons, the I,ords assured them that they had prejudged nothing. Thev were ready to hear anything that might be said on the other side. 1 Itis only fait to the authors of these propositions to acknmv- ledge that they seem to have been actuated by a serious wish to Spirit ofthe mediate between the opposing parties. Whilst thev propositions, wished, in opposition to Coventry and Buckingham, to exclude the Crown from ail interference with the ordinary administration of the law, they also wished that the King should enjoy a right, analogous to the right of suspending the t[«beas CortSus Act in our own times, of overriding the law in any special State emergency. Whether such a middle course was possible lnay well be doubted. The Lords who proposed to entrust Charles with extraordinary powers forgot that he had already ceased to inspire confidence. Even if this had not been the case, the language of the propositions was not felicitous. The prerogative referred to was spoken of as intrinsical to sove- reignty and was traced to a Divine origin. It was therefore entirely different from that prerogative which was considered as part of the law, and as liable to discussion in the Courts. When the propositions cam,  before the Commons, they were savagely criticised by Coke. Was the confirmation of the Great Charter tobe accorded as a grace ? What April 6. "rhy,r« were just liberties ? Who were the best of his thecriticisedcom-in Majesty's predecessors ?. " We see," he said, "what • ,,o,s. an advantage they have that are learned in the lav in penning articles above them that are hOt, how wise soever." Coming nearer to the heart of the matter, he asked what was intrinsical prerogative. " It is a word," he said, "we find not o much in the law. It is meant that intrinsical prerogative is not bounded by any law, or by any law qualified. VVe must adroit this intrinsical prerogative, and ail our laws are out. And this intrinsical prerogative is intrusted him by God, and then it is jure diz,ino, and then no law can take it away." His Majesty could commit when he pleased. It was the very thing for which King John had striven in vain. If the Lords refused t ParL Ilist. il. 329. 26 I'ENTIVOI?TH'S LEADERSHIP. CH. LXII. their concurrence in the resolutions of the Commons, it w,uld be better to go directly to the King for redress. Selden spoke in the saine tone. "At this little gap," he said, referring to the words 'convenient time,' "every man's liberty may in time gO out." In the main, most of the speakers took the saine view o! the case• But there were some who were still seeking for a middle course more satisfactory than that which had been pro- r¢oy'. vro- posed by the I,ords. Let the old laws, argued No)', p,,., «, be recited and declared to be in force. Then let a Hal, eas Corpus Act. provision be ruade for the more ready issue of writs of habeas ¢0'2#tt$  and let it be enacted that 'if there be no cause of detaining upon that writ,' the prisoner 'is to be de- livcred.' Wentworth was less exolicit than Noy. He said that he had no wish to dive into points of sovereignty or divine right. He ,Ventworth's hoped that the question 'whether the King be above ph. the law or the law above the King' would never be stirred. Though he rejected the fifth proposition as entirely as Coke or Selde,a, and would bave nothing to do with it ' but only to disclaim it,' he doubted the wisdom of Coke's proposal to petition the King. Perhaps he thought that such a petition was sure of rejection ; but he merely argued that the petition, evcn if granted, would only be laid up in a Parliament Roll, and so remain practically unknown. Once more he declared that what was wanted was a Bill• There must be a clearer ex- planation of the words ' law of the land ' in thc Great Charter, and they naight confer with the Lords about that. It should be ordained in the Bill ' that none shall be colnlnitted without shoing cause.' A penalty lnUSt be set on those who violated it. Thon speaking in his grand, impetuous way of the possible breach of the law in extraordinary cases--' When it shall,' he said, ' on any enaergent cause, he thinks no man slmll find fault with it.' 1 Wentworth's idea was much the saine as Bnstol s. The law must be clear against arbitrary committals. If the rime came  tlarl..IISA: 477, fol. IZ b, I6, ,'icholaz"s Notes, I6_-8 CttMR.LES'S OFFER. -%3 when the good of the State imperatively demanded its viola- tion, let the King violate it openly and boldly, and trust to the good sense of the nation for his justification.  To Charles there was but little to choose between Coke and Wentworth. On the zSth he sumlnoned the Commons before him in the Upper House. It was a point, said the Lord Keeper Aprll 28. in the King's naine, of extraordinary grace and justice Covetr,'» in his Majesty to surfer lais prerogative ' to rest so declarat on th.,t the long in dispute without interruption.' But the de]ay King's word utbe could be borne no further, and he was therefore .ke. commanded to declare that his Majesty held the Great Charter and the six statutes to be in force, and would ' nmintain all his subjects in the just freedom of their person» and safety of their estates, according to the laws and statutes of the reahn.' They would 'find as lnuch sincerity in hi Royal word and promise as in the strength of any law they could make.'  It was characteristic of Charles to suppose that lais word t It is worth noticing how this idea of a law binding for all ordinary purposes, which might yet be broken 'on any etnezgent cause,' was Went- worth's to the last. On September 3, 639, he wrote about ship-money to Judge ltutton : " I must confess in a business of so mighty importance. I shall the less regard the forms of pleading, and do conceive that the power of levies of forces at sea and land for the very not feigned relief and safety of the public, is such a property of sovereignty as, vere the Crown willing, yet can it not divest itself thereof. Salus Ol«li surema nay, in case of extremity even above Acts of Parliament.'" Straffor, t ILelters, ii. 38S. Ship-money, to Wentworth, was money levied for a real necessity. The forced loan was levied for a feigned necessity. One was for defence, the other for aggression. The difference between Wcnt- worth in office and Wentworth out of office must also be taken into account. Laud's opinions were much the saine. In lais ' History of the Troubles ' (IVorks, iii. 099) he says : " B t" God's law and the . . . law of" the land, I humbly conceive the subjects met in Parliament ought to supply their prince when there is just and necessary cause. And if an absolute ne- cessity do hap'pen by invasion or otherwise, which gives no time for counsel or lady, such a necessity--but no pretended one--is above ail law. And I bave heard the greatest lawyers in this kingdom confess that in times of uch a necessity, the King's legal prerogative is as great as this." - tarl, tlist, ii. 33I. 264 ff'E.VTIVOR2it'.ç LEADERSHIP. cH. LXlI. eould stand in the place of a formal enactment. Yet t_he actual intervention of the King was hot without its I ebate in th««- effect. Rudyerd urged a fresh conference with the I,ords, in the vague hope that some plan would be discovered which might please everyone. There was some- tb.ing, he thought, in the Kings offer. He would be glad 'to see that good old decrepit taw of Magna Carta, which bath leen so long kept in and bedrid, as it were,' walking abroad again with new vigour and lustre, attended by the other six statutes. But even ludyerd thought there must be a Bill for- bidding inaprisomnent for refusing to pay loans or Privy seals. To confer with the Lords, after the experience lately gained, was poor advice. " I cannot conceive," said Eliot of the pro- ],ositions, "how they can be of use to us." He adhered t.o  entworth s suggestion of proceeding by Bill. Wentworth's views were thus at last adopted by the House. Resolutions and propositions were to drop together. Theories x v.mtob of law, theories of govermnent, were to be left un- wp,», touched. The Commons were toprepare a practical s«]ution of the difficulty, and to send it up to the Lords for their acceptance or rejection. A sub-committee, in which Eliot, Wentworth, Pym, and Phelips, and a few others of the leading :nemhers st with all the lawyers in the House, was to drmv tlp a ill expressing the substance of the old statures and ol the recent resolutions of the Commons. On the morning of the 9th the Bill which was to assure the liberties f the subject was brought into the Grand Com- mittee by Coke, in the naine of the sub-committee. April 9- n'h r,il o " In this law," said the old lawyer, as he stood with the liberties ofthesub- it still in his hand, "we looked hot back, for iect. 'et'/il sep«rat. We have nmde no preamble other than the laws, and we desired our pen might be in oil, not iii vinegar. »   C,mmons' ournals, i. 890 ; tIarl. MSS. 477h fol. 2o ; ibid. 233. fol. 65. A'icholas's zVotes.  As the Bill never got out of Committee, it is hot mentioned in the ]'oumals. It has hitherto been confused with the subsequent Petition light, and only fragments of the debates which followed have be:n known. t6"28 PROPOSED BILL OF I.IBEIdTIES. Unlike the subsequent Petition of Right, the Bill contained no recital of grievances. Charles was hOt tobe told that he had broken the law ; but he was plainly to acknowledge that he had no right to billet soldiers without the householder's authority ; to levy loans or taxes without consent of Parlia- ment ; or to commit a man tc prison. If he did commit a man to prison the judges were to bail him, or deliver him, without paying regard to the King's orders. The question of imprisonment gave fise to some differenc, of opinion in committee. The declaration that the Kingcould 13ebateon hOt commit seemed to many to be harsh and un- the Bill. called for ; and there were some who argued that it would be enough if provision were ruade for the due granting of the habeas corjus, whether the prisoner had beçn committed by the King or by a subject. There was an evident division in the House. Eliot and Coke were for taking the Bill as it stood. Noy and Digges and Seymour were in favour of a modification. The party which afterwards passed over to the Crown was already forming. The following is the only form in which I bave met with it. ]tarL 477, fol. 123 :-- "An Act for the better securing ofevery f,eeman touching the propriety of his g,ods and liberty of his person. " \Vhereas it is enacted and declared by Magna Carta that no freeman is to be convicted, destroyed, &c., and whereas by a stature made in E. called ,le lallagio non cottcedettdo : and whereas by the Parliament, 5 E. 3, and 9 E. 3, &c., and whereaf by the said great Charter was confirmed, and that the other laws, &c. " Be it enacted that Magna Carta and these Acts be put in due execu- tion, an:l that ail allegements, awards, and rules given or to be given to the contrary shall be void, and whereas by the common law and statute, it appeareth that no freeman ought to be committed " (convicted in .,ILS'.) " by command of the King, &c. ; and if any freeman be so committed and the saine returned upc, n a habcas corpus, he ought to be delivered or bailed ; and whereas by the comnaon law and statutes every freeman bath a pro- priety ofhis goods and estate, as no tax, tallage, &c., nor any soldier can be billeted in his house, &c. ; Be it enacted that no tax, tallage, or loan shall be levied &c. by the King or any minister wlthout Act of Parliament. and that none be compelled to receive any soldier. into his bouse again.:t his will." z66 I4"EArTIVORTtt'S LEADERStflP. CrL LXII. On the third day of the debate Wentworth rose. " We are here," he said, "to close up the hurt and danger of his Majesty's y,. people. All our desires are but to this Bill ; and Wen*,,-or,h this left unsecured makes us lose all out labour. We proposes to modify shall tread the olive and lose all the oil. I agree the the Bin. resolutions are according to law, and that we cannot recede a tittle. We can lay no other foundation than what is already laid. But here let us see how this misery cornes on us ; first by the too speedy commitments at Whitehall, and by too slow baihnents at Westminster Hall. If we secure the subject at Westminster by a good law, it will satisfy and  egulate the sudden connnitmcnts at Whitehall. We have by this Act  sccurity by Magna Carta and the other laws. Let us make what law we can, there must--nay there will--be a trust left in the Crown. Let us confirm Magna Carta and those other laws, together with the King's declaration, by this Act. Let us provide by this law to secure us that we may have no wrong from Westminster. Let it be enacted that we shall be bailed if hab««s cortus be brought and no sufficient cause. Such a law will exceed ail the laws that ever we had for the good of the subjcct ; and if it be so, I desire to know whether our country will hOt blame us if we rcfuse it. I ana tobe changed by better reason if I sec it."  Wentworth, it would seem, would have marie the form of the Bill evcn more conciliatory than it was. He would have v,e«tn confined himself to a bare recital of the statutes con- pro, firmed, and would have added the words in which the King had declared his intention to obselwe them. But he tvould bave omitted the denial of the King's right to commit. With a good II«beas Corpus Bill such a right would be perfectly harmless. If the pr, soner committed without sufficient cause shown were liberated at once by the judges, the committals complained of would soon corne to an end of themselves. It would have been curious to have seen Wentworth's pro- * The reports in the IIarleian AIS. and Nicholas's ,''otes differ verbally from one another. I have pieced the two together, taking the one or the other as it seemed more full, and changing connecting vords to fit the sentcnces together. I6-_8 CHARLES RIz'FUSES TO BE HELPED. -"67 Ioosal in its complete shape. The judges would have had the ultimate decision of the legality of the committal in their hands. We know that Wentworth spoke of the trust to be ret;osed in the King, and that he had spoken before of circumstances in which a breach of the law would be a commendable action. In his present speech there was no provision fi»r such a case. Yet the omission is perhaps one which strikes us more th..n it was hkely to strike Wentworth. In those days the communication between the judges and the Governmeut was much closer than it is now, and Wentworth may have thought that if special pre- cautions were needed, the King would lay the grounds upon which he proposed to suspend the law privately bel¢ore the judges, and thus obtain their consent to the interruption of the ordinary course of justice. However this may bave been, Wentworth's plan undoubtedly contelnplated the transfer of authority from the King to the judges. It was enough for him that he could leave to the Crown all authority worth having. It lnust hot be forgotten that no proposal had as yet been ruade for abolishing the power of fine and ilnprisonment possessed by the Star Chamber. Went- worth, at least, wou]d bave had no difficulty in ruling vigorousl) under such conditions. But he had forgotten that the shadox of authority was as dear to Charles as its substance. It was hot from Coke or Eliot that the blow came which levetled to the dust the edifice which he was constructing with such toil. For all we know, his sway over the House lnay bave becn The King's as absolute as ever ; but as soon as he sat down nesg¢, the Secretary rose, declaring to the comlnittee that he was entrusted with a message from his Majesty. When the Speaker had taken the chair, Sir John stated that the King wished the question to be put ' whether thcy would rest on his Royal word and prolnise.' The text was bad enough. The Secretary's colnlnent was far more irritating. The House, he said, could not expect to Sir John place the King in a worse position than he had been Co«so- in before. He had a swordin his hand for the good nt. of his subjects. Make what law they pleased, they could hot alter that. He was himself a Privy Councillor, at, d 68 If'E.VTIf'OI'¢TttS LEADER.çttIP. CH. LXll. it would be his duty under any circumstances to commit with- out showing the cause to anyone but the King. 1 After such a message the ConlDlons had but one course to pursue. They adjourned to consider their position. One • re Ho,.e gleam of hope relnained. It was known that the adi°urned" Secretary had been in the House for solne tilne, and it did not appear that any fresh communication had reached him after Wentworth began to speak. It was therefore just possible that, if Wentworth's overtures were allowed to reach Charles, they n:ight still be accepte& When the House met the next day the case against Charles was put in the plainest terres by Sir Walter Erle. " Itis con- y . ceived," he said, "that the subiect had suffered more ],ebateon in the violation of the ancient liberties within these thm«ge, few years than in the three hundred years before." Charles, in short, could not be trusted with powers which had been conceded to Henry and Elizabeth. The debate which followed showed how completely he had succeeded in :hrowing a chill over the sentilnent which was rising in his favour. Those who thought that some moderate latitude should be allowed to the action of the (;overnment were re- pelled by Charles's claire to be above all constitutional restric- tions. Noy and Digges remained silent. Seymour spoke in defence of the Bill. The awkward advocacy of the Solicitor- General only served to irritate his hearers. The King, he said, was certNn to keep his word as long as he lived. A bad king in future rimes would not be bound by any law which they might make. The doctrine that the King was permanently above law was as offensive to those who, like Wentworth, recognised the fact that all possible cases could not be provided \Ventworth's appeal tothe for by legislation, as to those who, like Coke, would King. reduce all government to the observation of the law. Wentworth, persisting in his opinion, almost smothered the King in compliments. Let them thank his Majesty, he said, for his gracious message. Never House of Parliament trusted  ta»l. IIirt. ii. 342. x62 If'EVTIVOI?TH'S APPEAL 269 more in his goodness than they did as far as their own private interests were concerned. "But," he added fimfly, "we are ambitious that lais Majesty's goodness may remain to posterity, and we are accountable for a public trust ; and therefore, seeing there hath been a public violation of the laws by his ministers, nothing can satisfy them but a lmblic amends ; and our desires to vindicate the subjects' right by Bill are no more than are laid down in former laws, with some modest provision for illus- tration, performance, and execution." As if to suggest that the Bill, as it stood, was not altogether such as he approved of, he added that the King should be informed that the House had hOt 3"et agreed upon its terres. When it had been discusscd and perhaps amended in the two Houses, the King would bave it before him in its final shape. Nothing could be firmcr in substance or more conciliatory in form. Even Coke, touched by the solenmity of the occa- Cok« sion, was conciliatory too. Let the Bill, he said, be  opo»-.l. couched in the form of a pronise. " We will grant, for us and out successors, that we and out successors will do thus and thus." " Itis to the King's honour," said Coke, " that he cannot speak but by record." Ail respect, in short, should be shown to the King. The House was ready to trust his word; but his word must be given and his authority exercised as part of the constitutional system of the country, and hot as something outside of it. Against the detennination of the House it was useless to strive. Sir John Coke contented himself with denying the correctness of Wentworth's assertion that the laws Had the ,,.» b«, had been violated. Wentworth proudly answered that vio!ated? he had not said that the laws had been violated by his Majesty. They had been violated by his ministers. Seymour ,eminded the unlucky Secretary that he had himself acknow- ledged the violation, and had been content to excuse it on the plea of necessity. A sub-committee was appointed to draw up a Remonstrance on the basis of Wentworth's speech. The House answered ' In his speech of March 22, P«rl. Hisl. ii. 23.3.. . See p. 237. 7o I4OENTII'ORTH'S LEADERSHIP. cH. LXll readily to the hand of its leader. Charles, however, would ha.ve w«t,oth's none of such mediation. He knew well that what- speech to be t,rn« into ever his ministers had donc, had been donc with his  :'.emo,- approbation. He therefore anticipated the Remon- The King strance by a message that he was ready to repeat the ob5e«, promise he had ruade, but that he would not hear ol any encroachment upon that sovereignty or prerogative which God had tzut into his hands for the good of his people. On May 13 the session must be brought to a close.  The Commons couId not but stand firm. They ordered the Remonstrance to be presented in spite of the message, adding a few words of assurance to the King that llay 5. a'n 1- they had no wish to encroach on his sovereignty or o«t«, prerogative. Charles held his ground. He would a'n rg's confirm Magna Carta and the six statutes, but it reply. must be ' without additions, paraphrases, or explana- tions.' For the rest he had given his Royal word, and that was enough. - In the Remonstrance of May 5 Wentworth spoke for the Iast time in the naine of the House of Coomaons. On that day his leadership came to its inevitable end. He had End of we,,ot' hoped to reconcile the King and his subjects. His leadership, idea of kingship was a high one--too high, indeed, for the circumstances of the time ; but he regarded it, as Bacon had regarded it, as part of the constitution of EgIand, as restricted to action in consonance with the laws, and only rising above them because no written laws could possibly provide fer all the emergencies which might occur. For Charles the kingship was something different from thissomething divine in its origir. and unlimited in its powers. Therefore, even if he was willing to agree that he would not repeat the actions which had given just offence in the preceding year, he was hot willing to bind himself to more. He would surrenderthe abuse. The authority from which the abuse sprang he would not surrender. Wentworth's hopes were thus baffted. There 'as to be no  ttarL 2ISS. 477t fol. z9-t36 ; Ncholas's Notes ; ParL Hist. ii. 345.  29arl. Hist. il. 347- 628 II'E.VTI, VOR.Ttt BtFFLED 27 povsion for the future with Charles's consent, no great con- structive measure which would lay afresh the foundation of a higher union between King and people in accordance with the wants of the age and the experience of the past. Wentworth must step aside and make room for another policy and other men. The Gommons, if they were to carry their point at all, must set their teeth hard and declare war to the end against their sovereign. It would have been well for Wentworth if he had recognised once Ibr all that no stable constitutional edifice could be raised with Charles for its foundation, if the bitter cr t' " Put not your trust in princes " which was to be wrung from him when at last he stooped his proud head before an angry and triumphant nation, had risen to his lips as he sat moodily watching the troubled assembly which it was now no longer his to guide. CItAPTER I,XIII. THE PETITION OF RIGH'I-. ]VHEN the King's answer to the Remonstrance xas read, Sir John Coke proposed that it should be deba:ed in the House ay6. and not in committee, as being more lot the King's Th« King's honour. Aainst this proposal Eliot protested. There considered. WaS greater freedom of speech in committee. If a member changed his views, he could sa} so, though he had already spoken. " For my part," said Eliot, "I am often con- verted." It was no hypocritical affectation of humility which brought these words to Eliot's lips. The records of this session are the Eliot's moral highest witnesses to the moral worth of the patriotic worth, orator. No man was ever placed in more trying cir- cumstances than Eliot during the first weeks of this session. He had been the life and soul of the last Parliament. It had thought with lais thoughts and spoken with lais words. Now other men were listened to more than himself. Policy which he thought unwise was frequently adopted. Yet all this he had borne without the slightest sign of self-will or petulance. He had spoken his opinion freely, and had frankly acknowledged that his opinion was changed whenever he saw that the argu- ment was going against hiln. After Wentworth's failure it was not likely that the House would again ask for anything short of the extreme measure of Debate in its claires. The discussion in committee was opened cummittee, by an appeal from Alford to the lawyers present to inform him what benefit would accr'e to the subject by the 7628 THE IçlArG'S OFFER CRITICISED. 273 confirmation of the statures without explanation. Lyttelton promptly answered that the subject would be in a worse con- dition than before, as the abandonment of the resolutions would imply a doubt whether they were a correct interpretation of the statutes confirmed. Other lnembers dwelt upon the vagueness of the King's offers. The King, said Sir Nathaniel Rich, was like a debtor who said, ' I owe you nothing, but pray trust me.' They must know what the King offered before they could say whether they would trust him or hOt. Another member pointed to the difference of opinion on the meaning of the words ' the law of the land ' in Magna Carta. " We all," he said, "agree what it is. But have the Lords and the judges so agreed?" Pym pushed the argument still further home. " Our assurance," he said, "in the King's word were sufficient, if we knew what the King's sense and meaning is. We have hOt his word only, but his oath also at lais coronation." If the law had been broken, it was clear that the King did hOt know what the law was. "We complain," he added, " of unjust ilnprisonment upon loans. I hear hOt any say we shall be no more, or that matter of State shall be no more pretended when there is none. Wê ail rest on the King's royal word. But let us agree in a rule to give us satisfaction." Sir John Coke remonstrated. Did Pym mean that the King's word added no force to a law ? Sir Harbottle Grimston threw back upon the Secretary the words which he had recently spoken. "The King's ministers," he replied, "tell us here they must commit." Till the law on the point of committal was clearly understood, it was hopeless to expect an agreement. Even Sir John saw that something must be conceded. The loan, he said, was the original grievance, l Jet them petition his Majesty not to repeat it. The Secretary little thought what echo lais words would have. Sir Edward Coke rose at once.  Yes, he said, let us t Mr. Forster (Sir  Eliot, ii. 47) is evidently mistaken in speaking of Coke as rising with the draft in his hand. The Bill had been before the Committee for some days, and the petition was hot yet in existence. It must be remembered that without the use of I-ZarL 3[S. 477L or Nicholas's 2r,,tes, Mr. Forster had a very limited muount of straw to make his bricks VOL. VI. 274 THE PETITIOIV OF RIGHT. CH. LXllt rely on the King. " Under God, he is God' lieutenant. Trust him we must." Yet what was an answer in general words to particular grievances ? A verbal declaration was not the word of a king. "Did ever Parlialuent rely on messages ? They ever put up petitions of their grievances, and the king ever answered them ? The King's answer is very gracious. But what is the law of the realm ? that is the question. I put no dlffidence in his Majesty. The King must speak 133, a record t_,,ke »fo- and in particulars, and not in general. I.et us have pt,es a Petition of a conference with the Lords, and join in a Petition Right. of Right to the King for our particular grievances. Not that I distrust the King, but because we cannot take his trust but in a Parliamentary way." The word had at last been spoken which the House could accept as its only safe guidance. The King would not allow them to consider what was right and what was wrong ; General ac- ceptance of at least they could a.'-k that the meaning of the exist- the proposal, • mg laws should be placed beyond doubt, and that they should know whether the interpretation of Heath or the interpretation of Coke and Selden was to prevail. The accept- ance of the proposal was general and immediate. Eiot, Sey- mour, Glanville, Littleton, Phelips, Pym, Hoby, Coryton, and Digges adhered to it at once. Even Wentworth accepted it as now inevitable, though he reserved for himself the right of reconsidering his position after the King's answer had been received. The leaders of the House had all declared that they were ready to trust the King, and they doubtless persuaded them- selves that it was really so. Sir Nathaniel Rich rose t,t,'a s the King really at the end of the debate to tear away the veil. A trusted? petition, he said, was better than a Bill, for by it they would bave an answer before they sent up the subsidies. A petition, in fact, would receive an immediate answer. A Bill would be sent up at the end of the session, and what was with. A great part of the speech he attributes to Coke does hot seem to stand on any evidence, and I fancy he must inadvertently have carried his marks of quotation too far. I=$ THE PETITIOA  DiV, qH'N UP. 7 there to hinder the Khg from nccepfing the subsdes nd rc- jecting the Bill ? t The sub-committee which had drawn up the previous Bill was entrusted with the preparation of the petition. A Petition of Righttobe A protest against forced loans, arbitrary imprison- prepared, ment, and compulsory billeting was to form its substance. To these heads was to be added another against the late commissions for the execution of martial lay 7- glartiallaw law. After recent experience it was hopeless to fo  pro- tested guard the broad assertion of their illegality by any against, provision for the maintenance of proper discipline in the army, and all that could be donc was to declare that the exercise of martial law was absolutely illegal. There was no delay in the labours of the sub-committee. On the 8th the Petition of Right was brought in May 8. Thepetitlon by Selden, and the House of Lords was asked to brought in. appoint a day for a conference upon it. In order to make the medicine more palatable to Charles, the resolution for the rive subsidies was at last reported to the House. 2 There was, indeed, need to render the medicine palatable if Charles was to accept it willingly. Eerything to which he had objected in the Bill re-appeared in the petition The petition contrasted in a barder and more obnoxious form. He was no withtheBill, longer asked merely to regulate the course of his future action. He had to allow that actions donc by his orders had been in direct opposition to the law of England. His acceptance of the Bill would bave been a friendly agreement to order his relations with the nation on new terms. His accept- ance of the petition would be a humble acknowledgment of error. During these days, when his proposais had been flatly re- jected by the House, Charles lost all patience. A drMt exists A dissolution of a declaration which was to explain the causes «v«a. of the dissolution which had been resolved on ; but better counsels prevailed, and the breach was averted for a time. s  Itarl. ILsS. 477, fol. I37-4o b. ))holrs's «3es.  Co,nmons' ournals, i. 894. Hrl. MSS. 4-77I, fol. I44. s The draft is in Heath's hand (S. . Do»t. cxxxviii. 45, i.l, and was lendared by Mr. Bruce, and quoted by Mr. Forster as applying to tàe ;176 THE PETITIOA r OF IGHT. cH. LXIII. Th.e petition was at once sent up to the Upper House. On the ioth a Committee of the Lords re.ported that they left the question of imprisonment to the House. The May xo. Thepetition rest of the petition they accepted with a few anaend- before the l.*rds, ments, most of whch were intended to render the Report of condemnation of the past conduct of the Government the l.ords' Committee. less abrupt, whilst there were two which had been drawn up with the object of retaining for the King the power of exercising martial law over soldiers, though not over civilians. Coming from such a source the report was clearly more condemnatory of the Government than the petition itself. As we read over the list of the committee--Coventry, Composition of the Cin- Manchester, Arundel, Bedford, Bristoi, Saye, Paget, mittee. Westen, with Bishops Itarsnet and Williams=--we feel that Charles must indeed have stood alone in England before such names would be appended to words which even in their modified form contained the severest censure to which any King of England had submitted since the days of Richard II. Before such a demonstration of opinion it was impos- sible for Charles to maintain his ground. In a letter to the Lords he condescended to argue the point of his Ilay . The King right to imprison. " We find it insisted upon," he argues on rightofim- wrote, that "in no case whatsoever, should it ever pnsonment. SO nearly concern matters of State or Government, neither we, nor our Privy Council, have power to commit any man without the cause be showed, whereas it often happens that, should the cause be showed, the service itself would thereby be destroyed and defeated. And the cause alleged nmst be such as may be determined by out Judges of our Courts of Westminster in a legal and ordinary way of justice ; dissolution in I629. I find it hard to believe that either iXIr. Bruce or Mr. Yorster ever seriously examined the paper. There is nota word referring to the second session, whilst everything would be in place in May 68. The paper is undated, but if it belongs to this session must have been drawn up in the week following May  ; I suspect after the petition wa. known to the King.  t'arL Hst. ii. 35 t.  Lords' ournals, iii. 788. whereas the causes may be such as those Judges have not the capacity of judicature, nor rules of law to direct and guide their judgment in cases of so transcendent a nature; which happening so often, the very intermitting of that constant rule of govermnent practised for so many ages within this kingdom, would soon dissolve the foundation aud frame of out mon« archy." Yet Charles was ready to engage that he would never again imprison anyone for refusing to lend him money, and that when he did imprison he would always disclose the cause as s,non as it could be done conveniently for the safety of the State. The King's letter was forwarded to the Commons by the I.ords. The Commons would not hear of such a basis of settlement. When the petition was complete they May t 4. Hi o,-,t would ask for the King's assent. Aletter was of no rejected by ,h Co,,- value. The Lords replied that they did hot place o,. more weight than the Commons upon the letter. that they wished was to bring the petition into conformity with the letter, so as to give ita chance of securing the Kns xssent. 1 The Lords were about to try what they could do to give effect to their wishes; but though they had been apparently "rhLo, unanimous in supporting the propcsed course, the ,m ty , unanimity was greater in appearance than in reality. accommoda- tion. Saye and his ffiends agreed to allow the attempt to be ruade, on the express understanding that if it failed they might rail back on the petition as it stood. That there was a strong element in the Upper House which desired to take a middle course was manifest. Though men like Williams and Bristol and Arundel had suffered Ibt i too much from the unrestrained exercise of the King's thLoa, authority not to ]oin heartily in the main demands of the petition, they were too old statesmen not to be aware that a discretionary power must be lodged somewhere, and they laboured hard to discover some formula which should restrict it to real cases of necessity. At first it seemed that the t lararl..rss. 4771, fol. '55. Lords' 'ournals, iii. 796, 278 TttE I'ETITION OF RIGttT. CH. LXIIt. Lord Keeper would meet them half-way. "No man," said Coventry, «ought to be imprisoned but a clear and direct cause ought to be showed, unless the very declaration of the cause will destroy the business, and in such a case, for a time, a general cause may serve." A committee was appointed to draw up a form of words in which Coventry's view might embodicd. It was no such easy matter. The Committee for a long time was unablc to agree upon anything. At last they re- ay,6. portcd a clause proposed by Williams. I Thus it Williams's tan :--"That no freeman be--for hOt lending money clause. or for any other cause contrary to Magna Carta and the other statutes insisted upon, and the truc intention of the t There are two cl,luses in the Lorda' 'ournals (iii. 799, So) with no names to them. Compare lz'lsing's Notes. The second, the one finally adopted, is twice claimed by Weston. From the saine note. we lcarn that thcre had been two forms befre, the one poceeding from Williams and the othcr from Aruudel, the latter of which was probably in some way or other amended by Weston. Williams's speeches, as there reported, leave no doubt that his was the one in which the King's sovereignty is hot men- tioned. The usual attribution to Williams of the clause about »overeignty falls to the ground, and that theory, in fact, is directly contradicted by Williams's notes on the King's letter as given by I[acket, il. 77. Of the supposed intrigues of Williams, and his alleged efforts at this tme to bring Wentworth over to the Court, I know nothing. Hacket's account of a later reconciliation with Buckingham will be given iu its proper place. Williams, no doubt, acted with Bristol and Arundel, but to act with Bristol and Arundel was to be opposed to Buckingham and the Court, though hOt so decidedly as Saye. The truc story of William's proposed clause is told in a lmper in l-tarl. AISS. 68o% fol. 274, under the headiug "The offer of accommodation ruade by the Bishop of Lincoln." He would have left the preface to the petition as it stood, adding a complaint that divers of his Ma]esty's subjects had been imprisoned without cause shown, and wouht then have inserted the clause in the text for ' that no freeman iu any such manner as is belote mentioned be imprisoned or detained.' He also proposed a form for the King's reply, as tbllows : " Neither we nor out Privy Council shall or will at any time hereafter commit or com- mand o prison, or othervise restrain the persons of any for not lending of money unto us, nor for any other cause contrary fo the truc intention of Magna Carta and those other six statures insis:ed upon to be expounded by out judges in that bchalf." 16:$ A3IEND.IIENTS OF TItE LORD& saine, tobe declared by your Majesty's judges in any such marrer 1 as is belote mentioned--imprisoned or detained." The clause was certainly hot clear, and needed all Williams's explanations ; but its intention was manifestly that which he said it was. While he beliêved, as Wentworth believed, I*simention. that in very special cases the King had by his pre- rogative the rlght of suspending the action of the ordinary law, he shrank from affirlning this in so many words. Thê result was ambiguity itself. The author of the clause was the first to discover that his meaning had been misun- lqay Explanation derstood. He had to explain that in referring the ofWilliams, decision of the lêgality of a colnmitlnent to the judge he had no thought of countenancing the idea that they might- refuse bail on the old ground of want of cause expressed. He meant, he protested, nothing of the sort. If his proposition lneant that, it was 'the idlest that ever was offered.' A lnediuln of agreement which needs explanation from its author is self-condemned ; but it was probably hot its cbscurity which rendered it unpalatablê to the majority of the Upper House. "Power," said Weston, " which is hot known and confessed, cannot be obeyed." The following clause, probably originally drawn up by Arundel and finally brought Arundel's « in by Weston,  left no doubt of the reservation of aaovtd, authority. It ran thus :--"We hulnbly present this petition to your Majesty, not only with a care of preserving out own liberties, but with due regard to leave entire that sovereign power wherewith your Majesty is trusted for the pro- tection, safety, and happiness of your people." Was even this free from ambiguity? On the 9th, the Commons having asked leave to argue-against the proposed amendments in the body of the petition, Williams lIay Its meaning moved that those amendments should be with- ,oub,à. drawn and the new additional clause alone discussed. 13uckingham rose to give his approval to the proposal, on the undrstanding that the reservation of sovereignty applied to the wholê petition. Such a demand undeniably went far 1 ,, Matter" in the ttarL copy ; " mannêr" in the Lords' ottrttals.  .As I bave said he twice claires the authorship in Elsin;s ,Votcs. 280 TItE PF.TITIOV OF RIGHT. CH. LXIII. beyond the intention of all inembers of the House who were more than mere courtiers. Ifit was granted, the King P, ucking- am'- inter- would be at liberty hot merely to imprison without pretation, showing cause whenever he thought that the safety of the State so required, but to collect forced loans, to issue coin- naissions of unlimited martial law, and to billet soldiers by force, whenever, in his judgment, such a contingency might arise. say "If you extend this addition to every particular in dissents, the petition," said Saye, "the petition is quite over- thrown. Your expressions were to reserve the sovereign power only in emergent cases, and hot in the particulars mentioned in the petition, for then a man may be, for any particular men- tioned in the petition, committed hereafter." 1 Saye's objection was certain to find an echo in the Lower House. With a comparatively unimportant exception, all the .May o. amendments to the body of the petition were rejected v,« i, by the Commons, and their rejection was acquiesced the Com- mo,., in by the Lords. The additional clause now formed the only point in dispute between the Houses.  It was soon evident that the Commons would bave nothing to say to it. They professed themselves unable to discover what sovereign power might mean. According to Bodin, said Alford, it means that which 'is free from any condition.' "Let us give that to the King that the law gives him, and no more." "I am not able," said Pym, "to speak to this question. I know hOt what it is. Ail our petition is for the laws of England, and this power seems to be another distinct power from the law. know how to add sovereign to his person, but hOt to his power. Also we cannot leave to him sovereign power, for we never were possessed of it. ''s Then, showing how well he was in-  Elsins Notes.  1Rushworth, whom lXlr. Forster had no choice but to follow, gives a cebate as taking place on the 17th , which is really the debate of the 2oth, together with a jumble of two speeches of Wentworth's foisted in Irom the 22nd and 23rd , and a speech of Selden's from the 22nd. s Ir. Forster corrects 'he never was' for 'we never were' (S»r Eliot, il. 5, Note 8) ; but «, we never were " has the authority of MSS. otherwise varying from one another ; and Pym may have meant, « We can onl leave what we have control over. This is beyond our control.' t628 THI5 C.3ALll'OA'S STAA'D BI; THE PETITftA; 28 formed of what had passed in the Upper House, Pvln went on to ailude to Buckingham's explanation. " We cannot," he said, "adroit of these words with safety. They are applicable to ail tbe parts of our petition." The clause, in fact, was of the nature of a saving, and would annul the whole. Coke followed in much the saine way. The prerogative, he said, was part of the low, but sovereign power was hot. Without a dissentient voice, therefore, the clause was rejected by the House of Colnmons. Coke had clearly taken the right ïh«daus« ground when he said that the prerogative was part of rejcted, the law. As Wentworth had said before, if an actual emergency occurred, no man would dispute what the King did. Vet to insert a special saving of such a right as being above the law was to make all law uncertain.  When the answer of the Cçmmons was carried up to the Lords, many a tongue was loosed to speak against Weston's clause. "The prerogative of the Crown," said Objection to t is the claus in Williams, a title in law, and those learned in the the Lords. law do know the extent of it as well as of any other articles." " The saving," declared Bristol, "is no way essential to the business." lXlight hot, he suggested, the petition be sent up as it was, accompanied by a verbal statement that the Houses had no intention of infringing upon the prerogative. Buckingham TO such a solution as this, however, Buckingham standsbyit, would hot listen. "Let it be resolved here alnong us," he said, " that there be a saving." He was not allowed to have his way. The House adjourned, at the joint motion of Saye and Arundel. The next day Buckingham expressed his willingness to make a great concession. He was ready to change the words 'sove-  o,s reign power' into ' prerogative? The House seems trytoexp'.ain tO bave been fairly puzzle& Paget suggested that it away. the judges should be asked their opinion. Abbot said he had heard a learned peer say that they could hot destroy the prerogative, even by an Act of Parliament. Bridge- water naïvely expressed his opinion that after so long a debate  tZarl .1LSS. 477I, fol. I66. 2. THE PETITION OF RIGHT. cH. LXlII. they ought to ' resolve of some addition or other,' and ' to think of fitting reasons.' Williams said he would hOt vote till it was ruade plain to him that the addition ' did hot reflêct nor any way oFeratê upon thê pêtition ;' and Weston, the author of the clause, together with I)orset, usually one of the most determined partisans of thê Government, expresscd thcir full concurrence in this view of the case. No wondêr that the original Opposi- tion pushed their advantage home. Save and North urged that beforê going in search of rêasons for the addition, they had bêttcr decide whcthêr the addition was necessary at ail. Buck- ingham begged thê House to vote at once whethcr there was to be a saving of the King's power or hOt. Rather, urged Essex, let us vote first whcther we will agrêe to the petition or hOt. In this chaos of opinion a proposal of Coventry's was finally adopted, that thê addition should be again commended to the Lower House, but that he should be authorised to explain that it real!y meant as little as possible.' ]3uckingham had clcarly lost his hold upon the Lords. As far as it is possible to judge from the debatês, the prevailing • rb« Lo,d opinion was that the law was as it was stated in the no Io,,g, petition, although a loophole ought to be left for under Buck- i. gha« sudden and unforeseen emergencies. Yet the mo- control. ment they came to put this upon pal»er the difficulty of hOt yielding more than they intended to yield was altogêther insuperable. Insuperablê, at lêast, the difficulty seemed to the Commons. In the debate which followêd the Lord Keeper's communication, hot a single voice was raised in favour of thê clause. May The addition Lawyers and country gentlemen argued alikê that thê r-jectt#q_ by t«Con» additional clause would destroy the wholê petition. ,on». The King, it would be understood to sa)-, cannot billet soldiers or force loans upon us by the law ; but he can by his sovereign power. Sir Henry Marten stripped the whole question of its techicalities. According to «-Esop, he said, the lion, the ass, and the fox went out hunting together. The booty was taken, and the ass having divided it into three equal * Elsing's Notes. x5/8 I VEA'TIVOR TH'._ç INTER VE«VT"IOlV. 2 3 portions, told the lion that it was his prerogative to choose between them. The lion took it iii that only a portion was oflered him, and saying, " It is my prerogative to choose," tore the ass in p:eces. The fox, taught by the ass's calamity, con- tented himself with a little piece of skin. Such, implied Marten, would be the fate of the Eglish people if they once acknowledged a power superior to the laws. To this view of the case Wentworth gave his hearty approval. " I think," he said, "we ail agree we may not adroit of this addition. If we do, we shall leave the subject worse than we found him, and we shall have little thanks for our labours when we corne home. I conccive this addition, as it is now penned, amounts to a saving, whereas before the law was without a saving. I ana resolved hot to yield to it ; but let us not vote it ; lt a sub- committee collect the reasons already given."  Wentworth was unwilling to corne into unnecessary collision with the Lords, and as the House was of the saine optnion, he Argu¢aentS had no difficulty in carrying his point so far as its tçbepre- immediate action was concerned. The clause as sented to the r. hot rejected, but a sub-committee was to prepare an argumentative answcr to be laid before the Lords. The next morning the sub-committee reported the heads of the answer which they proposed that Glanville and Marten y. should deliver. Before they had been adopted by the Ventworth Grand Committee, Wentworth rose. " We are now proposes a rther e- fallen," he said, " from a new stature and a new law tion. to a Petition of Right, and unless the Lords co-operate with us, the stamp is out of that which gives a value to the action. If they join with us it is a record to posterity. If we sever from them it is like the grass upon the house-top, that is of no long continuance. And therefore let us labour to get the Lords to join with us. To this there are two things consider- able; first not to recede in this petition eithcr in part or in whole from out resolutions ; secondly, that the I.ords join with us, else ail is lost. We bave protested we desire no new thing ; t This is from tta,'l. IIS. . 77, fol. x76 b, except the words ' as it is now penned,' which corne rioto 2Vicholas's Aotes. The debate is headed in dç'c]Mas, May 23. 8. THE PETITIO«V OF RIGHT. cH. LXHI. we leave all power to his Majesty to punish malefactors. Let us clear ourselves to his Maiesty that we thus intend. It is far from me to presume to propound anything. I date hot trust mv own iudgment, only to prevent a present voting  with the Lords. Let us again address ourselves to the Lords that we are constant in out grounds that we desire no new thing, nor to invade upon his Majesty's prerogative : but let us add, though we may not adlnit of this addition, yet if their Lordships tan find out any wav to keep unlouched this petition, we will consider of it and join with them." 2 Wentworth was consistent with himself in attempting to provide for ail elnergencies. To Eliot the suggestion was a mere machination of evil, for he saw, what Wentworth did not see, that these emergencies must be left to future generations to provide for ; and he saw too, in a diln way, that the House of Confinons was the heir of the Tudor monarchy, and would be the depositary of those extraordinary powers which Charles had forfeited the right to exercise. Thus, without knowing it clearly, he became the advocate of change in the frame of the State, which should indeed maintain old principles and shouid operate within the lines of the old constitution ; whilst Wentworth, whose lnind was full of schemes for alteration and reform, was an advocate of the constitutional forlns which had existed iu the days of his youth. Early in the session he had announced that the Commons could do nothing without the King. He now announced that they could do nothing without the Lords. To Eliot »uch a suggestion was intolerable. "As though," he said, " the virtue and perfection of this House depended E|iot's re- upon and were included in their Lordships ! Sir, I ioinder, cannot make so slight an estimation of the Commons as to make them mere cyphers to nobility ! I ana not so taken with the affectation of their Lordships' honour, so much to flatter and exalt it. No ! I am confident that, should the Lords desert us, we should yet continue flourishing and green." At the proposal itself, he went on to say, he could not but be  Voting a rejecti¢n of the clause in opposition to them.  ltarl. «]ISa: 477 I, fol. I76 b. 1628 ELIOT .t.IVD II'I,VTIUORTt r. z85 amazed. It was to throw them back after so long a debate nto new rocks and difficulties. 1 Eliot then insisted on the danger of making the slightest change in the petition, and charged Wentworth with deserting the cause which he had once espoused. Then addressing himself to the substance of the proposal, he exposed in masterly language its entire futility. " No saving in this kind," he said, "with what subtlety soever worded, can be other than destructive to out work." These last words contain the true vindication of the persist- ency with which the Commons held to their determination. Not that Wentworth, Iooking at the question from a different point of view, was without excuse. Whether the Commons were right or wrong, their petition contained within it the germs of a revolution. As a mattcr of fact no man then living could remember the time when the discretionary power which Charles claimed had not been exercised by the Crown. Wentworth at Wentworth's OllCe rose to vindicate his motives. Declaring that reply, he had mercly meant by t.,is metaphors that without the assent of the Peers the petition woulà have no statutory force, he explained lais own position. "My proposition," he said, "is for no moderation, but preserve the petition in the whole or the parts of it. I will never recede from it. Put it hot in extremity to bave it voted against us. It was wondered I spake after so long a debate. I have discharged my con- science and delivered it. Do as you please. God, that knows my heart, knows that I have studied to preserve this Parlia- ment, as I confess the resolutions of this ttouse, in the opinion i There is evidence here lhat Eliot's speeches in the Iorl tllot e[SS., though in the main correct, were subject to some manipulation. He is there ruade to refer to that which had been done ' by the Grand Com,nittee this morning in direction of those arguments to the Lords which they framed.' When Eliot wroe th;s down, he must hare fancied that the speech had been delivered in the llou.e itself, and Mr. Forster thereup«n (il. 68) supposed that Wentworth's spech to which Eiot replied was delivered in support of a fresh proposal of the Lords which was really not diseussed till the 24th. But unless the whole debate is a dream of the Harleian reporter, the debate u-as in conlmittee, and the direction of the committee was not given till after Eliot's speech was finihed. The end of Èliot's sFeech, too, seems to have been altered in the saine way. 286 THE PETITION OF RIGHT. CH. LXI[I. of wise men, stretch very far on the King's power, and if they be kept punctually, will give a blow to government. The King said that if government were touched, he was able to protect us; and by  this saving indeed is added nothing to him."  It was quite truc; the bare iaw of the petition could never be the rule for all future time. Martial law would have to be executed upon soldiers if discipline was to be How far was thereweight lnaintained. Provision lnust somehow be ruade for in it? lodging the men when they were brought together, and, if extraordinary eviis demanded extraordinarv remedies, men lnust be imprisoned without lnuch regard for their legal rights. What Eliot saw and Wentworth did not sec, was that these powers could no longer safely be entrusted to Charles. When the iaw was once ruade without exception, exceptional cases could be settled as they arose with consent of Parliament. To us the change seems simple enough. But the change was great in those days. By nmking the consent of Parliament necessary to the King, it deprived him of that right of speaking in all emergencies as the special representative of the nation, which he held from custom if not from con- stitutional law. Wentworth's argument ruade no impression on those who heard it. Seylnour alone supported it; but he met with T¢Com- no response, and Glanville and Marten were de- ruons decide spatched to lay their long train of reasoning belote against Wentworth. the Lords. It was impossible for the Lords to maintain the addition any longer. As far as we ean judge, the great majority of the l[ouse, with Bristol and Williams at its head, was of the same opinion as Wentworth. Argument and the current of events had ruade Buckingham powerless. Whilst, hoever, this najority was strong enough to refuse to follow Buckingham, its weakness, like Wentworth's weakness, lay in the impossibility of placing ideas upon paper without surrendering to the King more than i was willing to surrender. Weston's clause had merely been t ,« to" in  11arl. ISS. 477, fol. 76 b. 29arl. Hst. i. 364. 1628 PERSISTEArCt? OF TttE C0313IONS. thrown out as a feeler, and the lnoment it was seriously assaiied it was dropped without difficulty, Yet the Lords fer that something must be done. Clare proposed that q'he Lords ,n--,« -- re.h a Committee of both Houses should draw up another vroposal, form upon which they could ail agree. Abbot sug- ges|ed that a conference should be held to see ' if there be any that can find a nore commodious way of accommodation.' There was plainly nothing definite fixed, nothing which it was possible to ask the House to stand on. Laud's old friend, Bishop 13uckeridge, of Rochester, lnade a very different proposal. Let the petition, he said, bc delivered to the judges, that they may give their opinion whethcr anything in it 'do intrench upon the King's prerogative.' Their opinion could then be entered on the roll, ' and then this petition can no way prejudice the King's right.' The idea here was much the saine as Went- worth's ; the idea of an inalienable prerogative, not above the law but part of the law, and which it was therefore not neces- sary to express in words. Clare's suggestion was the one adopte& The Commons were asked to join the Lords in a committee, 'to see if, by manifestation and protestation or declaration or any other way, there could be any way found out to satisfy his Majesty.' The proposal was elastic enough. The reasons for reject- ing it were admirably put by Phelips. "What," he said, "should be the subject of this accommodation ? It which is re- jected by the must be somewhat like the last addition. If it be Commons. so put into other words and acted otherwise, yet virtually and actually it will be interpreted to anaount to the very saine thing. Also we have already expressed as much care over his Majesty's prerogative as can be made. We have obliged ourselves by our oaths, and how apt bave we been to defend it upon all occasions !" Wentworth and Seymour were in favour of appointing the joint cornmittee ; but they found no support, and the proposal of the Lords was rejected. The action thus taken bv the Commons was in little danger of meeting with a repulse in the House of Lords, as Wentworth  l!lsing's Arotes; tfarl. 2ISS. 477h fol. 93 b. 288 THE PETITIO1V OF RIGHT. CH. LXIII:e had feared. The leaders of that middle party, which was now able t9 comlnand a majority, declared that they would push 5lay=s. their desire for an accommodation with the King no 'hmidd fiarther. Arundel explained r.hat he had now no wish l:.arty in the I.ordsagree to press the Lower House ' with an addii,n to this with the Commons. petition.' " We do hold it fit," he added, "to declare to the King that we intend hot to prejudice his prerogative in this petition, in regard we are exempted from the oath of supremacy." The I.ords, in fact, would practicaily join in that cath to which Phelips had appealed, and the right of the pre- rogative would be lcft as vague as before. Bristol accepted the way of escape offered. The Commons, he said, had declared that they had no intention of prejudicing the prerogative. Let the Lords make the saine declaration at once. Would this view of the case be acceptable at Court. lorset, impulsive as when he had gone forth to the bloody i.«-, duel which has fixed a stain on his naine for ever, or «,f Bucking- when he declared ill the Parliament of 162 ! that the ham and his ff,ends, passing bell was tolling for religion, stood forcmost in the breach. "My Lords," he said, "if I did not believe this petition would give the King a greater wound here in his government than I hope ever an enemy shall, I would hold my peace;" 1 Buckingham himself declared firmly against the course proposed. " The business," he said, "is now in your hands alone, which gives me comfort. It now remains whether )ou will depart from your addition. If we now depart from our addition, we do in a manner depart from ourselves. The addition must = be either in the prealnble, or in the body, or the conclusion. If it be nowhere I cannot give my vote to it. The reason is  that it carries words in it hot expressed in Magna Carta and the other six statutes. Let them go their way and we make a petition, and then we may make a protestation as we please." If anything were needed to justify the resolution of the ! The report ends at "shaii." from conjecture.  "to be," IIS. The rive foilowing words are added s " Reason that," MS. 1628 TI¢E LORDS GIt'E llL4 ]: 289 Commons, it was these words of Buckingham. He, at Icast, "th«Lor,ts wanted something more than the prerogative which doptthe Bristol and Arundel were readv to allow. But the view of the . Commons. days were gone by x-hen Buckingham could hope to carry the House with him. Abbot advised the Peers to 'join with the Commons in the petition, though we would have had also some demonstration of their saving of the King's just prerogative.'  " When their liberties," said Northampton, "have been trenched upon, their goods have been taken away hot by a legal course, I will desire that it may be anaended. When the subjects' liberty is in question, I will creep upon my knees with a petition to his Majesty with all humility. When the King's prerogative is in question, I will get upon my horse and draw my sword, and defend it with my life and estate." After this a motion was made by another peer that a declaration might be prepared for clearing the King's prerogative.  The advice thus given was taken. The next day a form was unanimously adopted by which the Lords declared, alto- 1y6. gether apart from the l»etition, that their intention «r,ion was hot to lessen or impeach anything which by ofthe Lords. the oath of supremacy they had 'sworu to assert and defend.' It was not much. The oath of supremacy simply bound those who took it to defend the authority of which the Crown was already possessed, without specifying what that authority was. The declaration, however, left it open to those who held that the Crown had a right to override the law in cases of emergency, to assert that they had hot sacrificed their con- sciences to political conveniency. The Commons on their y8. part had no desire to push matters farther. On the The petition e8th the petition was brought up to the Lords, aud passes both Hoss. was by them adopted without more discussion. Three or four weeks earher, Charles would probably bave refused even to consider the petition in the form in which it "Che Kig's now reached him; but the last week had brought difficulties, news of disaster which would hardly allow him to turn his back so easily upon the proffered subsidies. In » Minute/look, tr2rause of Zords .I[SS. VOL. ri. U -'90 THE PETITION OF RIGHT. CH. LXlXX. Germany Stade was lost. In France Rochelle was still un- succoured. The disasters of the autunm of x627 had converted the war in North Germany into a succession of sieges. Whilst j.nu.y. Schleswig and Jutland were overrun by the Imperial- oTg.nst ists, Christian clung with the grasp of despair to st.de, the fortresses by which the lnouth of the Elbe was guarded. Krempe and (;ltickstadt on the eastern side were upplied with money and provisions by the Dutch. Stade, near the western bank, had the misfortune fo be confided to Morgan's English garrison. Every disposable penny in the Exchequer had been applied to the French war, and since ..\ugust the little force--4,ooo lnen in all--was left to shift for itself, t Anstruther and Morgan raised a little money on their own credit, hot enough to do more than to procure a fresh supply of shoes and stockings. Even though no actual siege was opened, the enemy lay closely around the town, and pro- visions were hot to be obtained froln the surrounding countr); Yet the brave old Morgan showed no signs of flinching. " If it must be my extreme hard fortune," wrote the General, "to thus abandoned, I will not yet abandon lnyself, nor this place, as long as with car and dog--our present diet--we shall be able to feed an arm to tbat strength that it may lift a sword."  Week after week slipped away, and help came not. Wan! and disease were doing their fe|l work, and Morgan had little hope of holding out. Before the end of Match Anstruther received a little money from England. It was now too late. The town was closely blockaded and no supplies could be sent in. On Apri] 2 7 Stade was formally surrendered to April =7- Sure,««« Tilly.  The garrison was allowed to march out with S-d« all the honours of war, and a month later, whilst the Lords and Commons were fighting their last battle over the l'etition of Right, the whole sad story was known in England.*  At the beginning of the year the garrison numbered 3,900, riz. 2,70o English, 700 Scots, 500 Germans. Anstruther to Conway, Jan. 5, ./'. lYttmark.  Morgn to Conway, Jan. 25, S. P. D,'nmark. * Anstruthe fo Conway ; Morgan to Conway, May 3, ibi, t. • Woodwad to Windebank, Ma, 2, & /v. Dom. eiv. t68 ,STADE A.'V.D ROCHEZZE. 9 Thus dropped the curtain, amidst gloom and disaster, upon the scene of English history on which Charles and Bucking- r.,,a or haro had entêred so hopefully four years belote. The English in- tervention in war for the deliverance of the Palatinate, to be waged Germany. whether the nation supported it or hot, had corne to this. The sixteen hundred brave men, worn with toil and hunger, who stepped forth from Stade with colours flying and with arms in their hands, the noble old General who had held his own so long, abandoned as he was by King and country, had no need to feel the shame of failure. The shame was for those who had directed the course of war so ailnlessly, and who had so erroneously judged the conditions of the contest. Even now Carles thought but little of the disaster in Germany compared with the other disaster in France. The deliverance of the Palatinate had corne to be for him a matter of secondary importance, in which he had long since ceased to expect success. The deliverance of Rochelle was a matter of personal honour. Before the end of April Denbigh's fleet, sixty-six vessels in all, had at last left Plymouth Sound. The crews were pressed men, carried off against their wills from their daily occupations to a service of danger in which the reward was but scanty pay, or most probably no pay at all. Many of them were soldiers converted forcibly into sailors froln very necessity. Such a fleet was hardly likely to overcome even moderate opposition. ly .. When, in the afternoon of May , Denbigh's force r«,big' ranged up in front of the port of Rochelle, the danger fleet at a:h«ll« was plainly seen tobe of the most formidable descrip- tion. The passage up the harbour, narrow enough of itself, was still further narrowed by moles jutting out from either side, r«r««. « and the opening between them was guarded by pmi- the French. sades, in front of which were vessels, some of them sunken, somc floating at the level of the water. Even to reach such a formidable obstruction it would be necessarv to beat down the tire of twenty armed vessels, supported by crowds of musqueteers, who were in readiness either to tire upon the cnemy from the shore or to float off in bargcs to the succeur of their friends. It may be questioned whether Drake or Nelson, TIIE PE TITION OF RIGttT.. CH. LXIII. folloed by crews as high-spirited and energetic as lhemselves, could have made the attack successfully. It is certain that Denbigh's force, composed as it was of men without heart in the matter, could not but fail. Of the details of the failure it is hardly possible to decide in the midst of the conflicting evidence. The English officers, when they came home, threw ail the blame upon the Rochellese who accompanied them, whilst the Rochellese bitterly retorted the accusation. It is, however, plain that the English officers had no confidence in their, chance of success, and Denbigh was not the man to inspire those beneath him with a more daring spirit. A resolution was taken to wait till the next spring-tides made the attack easier for his fire-ships. On the morning of the 8th tays. a fresh apprehension seized upon the commander. Failureof The wind was blowing from Rochelle, and if he the under- taking, could not set tire to the ships of the enemy, the French might possibly set tire to his. He therefore gave the order to weigh anchor, that the fleet might retire to a little distance. When the minds of men are in a state of despon- dency the slightest retrograde movement is fatal. The Rochellese weighed anchor as they were told, but they understood that the expedition had been abandoned, and ruade all sail for England. Thus deserted, the whole fleot followed the example.  The first news of difficulty had only served to sharpen Charles's resolution. On the x7th he issued orders to Denbigh to hold on at Rochelle as long as possible, and to ask May x 7. Determina- for reinforcements if he found them needful3 On tien of the t9th he knew that the fleet was on ifs way home. a Char:es hot to g,,--,y. Never before had he been so angry. "If the ships • -y 9. had been lost," he cried, impatiently, "I had tituber enough to build more." He at once despatched Denbigh's son, Lord Fielding, to Portsmouth with orders to press into the  Examinations of Ramboiileau and Le Brun, May 6. Denbigh, Palmer, and Weddell to Buckingham, June , ..ç. cvi. i I.  The King to Denbigh, May  7, 5". /. D0m. civ. 8.  The date we learn from Contarini. The news, as we know from the examinations cited above, reached Piymouth and Dartmouth on the t028 DEA.'BIGH'S FLA'ET. 29-t Kings servme every vessel he could meet with, and to direct his father to go back at all hazards to Rochelle, and there to await the finther supplies which would be seut. t Secretary Coke himself was sent down to Portsmouth to hurry on the reinforcements. On the 27th I}enbigh was off the May2» Isle of Wight, professing his readiness to return as soon as his shattered fleet could be collected.  It was casier for him to talk of returning than actually to return. Three of his vessels laden with corn for Rochelle were snapped May 28. up by the Dunkirk privateers within sight of the English coast. 3 The ships which remained were full of sick men, and in urgent need of repair. The fire-ships were not ready. There were not enough provisions on board lXlay 3 o. to enable the fleet to stay long at Rochelle, even if it returned at once. Although the ships were in want of water, I lenbigh dared not send his lnen on shore, lest thcy should run away from so unpopular a service. Before this combination of difficulties even Charles was compelled to give way, and orders were despatched to Denbigh to refit his squadron, but to remain in England till the whole available maritime force of the country could be got ready to accompany him. « Such were the tidings pouring in upon Charles during the days when he was considering the answer which he would give to the Petition of Right. Unless he gave his consent May 26. The King's to that, he would never touch a penny of thc sub- difficulties about the sidies, and without the subsidies the relief of Rochelle petitlon, was absolutely hopeless. Everything combined to make him anxious to assent to the pctition, if he could doit without sacrificing the authority which he believed tobe justly his. The one point which still appeared necessary to him to t Fielding to Buckingham, May 20 ; Woodward to Windebank. May 2, . '. tDom. civ. 34, 47. Contarini to the Doge, May --.]: lC. Z'ran- uri/ts, '. O. " Denbigh to Buckingham, May 7, S. . 1)oto. cv. 9. s The Council to Buckingham, May 3 o, lfushworth, i. 587.  The letters of Denbigh and Ceke containing these details will be round in S. /'. /)oto. cv. and cvi. -'96 TttE t'ETITION OF IIGIIT. CH. LXIII. grantcd there is no fear of conclusion as is intimated in the question."  The day after the last reply was given in was Whit Sunday, a day spent as busily by the King as Good Friday had been jun«1, spent by the House of Commons. At the council "rb« «ouncil table the whole question of the petition was discussed, con»ult«d, and the forms of answer drawn up by Heath to suit cvery possible contingency were doubtless laid before the board. Of these forms  there was probably only one vhich, to an, extent, suited the exigencies of Charles's position. lleath's :ogg«st«d "Since both the I,ords and Commons," it was pro- ,,,.«. posed that the King should say, "have severaily, with dutiful respect to us, declared their intentions hOt to lessen our just power or prerogative as their sovereign, we do as freely declare our clear intention no way to impeach the just liberty of our subjects ; and therefore, this right undoubtedly being so happily settled between us and our people, which we trust shall ever continue, we do freely grant that this petition shall in ail points be duly observe&" By these words the petition wouid become the iaw of the iand, especially if the oid words of Norman French, "Soit droit fifft comme e«t desiré," had been added. The claire to special powers would still have been maintained, but by the use of the word 'prerogative' Heath hot only borrowed the expression of the House of Commons itself, but placed the King's claire under the special guardianship of the judges, who were constantly accustomed to decide on the extent of the prerogative. It may be that Charles shrank from subjecting his authority to the decision of the judges. It may be that he had little faste for a clear and definite restriction upon his powers. The day before, too, had been spent in Buckingham's company,   Ellis, ser. 2, iii. 250. The original copy of the questions and answers is in t]arraï,e IUS.b'. 27, fol. 97- z The first one in S. 19. Dom. cv. 95. Others will be round in this and the folloving papers.  Conta m s Despatch, June 7 16:Ç TtIE I'L'G'S FIR.ST A'SII'.R. 29 and Buckingham had no wish to see the King give way. "l'he form finally adopted, with the full consent of the Privv Council. a,w«- united ail the objections it is possible to conceive. agre«« on. "The King willeth," soit was determined that the Lord Keeper should speak, "that right be done according to the laws and customs of the rcahn ; and that the statutes be put in due execution, that his subjects may bave no cause to COlnplain of any wrongs or oppressions contrary to their just rights and libertics, to the preservation whereof he holds him- self in conscience as well obliged as of his prerogative."  Such an answer meant nothing at all. The petition was hot even mentioncd. It was Charles's old offer of confirming ira worth- the statures whilst refusing thê interpretation placed .n. upon them by the Comlnons. Its words breathed an entirely diffcrent spirit from the questions to the judges. The King no longer asks for a limited power to meet special emer- gencies, which Bristol and Wentworth, if hot Eliot and Coke would bave been willing to grant him, but he throws back hot merely the question of imprsonment, but every question which the petition professed to answer, into the uncêrtain mazes of his own arbitrary will. If nothing better than this was to be had, the Commons had toiled in vain. The next morning thê Peers and Commons were in the King's presence in the House of Lords. "Gentlemen," he Jne,. said, "I ara corne here to perform my duty. I "rh«,wr think no man can think it long, since I bave hot given, taken so many days in answering the petition as ye spent weeks in framing it ; and I ana corne hither to show you that, as well in formal things as essential, I desire to give you as much content as in me lies." Then, after a few words from the Lord Keeper, the answer agreed upon the day before was read. When this answer was read the next morning in the Commons, Eiot, representing the general dissatisfaction, moved t The part taken by the Council is gathered from the subsequent de. bates in the House of Lords. " Lvrds' ournals, iii. 835. .9 8 THE PETITIO.V OF RIGHT. z. LX. that its consideration should be postponed till Friday, June 6.* j,,» He had, however, s,mething more to say than t«o,- that. The breach with the King against which he si,h-ration V.«Vo,e,à. had struggled so long seemed now inevitable. But was if really the King who was to blame? Eliot must bave known at least as well as we can know how Bucking- I,ucklng- I,r,',V,,rt haro had been the soul of the opposition to the inthematter, petition in the House of I.ords, and how he hac struggled to the last to make it meaningless ; and he must bave suspected, if he did hOt know, that the last unsatisfactory answer had been dictated by the favourite.  If this were so, Eliot may well bave thought that the time was corne when the legal claires on which the Commons had been hitherto standing must be reinforced with other arguments, reaching far more widely than any which that Parliament had yet heard. He would again stand forward as the Eliot of i6z6. Subsidies must be refused--if they were to be refused at ail--hOt merely because the King's part of the bargain, tacitly made, had r.ot been fulfilled, but because, as the last Parliament had declared, they would be utterly wasted if they were to pass through ]uckingham's hands. What danger he lnight draw on his own head, EF, ot recked nothing. I.ike the great Scottish reformer, he was onp who'never feared the face of anv man.' As he spoke he felt within him the voice of an offended nation struggling for utterance.   A¥cholas's A'otes. This, with the King's answer, and a short note of Eliot's second speec, is ail that Nicholas gives us between /lay z6 and June 6. The invaluable Harleian report, too, deserts us at/Iay z7 ; so that we are by no mean» so well informed about these later proceedings as about the earlier ones. - Whether it was so or hot, I cannot say ; but the contrast between the spirit of the questions to the judges, and that of the answer adopted by the Council where ]3uckingham was supreme, is very suspicious. s See b,[r. Forster's remarks on this speech (Sir fie. Eliol, ii. 78). On one point I ana almost inclined to go beyond him. He thinks that Eliot's ' fearles spirit could discern the safety that lay beyond the danger,' as if he had expected to frighten the King into giving way. I fancy that, judging by past experience, he could have little hope of this, and if he spoke from a sheer sense of du,y, without expectation of success, his con- doct is ail the more w_lmirable. 1628 .ELIOT ON t:'OREIGN POLIC I . 299 He began by reminding his hearers tbat they met there as the great Council of the King, and that it was their duty to inform him of ail that it was well for him to know. Ellot on the state«the That duty it was now for them to fulfil. At home Dation. and abroad everything was in confusion. At home true religion was discountenanced. Abroad their friends had On foreign been overpowered, their enemies had prospered. ,,oli¢y. Rash and ill-considered enterprises had ended in disaster. In Elizabeth's days it had hot been so. She had built her prosperity upon a close alliance with France and the Netherlands. Now France was divided within herself, and driven into war with England. To this French war the Palatinate had been sacrificed. Such a policy might well be regarded rather 'a conception of Spain than begotten hete with us.' At these words Sir Humphrey May rose to interrupt the speaker. Knowing as he did how closely this French war was lIay'sinter- entwined round the King's heart, he was perhaps ruption, anxious to check words which would only widen the breach which he so much deprecated. But the House was in no lnood to listen to a Privy Councillor. Eliot was encouraged with cries of "Go on !" from every side. "If he goes on," said lIay, " I hope that I may myself go out." "Begone ! begone !" was the reply from every bench ; but the spell of the great orator was upon him, and he could not tear himself away. When Eliot resumed he was prepared to try a higher flight than even he had hitherto ventured on. He had no longer to speak merely of disaster and mismanagement, which might be plausibly at least accounted for by the niggardliness of the Colnmons. Striking at the ver)" heart of the foreign policy of Eliotonthe the Government, he asked why the moment when French war. Denmark had been overpowered at Lutter had been chosen or the commencenaent of a fresh quarrel with France. Was it credible that this had been advised by the Privy Council ? With full knowledge doubtless how completely the French war had been the act of Buckingham, with less know- l,_dge, it ma)" be, how complctely if had also ber n the act of the 300 TI-IE PETI_7"IO.V OF IVIG'T. CH. LXIII. King, he turned upon the councillors present, perhaps specially upon May. " Can those now," he said, "that express their troubles at the hearing of these things, and have so Asks who I.a ,»isc« often told us in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs, say they advised in this? Was this an act of Council, Mr. Speaker? I bave nmre charity than to think it ; and unless they make a confession of themselves, I cannot believe it." The nmin error in policy, if it was but an error, having been thus exposed, Eliot turned to the mismanagement of the war. The expedition to Cadiz, the expedition to Rhé, the lXl isconduct in mil,tary latest failure at Rochclle, he painted in the gloomiest operatiol»s. colours. Buckingham's naine was not mentioned, but it must have been branded in letters of flame upon the mind of every man who sat listening there. At home, too, the Court, the Church, the.Bar, the Bench, the Navy, were handed over to nlcn ignorant and corrupt ; the Exchequer was empty, the crown lands sold, the King's jewels and plate pawned. " What poverty," he cried. "can be greater ? What necessity so great ? What perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow for the truth ? For the oppression of the subject, which, as I remember, is the next particular I proposed, it needs no demonstration. The whole kingdom is a proof. And for the exhausting of our treasures, that oppression speaks it. What waste of our provisions, what consumption çf our ships, what destruction of our men have been ! Witness the journey to Algiers ! Witness that with Mansfeld  Witness that to Cadiz ! Witness the next ! 1 Witness that to Rhé ! Witness the last ! And I pray God we shall never have more such witnesses. Witness likewise the Palatinate ! Witness Denmark ! Witness the Turks! Witness the Dunkirkers! Witness all What losses we bave sustained! How we are impaired in mu- nition, in ships, in men ! It has no contradiction. We were never so much weakened, nor had less hope now tobe restored." Such was the terrible catalogue of grievances flung forth, ' "lhls conteml.-tuous reference is to WiHoughby's fleet, which only reached the Bay ol Biscay. t628 .,4 RE.IIO'VSTRAA'CE PROPOSED. 3ox one after another, in words which pierced deeply into the he,qrts of those who heard. To the end Buckingham's naine had not been lnentioned. Whatever Eliot's secret thoughts might bave been he said nothing of reviving the impeachment of the un- ARemo,- popular minister. He asked that a Remonstrance-- strance robe a statement of grievances, as we shouid now say-- prepared, might be drawn up, in order that the King might be informed what the Commons thought of his policy. There were many anaong Eliot's hearers who shrank from so bold a step. Some thought it would be better to ask for a Feeling of fuller answer to the petition. Sir Henry Marten sug- th Ho« gested that Eliot's speech proceeded from disaffection to lais Majesty, wh.lst others looked upon it as an angry retort upon the King's answer. Eliot rose to explain. So far from his words having been called forth by the King's answer, he and others had long ago formed a resolution to cali attention to these grievances when a fit opportunity occurred ; and the truth of this statement, which doubtless referred to the line taken by Eliot at the private meeting before the opening of the sessien,  was attested by Wentworth and Phelips. In spite of all that had been said, Eliot's proposal was adopted, and the next day was fixed for the discussion of the Remonstrance.  Even as an answer to the King's reply, it might fairly be argued that Eliot's proposal was well-timed. The King had Bearing of claimed to be possessed of special powers above the /heproposal. law, for the honour and safety of the reahn. Such powers he had wielded for more than three years, and the P,e- monstrance would tell him what had corne of it. Charles fancied himself strong enough to drive back the rising tide. Believing, as he did, that ail the disasters which had happened had arisen from the reluctance of the June 4- The King Commons to vote him money, he now sent to te]l tries to stop theRemon- them that the session would corne to an end in a Çrance. week, that he had given an answer to their petition ' full of justice and grace,' and would give no other. They were therefore seriously t, proceed to business, without enter- t Sec page 230.  Forster, Sir '. Elio:, il. 79- o THE 2ETITION OF RIGHT. cm LXIII. tainmg new matters ; in other words, to pass the Subsidy Bill, and let the Remonstrance alone.* The House was now in E]iot's hands. The silence to which Wentworth was self-condemned since the failure of his conciliatory efforts, was the measure of the The House refuses fo downward progress which Charles had been making s,op. since the days of the leadership of the member for Yorkshire. After listening to a report from the Committee of Tradef- strongly condemnatory of the cruel treatment to which shipowners and mariners had been subjected when pressed into thê King's service, the House, taking hOt the slivhtest notice of the Royal message, went into committee on the Remonstrance. 3 The next morning a sharper message was dehvered from the King, positively forbidding the House to proceed June 5- • qharper with any new business which lnight spend greater message «rom the time than remained before the end of the session, or King. which might ' lay any scandal or aspersion upon the State, Government, or ministers thereof.' It was a terrible awakening for the leaders of the Commons; Distressof the lnore painful because, in their simple loyalty, the Ho,e. they would not open their eyes toits real meaning. If they could bave fully realised the fact that their King was against them; that even without Buckingham's intervention, ('harles would have closed his ears to their prayers ; that Charles, if he was hot the originator, was the most obstinate defender of ail that had been done, they might have nerved themselves with pain and sorrow to the conflict before them. It was because they could not sec this that a feel- ing of helplessness came over them. The King, they earnestly ttempted to believe, was good and wise ; but he was beyond their reach. ]3etween him and them stood the black cloud 6f Buckingham's presence, impenetrable to their wishes, and  Pari. Hist. ii. 388. "" Commons' ff'our»als, i. ço9 ; and more fully in IIarl. iISS. 68o0, fol. 353- t Except from a few words in Nethersole's letter (S. P. Dont. cri. I know nothing of t!.is debate. distorting every ray of ligbt which was suffered to reach the place in wbich ( harles remained in seclusion. efore this grim shadow, almost preternatural in its all-pervading strength, bearded men became as children. Sobs and tears burst forth from every side of the House. With quivering voice and broken words Phelips strove to Pheivs«e- give utterance to the thoughts within hiln. There clares the misfo, tuneof was little hope, he said ; for he could hOt but re- theHouse, naember with what moderation the House hao proceeded. "Former times," he said, mournfully, " bave given wounds enough to the people's liberty. We came hithet full of wounds, and we bave cured what we could. S'et what is the return of ail but misery and desolation ? What did we aire at but to have served his Majesty, and to bave donc that which would bave ruade him great and glorious ? If this be a fault, then ve are ail criminous." It was their dut)', he pro- ceeded, to give advice to the King. If they were to be stopped in doing this, let them cease to be a council. "Let Proposes to a, ea,,e to US presently," he concluded by saying, "inform his gohome. Majesty that our firm intents were to show hiln in what danger the commonwealth and state of Christendom stands ; and therefore, since out counsels are no better accept- able, let us beg his Majesty's leave every man to depart home, and pray to God to divert those judgments and dangers which too fearfully and imminently hng over out heads." Perhaps it would have been better, if anything could have been better with such a king as Charles, that Phelips's proposal should have been adopted on the spot. t3ut whatever reticence the leaders may bave delibêrately imposed upon themselves, there was too much angry feeling against t3uckingham to be long suppressed. Eliot pointed out that there had been nais- representation to the King, as was especially shown in the clause of the message forbidding them to lay aspersions on the Government. They had no such intention. " It is said also," hê added, "as if we cast SOlne aspersions on his Majesty's ministers. I ara confident no minister, how dear soever, The sent'.nce was never ended. Finch, the Speaker, 1o4 THE PETIT_gON OF RIGHT. CH. LXIll. started from his chair. He, too, felt the weight of the issues with which the moment was fraught. "There is Eliot • toppedby command laid upon me," he said, ith tears in his the Speaker. eyes, "to interrupt any that should go about to lay an aspersion on the ministers of State." What Eliot meant to say can never be known. He had too much self-command to make it likely that he was going beyond the position he had assumed in the former debate. l'robably he was but about to express an opinion that no mi- nister could stand higher with lais Majesty than the needs ot his subjects. But the ill-timed intervention of Finch had done more than Eliot's tongue could bave done. It vas one more proof how impossible it was for the Commons to reach the King. Eliot sat down at once. If he was hot to speak freely, he would hot speak at ail What Eliot expressed by his silence, I)igges de- Digges expressed in words : "Unless we may speak clares their of these things in Parliament, let us arise and be remaining . ,, us«Iess, gone, or sit still and do nothlng. Then there was a ih,,.he» Iong pause. At last Rich rose to protest against the ,o «onot policy of silence. It was most safe for themselves, he Loa-. he said, but hot for their constituents. Let them go to the Lords and ask them to join in the Remonstrance. In the despondent mood in which the members were, there were not wantng a few who thought Eliot had been to blame. It was that terrible speech of his on the 3rd, I they said, which had done the mischief. The House would not hear of such an expanation. From the first day of the session, it wos resolutely declared, no member had been guilty of undutiful speech. Others again essayed to speak. Old Çoke, with the tears running down his furrowed face, stood up, faltered, and sat down again. At last it was resolved to go into committee to consider what was tobe donc. Finch, thus released from his duties, asked permis- The Speaker leaves the sion to leave the House. The permission was hot os« refused. With streaming eyes he hurried to the King to tell what he had heard and seen. To him too, and to all real i Sec page 299. E628 TItE DUA'E NA.]IED. 3o. friends of the prerogative, the breach between the Crown and so thoroughly loyal a House lnust have been inexpressibly sad. The impression left by the Speaker's departure was that a dissolution was innninent, b, len waxed bolder with the sense Oebate l, of COlning danger. "The "" " Klng, said Kirton, "is the com- mittee, as good a prince as ever reigned. Itis the enemies to the commonwealth that bave so prevailed with him, therefore let us im now tO discover them; and I doubt not but (;od will send us bearts, hands, and swords to eut the throats of tbe enemies of the King and State." Wentvorth, rejecting Rich's proposa1, moved to go straight to the King with the Remon- strance. Were they hot the King's counsellors? Coke was the next to rise, his voice no longer choked by his emotions. He was about to say that which Eiot had refrained from saying. He quoted precedent after precedent in which the Cotonnons had done the very thing that the King had warned them against doing. Great men, Privy Councillors, the King's prerogative itself, ha,t once hot been held tobe beyond the scope of Parlialnentary inquiry. ' What shall do?" he cried; "let us palliate no longer. If we do, God Coe,ame will hot prosper us. I think the I)uke of Bucks is rb« O-e. the cause of al. our miseries, and till the King be informed thereof, we shall never go out with honour, or sit with honour here. That man is the grievance of grievances. Let us set down the causes of ail our disasters, and they will ail reflect upon him." Let them hOt go to the Lords. Let them go straight to the King. It was not the King, but the Dukc, who had penned the words,' We require you not to meddle with State government, or the ministers thereof.' Did not the King once sanction the principle which this message con- demned ? Did he not, as Prince of Wales, take part as a Peer of Parliament in the proceedings against Lord Chancellor Bacon and Lord Treasurer Middlesex ? Amidst expressions of approbation from every side, Coke sat dot-n. At last the word which was on all lips had been spoken. Then, as a contemporary letter-writer expressed it. 'as when one good hound recovers the scent, the rest corne in Vç)L. VI. X 3c6 2k-" PETITIO,V OF R1GttT. cH. LXII1. with a full cry, so they pursued it, and every one came on holne, and laid the blame where they thought the fault was.' Selden but put into shape what Coke had suggested. "All this time," he said, "we have cast a mantle on what Resolution was done last Parliament ; but now, being driven ucking- again to look on that man, let us proceed with that which was then well begun, and let the charge be renewed that was ]ast Parliament against him, to hich he ruade an answer, but the particulars were suflïcient that we lnight demand judgment on that answer only."  As Charles had ruade Wentworth's leadership impossible, so, it seemed, he would now lnake Eliot's leadership impossible. The mere representation of the evils of the State seelned tame after what had taken place that day. The remaining heads of the Remonstrance were hurried over. and just as a final clause, condemnatory of Buckingham, was being put to the vote, the Speaker reappeared with a message from the King, • r i,g ordering them to adjourn till the following morning. st,,psthe In doubt and wonder the l:lembers departed to debate. their homes. It was but eleven o"clock when the debate that morning was forcibly interrupted. It may be that if the words spoken in the Commons had reached the King alone, the Houses would have met the next day only to be dissolved. But the Com- Debate in morts were not alone. In the other House a message th¢ Loa._ ffom the Kingdemanding an adjournment had been interpreted as omiuous of a dissolution. Bristol at once inter- «tol po- posed the weight of his authority., It was indiscrêtion: ,,,,. re- he said, to speak of such a thing as a dissolution from pre«en :ation t.,t,« v:i,,g, conjecture. If it was true that the Privy Council had advised it, the Lords were greater than the Privy Council. They were the great council of the kingdom, and it was for them to lay before the King the true state of the kingdom. There was danger from Spain, danger from France, danger from the Dunkirk privateers.. "The wh91.e Christian world," he said,  t'arL hïst. il. 4oi. iVushworth, i. 6o5-6IO. Meade to Stutevi]te, june I5, Çottte att, t ïïtttes, i. 359- Meade is plainly lnistzken in assignitg Soke's sp«:e,l" to the 4th. t628 ,4 DISSOLUTION RES1S TED. 307 "is enemy to us. We have not in all the Chnstian world but one port to put a boat into, Rochelle. We have been like the broken staff of Egypt to all that have relied upon us. The distress of our friends lies before us, the power and malice of out enemies. Now, if we return home, when God had put it into the Kings heart to call a Parliament, what disadvantage will it be unto us when our adversaries shall observe that the King and his people have three times met, and departed with no good! Whosoever shall sa)' that a monarch can be fed by projects and imaginations, knows not of what he is speaking." i Bristol concluded by moving for a Select Committee to 'represent unto the King the true state of the kingdom, to be humble suitors unto him to let things pass as they have done in the times of his ancestors. To be likewise suitors unto the King, that - if there have been any carriage of any private persons disp]easing to him, he will not make a sudden end of this l'arliament.'  Although, from motives of respect to Charies, ]bristol's Th Lo,-d motion was not formally adopted, thê Lord Keeper urderedKeeper to was directed to acquaint the King with the feeling of acquaint the the House. a King with the fe,lig of Even Charles, self-willed as he was, could not ven- the House. «_'s ture to stand up against both Houses. Thanking the withdraws Lords for the respect which they had shovn him by from his g,ond, refusing to appoint the committee which ]bristol had proposed, he assured them that he was as fully aware as they were of the dangers of the kingdom--a message which drew from Egsex the demand that Bristol's motion for a committed should be put again, and from Bristol himself the expression of a hope that they would at least petition the King not to-put sudden end to the Parliament.  .By the Lower House, too, a message had been receiwd  The words after " [maginations " are added by conjecture., z The Word ' tbat' is not in the «IIS. -' s The report ends at "carriage." The test of the sentence is filled  from Bristol's speech of th.e next day. " * Elsin..ç's .X5tes.  Ibid. THE PETITAON OF RIGHT. cH. LXIll. qualifying the one whlch had given such offence the day before. The King, according to this explanation, had no wish to debar the Commons from their right of inquiry, but wished merel) to prohibit them from raking up old offences by looking into counsel which had been tendered to hirn in past times. The explanation was gravely accepted. " I ara now as full of joy," TheCom- said Eliot, "as yesterday of another passion." But ,on.go,n the Commons went steadily on with their Remon- with tre Re- ,,,,,,,rn«. strance. On the morning of the 7th they had gone j,,e . so far as to inquire into the levy of Dulbier's German horse, intended, as one member sid, ' to cut out throats or else to kccp us at their obedience.'  The House of Lords again intervened. Bishop Harsnet, the author of the Lords' propositions, ffom which the contro- Intervention versy had by this time drifted so far, now stood up o«th L«d. in defence of the Petifion of Right. Hateful to the Clvinists on account of his bold attacks ruade in early lire upon the extreme consequences of their cherished doctrine of predestination, he was no less distrusted by Laud for his refusal to entertain the extreme consequences of the opinions which they held in common. The answer to the petition, he said, vas full of grace, but it did hot corne home or give the satis- faction which was expected. Let the Commons be asked to oin in a petition to the King for another answer. Williams supported the proposal. It was rumoured, he said, that the answer was hot the King's, but had been voted by the Council.  "I do not sec," he added, "n ail the learning I have, that this is at ail applicatory to the petition or any part of it." " I concewe, said Bristol, "the answer to be rather a waiving of the petition than any way satisfactory to it. I believe that those distractions and fears which since have sprung The King a««« amongst us took their original from that answer." clear answer t,, , The House was unanimous in its desire for a clearer petitlon, reply. Even Buckingham was unable to oppose hilnself to the current. The Comlnons, as soon as they vere  tàrL IlisL ii. 406. 2Vi,h.,'s'« Aro[es.  *' An asselnbly which I reverence," is the per]phrasis. t6-_8 TtIE ROYAL ASSENT. 3o9 invited, gladly gave their consent, and a deputation, with Buckingham at its head, was sent to ask Charles for a clea and satisfactory answer to the petition.  They returned with the aews that the King would bring his own reply to their request at Jour o'clock. At four o'clock, therefore, on that eventful day, Charles took his seat t,pon the throne. The Colnmons came troop- Ch-rle. ing tO the bar, ignorant whether they were to hear s.entstothe the sentence of dissolution or not. They had not Petition of Right. long to wait. "The answer I have already given you," said Charles, " was ruade with so good deliberation, and a!)proved by the judgment of so many wise men, that I could ot have ilnagined but that it should bave given you full satis- faction ; but, to avoid all ambiguous interpretations, and to shoxv you that there is no d.bleness in my meaning, I ara willing to please you in words as well as in substance. Read your petition ; and you shall have such an answer as I ana sure will please you." Then after it had been read, as the shouts of applause rang out loud and clear from the Commons, the clerk pronounced the usual words of approval, ' Soit arvitftit comme est desiré.' Charles had yet a few more words in reserve. "This," he said, " I ara sure is full ; yet no more than I granted you on my first answer ; for the meaning of that was to confirm all your liberties ; knowing, according to )'our own protestations, that you neither mean nor tan hurt my prerogative. And I assure you that my maxim is, that the people's liberties strengthen the King's prerogative, and that the King's prerogative is to defend the people's liberties. You sec how ready I have shown myself to satisfy your demands, so that I have donc my part; wherefore if the Parliament have nota happy conclusion, the sin is yours ; I ana free from it."  Once more the acclamations of the Commons rose. The Generaljoy. sho'at was taken up without as the news spread from street to street. The steeples of the City churches rang out  tlsittg's )Voles. Zor«ls' ,urta's, iii. $4 z.  Zords' 'o«rtta!s, iii. 843. 31o THE PETITIOW OF tIGI-[T. CH. LXIII. their lnerriest peals. As the dusk deepened into darkness bonfires were lighted up amidst rejoicing crowds. Since the day whcn Charles had returned froln Spain no such signs of public happiness had been seen. 1  Nethersole fo the titular Qaeen of Bohemia, June 7 ; Conway to Coke, June 9, S..P. CHAPTER LXIV[ REMONSTRANCE AND PROROGATION. VttATEVE interprctation lnight still be placed by the King on the concession which he had ruade, it was undeniable that the Jus-e» House of Colnlnons had gained a great advantage. lmp«t.nc« It lnight still be doubtful whether, in case of neces- of the petttion, sit)', the King might not break the law, but it could never again be doubtful what the law was. The Petition qf Right has justly been deemed by conslitutional historians as second in importance onlv to the Great Charter Comparion itself. It circumscribed the lnonarchy of Henry VIII. with the and Elizabeth as the Great Charter circulnscribed (;mat Charter. the monarchy of Henry II. Alike in the twelfth and in the sixteenth century the kingly power had been established on the ruins of an aristocracy bent upol the nullification er government in England. Alike in the thirteenth and in the seventeenth century, the kingly power was called to account as soon as it was used for other than national ends. Like the Great Charter, too. the Petition of Right was the beginning, not the end, of a revolution. So far as in them lay the Commons had stripped Charles of that supreme authority which he believed himself to hold. Their action had, however, been purely negative. Supreme authorityin Somewhere or another such authority nmst exist abeyance, above all positive law, cal)able of setting it aside when it cornes in conflict with the higher needs of the nation. Charles was right enough in thinking that the Commons were 3:-" RE.IIO.VSTRAA'CE, .dW PlçOROGATIOW cH. LXW. consciously or unconsclously tending to seize upon this autho- rity themselves ; but as yet they had not donc so. They had cried, as it were, The King is dead ! They had hOt cried, l.ong lire the -- t KIII. The old order had received a deadly blow, but it had hot given place to the new. Many a stormy dis- cussion, many a sturdy blow, would be needed before the Com- mons seated themselves in the place of the King. In every nation supreme authority tends to rest in the hands of those who best respond to the national demand for guidance. Would the House of Colllmons be able to offer such guid- ance ? Could it represent the wishes, the wisdom, the strength, it may be the prejudices, of the nation, as Elizabeth had repre- sented them? At least it could throw into disrepute those theories upon which the King's claire to stand above the laws was founded, and set forth its policy and ils wishes so June 9. as to be understood of ail men. O11 June 9, Pym I.v«- carried up to the Lords the charges which had been ment of Xl-n,ing. gradually collected against Manwaring, and on the saine day the Colnlnons vent steadily on with their Remon- strance, as if nothing had happened to divert theln from their purpose. It was certain that Manwaring would find no favour in the House of Lords. More clearly than many others whose theological opinions coincided with his own he had allowed political speculation to follow in the train of doctrinal thought. The notion that the clergy had an independent existence apart from the rest of the comlnunity easily led to the conclusion that that comlnunity had no rights which it could plead against the King, by whom the clergy were protected. The theory that the King had a divine right to obedience apart from the laws of the reahn was one which had failed to find support alnongst the lay Peers in the discussions on the Petition of Right. June s«,,tn Manwaring was therefore condemned to imprison- against him. lncnt during the pleasure of the House, to pay a fine of I,OOO/., to acknowledge his offence, to submit to suspension froln preaching at Court for the remainder of his life, and from preachingelsewhere for three years. He was further forbidden to hold any ecclesiastical or civil çffice, and the King was to be asked to issue a proclamation calling in all copies of his book in order that they might be burnt.  That Manw,ring should be impeached and condemned was a marrer of course. His offence and his punishment are of littlê interest to us now; but itis of great interest to know what answer his challenge provoked, what political principle was advocated by the House of Common5 in reply to the political principle which it condemned. The accusation had been entrusted to Pym, and by Pym's mouth the Commons spoke. "The best form of government,'? he said, "is that which doth actuate and dispose P»-m's reply to Man- cvery part and member of a State to the common waring's de- clarationof good; and as those parts give strength and orna- principle. ment to the whole, so they receive from it again strength and protection in their several stations and degrees If this mutual relation and intercourse be broken, the whole frame will quickly be dissolved and fall in pieces : and instead of this concord and interchange of support, whilst one part seeks to uphold the old form of government, and the other part to introduce a new, they 'ill miserably consume and devour one another. Histories are full of the calamities of whole states and nations in such cases. It is truc that time must needs bring about some alterations, and every alteration is a step and degree towards a dissolution. Those things only are eternal which are constant and uniform. Therefore it is ob- served by the best writers on this subject, that those common- wealths have been most durable and perpetual which bave often reformed and recompsed themselves according to their first institution and ordinance, for by this means they repair the breaches and counterwork the ordinary and natural effects of rime."  What then was the first institution and ordinance of the t tarl, ttist, il. 388, 4xo.  Bacon has the saine conservatism as Pym, but more appreciation of the need of reform. " Itis good also hot to try experinaents in States, except the necessity be urgent, or the utility evident ; and well to beware that it be the reformation that draweth on the change, and hot the desire of change that pretendeth the reformation."--iEssay on lnnm'ations. 314 REIIOA'STI¢AA'CE AND PROtOG.Xl TION. CH. I.XlV. iaws of England ? ym's answer was ready. "There are plain footsteps," he said, "oi those laws in file government of the Saxons. They were of that vigour and force as to overlive the Conquest ; nay, to give bounds and limits to the Con; queror .... It is true they bave been often broken, but they bave been often confirmed by charters of Kings and by Acts of Parliaments. But the petitions of the subjects upon which those charters and Acts were founded, vere ever Petitions of Right, demandlng their ancient and due liberties, not suing for any new." A far nobler view this than Manwaring's. In the historical past of the English peolzle lay the justification of its action in Superiority the present. Beyond the precedents of the lawver fhisview. and the conclusions of the divine, the eye of the statesman rested on the continuity of responsibility in the «ation for the mode in which it was governed. It may be that many things seem otherwise to us than they seemed to Pym, and that we should condelnn actions which to him appeared worthy of all praise ; but our sympathies are nevertheless with Pvm and not with lIanwaring. If there were faults in the House of Commons, if there was a danger of the establishment of a self-seeking aristocracy in the place of a national govern- ment, it was not from Charles that the remedy was likely to corne. Whatever justification nfight be put forth, Charles's assumption of power had been clearly revolutionary. To conduct war and to extort money in defiance of the nation was an act which had nothing in common with those acts which had been done by former sovereigns with the tacit assent of the nation. The root of the old constitution was the respon- sibility of the Crown to the nation, a responsibility which, it is true, was often enforced by violence and rebellion. Yet a view of the constitution which takes no account of those acts of violence is like a vie of geology which takes no account of earthquakes and volcanocs. There was indeed a certain amoum of unconscious insincerity in the legal arguments adduced on either side,  hich, though dealing with the compacts which sanc- tioned the results of force, yet shrank from the acknowledgent that the force itselç the steady determination that a king who i6---8 THE RE.I[OA'STIdA«VCE TO GO OA: spoke for himself and acted for himself should not be permitted to reign, was part of that mass of custom and opinion which, tarying in detail from age to age, but animated in every age by the saine spirit, is, for brevity's sake, called the English con- stitution. To the spirit of this constitution the Tudor princes had, even m their most arbitrary moods, sedulously conformed. No rulers bave ever been so careful to watch the temper of the nation as were Henry VIII. and Elizabeth. That the King was established by God Himself to think and act in opposition to the thoughts and acts vhich the nation delibcrately chose to think best, was a new thing in England, and even when the King was right and the nation was wrong, it was a clmnge for the worse. The Commons did their best to persuade themselves fiom rime to rime that every step taken in the wrong direction had been owing to the King's ministers rather than to himsclf ; but it was growing hard for them to cloe their eyes much longer to the truth. A discovery was now ronde that Man- The K ir.g's .part in the waring's serinons had been licensed for printing by l.'u e of 1Manwaring's the King's special orders, and that too against Laud's book. remonstrances, for even Laud had warned him that many things in the book would be 'very distasteful to the people.'  In one respect Charles hnd gained his object by his accept Subsidies allce of the petition. As soon as it was asce-rtained • "oted. that it was to be enrolled like any other statute, the Subsidy Bill was pushed on, and on the 6th was sent up to the Lords. Of the lemonstrance, however, Charles had hOt heard June 9. the last. It is true that Selden's proposal for renew- r.« V:mo,» ing the impeachment of Buckingham was quietly strance pro- ceededwith, dropped, but it was certain that the naine of Buck- ingham would appear in the Remonstrance. Ail that Charles  Lords  totrnals, iii. 856. Manwaring's abselute appeal to" first principles would probably hot be agreeable to Laud, who preferred leaving such matters to the school, and basing his demands upon the authority of established institutions. 316 REJ[O.V.çTI?ANCE .,,I,Vt) PROI?OG.,'I TI"OeV.. CH. LXIV had gained was that the naine would appear in a state. ment ruade to himself, hOt in an accusation addressed to the Lords. Thê King, in fact, had never understood the reasons which had induced the House, under Eliot's guidance, to prepare this Remonstrance. Hê had fancied that it was a mere weapon of offence intended to wrest ffoln him a better answer to the petition, and certain to be let drop as soon as its purpose had been accomplished. Hê could hOt perceive how deeply the disasters of the years in which he had ruled England had ina- pressed themselves upon the mind of the nation, and so far as he took account of those disasters at ail he argued that they had resulted from the niggardliness of the Commons, hOt flore the incapacity of his own ministers. On June i i I the Remonstrance was finally brought into shape. First came the paragraphs rêlating to religion, including jun«,,, the inevitable demand for the full execution of the "rb« Remon. penal laws against the Catholics and a special com- strance ,«««. plaint against the colnmission which had been issued fr compounding with recusants in the northern counties, of which Sir John Savile had been the leading member, and which had been warmly attacked by Wentworth. Still more Attack on te Armi- bitter was the cry against Arminianism. The Calvin- nians. istic preachers had not, it is true, been actually per- secuted. They had, however, been discountenanced. Books written by their opponents easily found a licenser. ]3ooks written by themselves were scanned more strictly. Laud and Neile were in high favour with the King, and those who adopted their opinions were on the sure road to promotion. Before long the high places of the Church would be occupied exclusively by men whose opinions were those of a minority of the cler" and of a still smaller minority of the laity. It is easy to sec that these complaints were hOt without  The debate in committee is given by Nichola_% and the adoption of the Remonstrance is in the Journals of the same day. Rushworth is elearly wrong in saying the charge against Buckingham was voted on the , 3th. X, Ve here take leave of Nicholas, who gives nothing later than the lllh. 16-8 IUAÆVT OF COVFIDENCE. 3  7 foundation. Itis easy to sec, too, that tbe course of silencing the Arminians, suggested rather than advised by tbe Commons, would have been of little avail. But for the prescrit the main stress of the petition was directed to another quarter, q'he whole history of the past three years was unrolled before the The Duke King, and, after a warm debate, the blame of ail the t,l..d, mischief was laid upon the Duke. "The principal cause," so the House declared, "of whicb evils and dangers we conceive tobe the excessive power of the Duke of Buckingham, and the abuse of that power ; and we humbly sublnit unto your Majesty's excellent wisdom, whether it be safe for yourself or your kingdoms that so great a power as rests in him by sea and land should be in the hands of any one subject whatsoever. And as it is not sale, so sure we are it cannot be for your service; it being impossible for one man to mauage so many and weighty affairs of the kingdom as he hath undertaken besides the ordinary duties of those offices which he holds ; some of which, welI performed, would require the rime and industry of the ablest men: both in counsel and action, that your whole kingdoln will afford, especially in these times ot common danger. And our humble desire is further, that your excellent Majesty will be pleased to take into your prinçely consideration, whether, in respect the said Duke hath so abused his power, it be safe for your Majesty and your kingdom to continue him either in his great offices, or in his place of near- ness and counsel about your sacred person."  The Commons had thus returned to the position which thev had taken up at the close of the last session, as soon as it had becomt: evident that the impeachment would hot Position t-e »-tt be allowed to take its course. They passed what in Com,on». modern rimes would be called a vote of want of confidence in Buckingham. They brought no criminal charges. They asked for no punishment. But they demanded that thc man under whose authority the things of which they complained * These words were inserted after a proposal from Phelips that ,»n'y the Duke's power, and hot the abuse of his power, should be complained of. " Rushworth, i. 69. 318 RE.1IOA'STRA«VCE AND PROROGA TIOA r. cH. LxIv. had been done, should no longer be in a position to guide ail England by his word. On minor points Charles was willing to gratify thê Coin- morts. He allowed his ministers to give out that he.was ready to discountenance the Arminians, which he might easily do, as Laud and lais friends entirely disclaimed the title. He can- celled the patent by which certain Privy Couno_'llors had been empowered, before the meeting of Parliament, to consider the Chr«s,,.in best way of raising money by irregular means, | and notgiveup he announced that Dulbier should hot bring his Bucking- hm. German horse into England.  But he would hot give up the Duke. To abandon Buckingham was to abandon himself. Before the Remonstrance was presented to the King an event occurred which must have served to harden Charles.in the belief that the lnovement against Buckingham Dr. Lambe d ,k- was nothing more than a decent veil for an outbreak ingham, of popular anarchy which if it were not checked lnight sweep away his throne and all else that he held sacred. Dr. Lambe, an astrologer and quack doctor, a man too, if rulnour is to be believed, of infamous lire, had been consulted by Buckingham, and was popularly regarded as the instigator of his nefariousdesigns. Things had now corne to such a pass that nothing was too bad to be believed of the Duke.. Men declared without hesitation that Buckingham had caused the failure of Denbigh's expedition to Rochelle, out of Wild storles told.ofthe fear lest, if the town were relieved, a peace might I,« follow.  His luxury, his immoralities, his bragging incompetence, once the theme of Eliot's rhetoric, were now sung in ballads passed from hand to hand. In these verses it was told how he .had poisoned Hamilton, Southampton, Oxford, Lennox, and even King .lames himself; how he had sat in a boat out 9f the way of danger, whilst his men werê being slaughtered in the Isle .of Rhé ; how he was indifferent to the  Parl. Itist. il. 417 ; Zords' ournals, iii. 86. See p. 224.  Rushwor;h, i. 623. • Contarini to the Doge, Jt, ne - Ven. T»anscrits, 2P. O. 16. DR. LA.IIBE'g JIURDER. 3x9 ravages of the Dunkirkers and to the ruin of the country,  »vhilst he employed Dr. Lambe to corrupt by his love-charms the chastest women in England. Even at Cambridge the judicious Meade round himself treated with contempt for venturing to suggest that the Duke's faults arose from inca- pacity rather than from any settled purpose to betray the kingdom.  Whilst such thoughts were abroad, Dr. Lambe stepped forth one evening from the Fortune Theatre. A crowd of London J«ne » apprentices, ever ready for anmsement or violence, ,,,oç gathered round him. hooting at him as the Duke's D. Lb« devil. Fearing the worst, he paid some sallors to guard him to a tavern in Moorgate Street, where he supped. When he came out he round some of the lads still standing round the door, and imprudently threatened them, telling them 'he would make them dance naked.' As he walked they followed his steps, the crowd growing denser every minute. In the Old Jewry he turned upon them with his sai]ors, and drove them off. The provocation thus given was too much for the cruel instinct of the mob. A rush was ruade at him, and he was driven for refuge into the Windmill Tavern. Stones began to fly, and the howling crowd demanded its victim. In vain the landlord disguised him before he sent him out. There was another scamper through the streets, another attempt to find refuge. The toaster of the second bouse satisfied his conscience by dismissing him with four constables to guard him. Such aid was of little a(,ail. The helpless protectors were dashed aside. The object of popular hatred was thrown bleeding on the ground. Blows from sticks and stones and pieces of board snatched up for the occasion fell like rain upon his quivering flesh. After he could no longer speak to plead for mercy, one of his eyes was beaten out of its socJ!.et. No man :ould open his doors to receive the all but lifeless body of the detested necromancer. He ,-as at last carriçd to the Compter prison where he dled on the following morning.  l1rholt's Poems and Songs relating to the Duke of Bucklngham» tèr O, Society. - lIeade to, Stutevillei July I2, G,urtan,1 Timë i. 373. 2o RE.1IOA'STRAVCE AA'D PROROGATIO.OE CH. LXI7. Charles, when he heard the news, was greatly affected. The murderers had been heard to say that if the I)uke had been there they would have handled him worse. They June x6. T,« :i,g's would have minced his flesh, and have had everyone di -pleaure. a bit of him. He summoned before him the Lord Mayor and .\ldermen, bidding them to discover the offenders, t and he subsequently imposed a heavy fine upon the City for their failure to dctect the guilty persons. The King's heart was hardened against the assailants of the Duke. To sift the statements of the Remonstrance, or to promise an inquiry into the cause of the late disasters, would be beneath his dignity. He determined to meet the charges or the Commons as a mere personal attack upon innocence. The Tth was the day fixed by Charles for the recel»tion of the Remonstrance. The day before, he sent to the Star «»a«t« Chambcr an order that ail documents connected inPr°ceedingsthe Star with the sham prosecution of Buckingham which Ch.mb had followed the last dissolution, should be removed against the Duke to froln the file; 'that no memory thereof remain of be taken fromthefile, the record against him which may tend to his disgrace.'  When the reading of the Remonstrance was ended, Charles answered curtly. He did hot expect, he said, such a remon- Jn« If. strance from them after he had so graciously granted A,,.«t« them their Petition of Right. They COlnplained of Remon- strance. ievances in Church and State, 'wherein he per- ceived they understood not what belonged to either so well as he had thought they had done. As for their grievances, he would çonsidcr of them as they should deserve.' When he had finished, Buckingham threw himself on his knees, asking permission to answer for himself. Charles would hot allow him to do so, giving him his hand to kiss in the presence of his accusers) If it had hot been too late for anything to have availed  Meade to Stuteviile, Jur.e , J,me 9, Court and Timc«, i. 364, 367- Diary, S..P..Dom. cii. 57- A'u«Aworî, i. 61.  Rushworth, i. 66. n Meade to Stuteviile, June 2, Court and 77m_'r, i. 364. 16.8 .SA TII¢zS O,V BUC'A'LVGH4.1L 3  -  Buckingham, it might be thought that he had judged better Cotrast for himself than his toaster had done. His way was between Buckingham to meet charges boldly and defiantly. Charles's way n«Charl«». was tO relapse into silence, to fall back upon his insulted dignity, and to dêmand the submission to his mere word which argument could alone bave secured for him. His own notions were to him so absolutely true that they needed no explanation. So far as Buckingham was able, he sought to meet the charges against him. It had been rumoured in the House of Commons that the Duke had said, "Tush ! it makês no matter what the Commons or Parliament doth ; for without my leave and authority they shall hOt be able o touch the hair of a dog." Buckingham In vain Buckingham protested that the slander wa d«nis absolutely untrue.  The accusation was repeated in slanderous story, verses drawn up to suit the popular taste, in which the Duke was ruade to declare lais entire independence of the popular feeling. "Meddle," he is ruade to sa), to his oppo- nents-- ,, Meddle vith common matters, common wrongs, To the House of Commons comlnon things belongs. They are extra spl,rram that you treat of nov, And ruin to yourselves will bring, I vow, Except you do desist, and learn to bear What wisdom ought to teach you, or your fear. Leave hiln the oar that best knows how to row, And State to him that best the State doth know. Though Lambe be dead, Fil stand, and you shall see, I'll stalle at them that can but bark ai me." z Though in reality these words applied far more correctly to the King than to Buckingham, so long as Buckingham was in favour no man would believe how great a part Charles had in his own calamities. "Who rules the kingdom ?" were the words of a pasquinade found nailed to a post in Coleman ' Lords' fftournals, iii. 897. "-' Poems on Buckingham, t'ercy Socicty, 3 o. VOL. VI. Y  RE3IOA'STRIWCE IA'D PROROG.zt TIO,': cH. LXlV. Street. "The King. Who rules the King? The Duke. Who rules the Duke? The devil. Let the Duke look to it." 1 Under the influence of the feeling provoked by the rejection of the Remonstrance the Comlnons went into committee on the Bill f)r the grant of tonnage and poundage which Jun¢ T 4, "ronn.g«,,d had been brought in at the beginning of the session, »o,dg,. but had been postponed on account of the pressure of other business. With the exception of the merest fragment, no record of the debates in this committee has reached us ; but we learn from a contemporary letter  that the Commons, whilst making a liberal grant, equal to the whole of the customs and imposts put together, wished to alter the incidence of some of the rates, partly because they considered them too heavy on certain articles, partly for the preservation of their wn right to make the grant. As soon as it appeared that the work to which the Commons had set themselves would take two or three months, they pro- lfissatisfac- posed to pass a telnporary Bill to save the rights which tionofthe they claimed, leaving ail further discussion till the King. next session. When the King refused to assent to this proposal, they expressed a wish that they might have an adjourn- ment instead of a prorogation. In this way the Act, when finally lassed at their next meeting, would take effect from the be- ginning of the session in the past winter, and the illegality, as they held it, of the actual levy would be covered by it. It may be that the Commons did hOt at the rime naea more than they said, and had no fixed intention of us'ng their claim to be the sole originators of the right to levy customs' duties in order to compel the King to attend to their political grievances. It may very well bave seemed to Charles that the case was otherwise ; and the more persistent they were in asserting their right, the more determined ho was hOt to give way on a point where concession would lnake it impossible for him to govern the kingdom except in accordance with their views. If the Commons saw fit at their next meeting to vote him less than the old tonnage and poundage and the new ina- t Meade to Stuteville, June 29, Court and Times, i. 367,  Nethersole to Èlizabeth, Jt, ne 3% S. t . Dom. cviii. 5zo x628 A,VO THER RE,IIOA'.S'TRAA'CE. 3--'3 positions put together, he would be landed ,n a perpetual deficit, even if a treaty of peace could be signed at once with France and Spain. For Charles a perpetual deficit meant the expulsion of Buckingham froln his counsels and the domina- tion of Puritanism in the Church ; in other words, it meant lais own surrender of that Royal authority which had been handed down to him from lais predecessors--a surrender far more complete than he had contemplated in giving lais assent to the Petition of Right. Accordingly, on the 23rd Charles sent a message once more June=s. declaring that he had fixed a date for the proroga- Theproroga- tion. The Houses might sit till the 26th, but they tion deter- rained on. should sit no longer. The Commons at once proceeded to draw up another Re- monstrance. They would not bave complained, they asserted, if an adjournment and not a prorogation had been offered. In that case the matter would have been taken up when they met again, and the Act when passed would bave given a retro- spective sanction to all duties levied under it since the com- mencement of the session. The Colnmons then proceeded to declare that no imposition ought to be laid upon the goods of merchants, exported or imported, without cornmon consent by Act of Parliament ; which, they said to the King, ' is the right and inheritance of your subjects, founded not only upon the most ancient and original constitutions of this kingdom, but often confirmed and declared in divers statute laws.' They had hoped that a Bill lnight have been passed to satisfy the King in the present session. "But not being now.able," they con- cluded by saying, "to accomplish this their desire, there is no course left unto them, without manifest breach of their duty both to your Majesty and their country, save only to make this humble declaration : That the receiving of tonnage June 25. l,on- and poundage and other ilnpositions not granted by strace on ,on.,gna Parliament, is a breach of the fundamental liberties v.,ag« o this kingdom, and contrary to your Majesty's Royal answer to their late Petition of Right ; and therefore thev do most humbly beseech your Majesty to forbear any further rcceiving the saine ; and not to take if in ill part from those of 4 RE,]IOWSTRAWCt .,4WD PROROGATIOA: cH. LXW. vour Majesty's loving subjects who shall refuse to make pay- ment of any such charges without warrant of law demanded. • knd as, by this forbearance, your most excellent Majesty shall manifest unto the world your Royal justice in the observation of your laws, so they doubt not but hereafter, at the rime ap- ponted for their coming together again, they shall bave occa sion to expr¢ss th¢ir gr¢at desire to advance your Majesty's honour and profit."  Rather than listen to such words as these, Charles deter- mmed to hasten the end of the session by a few hours. tturriedly, and without taking time to put on the usual robes, he entered th¢ House of Lords early the next morning, almost as soon as the Peers had met. "My I.ords and Gentlemen," he said, when the Commons had bèen summoned, "it may seem strange that I corne so Juhe 6. suddenly to end this session; wherefore, before "l'he King's give my assent to the Bills, I will tell you the cause; peech. though I must avow that I owe an account of my actions but to God alone. It is known to everyone that a while ago the House of Commons gave me a Remonstrance, how acceptable every man may judge ; and for the merit of it I xx-ill hot call that in question, for I ara sure no wioe man can iustil' it. "No% since I am certainly informed that a second monstrance is preparing for me, to take away my chief profit tonnage and poundageone of the chief maintenances of the Crownby alleging that I have given away my right thereof by my answer to your petition ; this is so prejudicial unto me that I am forced to end this session some few hours before I meant it, being willing not to receive any more Remonstrances to which I must give a harsh answer. " And since I sec that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constructions of what I granted in your petition, lest it might be worse interpreted in the country I will now make a declaration concerning the truc meaning thereof " The profession of both Houses, in time of hammering  Parl. flirt, ii. 43. 162' END OF TItE SESSIONS,; 325 this petition, was no ways to entrench upon my prerogative, saying they had neither intention nor power to hurt it : therê- fore it must needs be conceived I granted no new, but only confirmed the ancient liberties of lny subjects ; yet, to show the clearness of my intentions, that I neither repent nor mean to recede from anything I have promised you, I do here declare that those things which have been donc whereby men had some cause to suspect the liberty of the subjects to be trenched upon --which indeed was the first and true ground of the petition-- shail not hereafter be drawn into example for your prejudice ; and in time to corne, on the word of a King, you shall hOt bave the like cause to complaln. "But as for tonnage and poundage, it is a thing I cannot want, and was never intended by you to ask--never meant, I aln sure, by me to grant. "To conclude, I command you ail that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your petition, but es- pecially you, my Lords the Judges--for to you only, under me, belongs the interpretation of laws ; for none of the House of Commons, joint or separate--what new doctrine soever may be raised--have any power either to make or declare a law without nly consent." t Afier the Royal assent had been given to a few Bills the session was formaIIy brought to an end by prorogation to Octo- ber 2o. It was the first time in his reign that Charles Parliament vorogd, had ended a session otherwise than by a dissolution. u.¢hb«- Yet the crisis was more serious, the breach more tween the Kingandthe complete and hopeless, than ever before. In 1625 Lommons. the King had been asked by the Commons to take counsel with persons upon whom dependence could be placed. In 626 he had been asked to dismiss one unpopular minister from his service. In 628 his whole policy was to be chauged at home and abroad, his whole personal feeling was to be sacrificed by the condemnation of Laud and Neile as well as of the great Duke himself. Statesmen and divines who were 1 Lord$' .,lirHal$, iii. 879. The last clause is corrected from ParL llist, il. 434- 3._6 RE.IIOVSTRA.VCE AA'D PtQRCGA TIO2V. CH. LXv. pleasing to the Cotlamcns were to be promoted : statesmen and divines who were displeasing to them were to be dis- couraged and silenccd. The will of the Lower House was to be the rule by which ail that was taught and ail that was done in England was from henceforward to be gauged ; and this claire to sovereignty--for it was nothing less--was backed by the ominous claire to relieve individual persons from the duty ,.f paying to the Crown dues which, though they had been de- «ared illegal by a resolution of the ttouse of Commons, had been declared to be legal by the judges. It would Charles K, rmallyin have taxed the Commons to the utmost, if the the right, opportunity had been afforded them, to answer the King within the lines of existing constitutional practice. That the judges, and not the King, were to decide questions affecting the libcrty of the subject had been the point pressed most firmly by the Commons in the debates on the Petition of Right. Yet now they proceeded to ignore entirely the fact that thc unreversed decision of the judges in the case of impositions was clearly on the King's side. If the Commons ere to sus- pend the payment of these duties by their own resolution in the face of a judicial decision, why might they not suspend the operation of any law vhatever against which they entertained objections ? And, unless new checks were provided, what would government by the resolutions of a single House lead to but the tyranny which enabled Cromwell to turn the key on the expelled Long Parliament, and which in the following century roused the thinking part of the nation to take up the defence of a man so unworthy as Wilkes ? Nor was it only in his resolution to leave the interpretation of the laws to the judges that Charles took ground which was wa to,g at least formally defensible. That the words of the , vo,d- Petition of Right, praying that ' no man hereafter be age included in the Pe- compelled to make or yield any gift, loan, benevo- fition of Right? lence, tax, or such like charge, vithout common consent by Act of Parliament,' ought to have covered the case of customs' duties is a proposition from which few would now be inclined to clissent. Yet amongst the words used, only * tax ' was sufficiently general to be supposed for a moment to t628 THE CASE FOR THE A'LVG. 327 cover the case of duties upon imports and exports, and even that word, though often used loosely to apply to payments of every kind, had the specific meaning of direct payments, and in this sense would hOt be at all applicable to the dues which were levied at the ports. When, therefore, Charles said that in granting the petition he had never intended to yield on this point, he undoubtedly said nothing less than the truth. He might have said even more than he did. It is as certain as anything can well be that, either because they did hOt wish to enhance the difficulty of obtaining a satisfactory answer from the King, or because they expected to gain their object in another way, the Colnmons never had any intention to include the question of tonnage and poundage in the Petition of Right. The Tonnage and Poundage Bill had been brought in early in the session. From rime to time it had been mentioned, but, except a few words from Phelips, nothing had been said to give to it any sort of prominence. What would bave been easier than, by the addition of one or two expressions to the petition, to include the levy of these duties amongst the grievances of the House ? Yet nothing of the kind was done, though the words of the petition, as was known to every lawyer, if hOt to everv member of the House, were such as would hOt be acknowledged by the King to cover the case of tonnage and poundage. What was still nore important was that the Petition of Right, like everv other statute, was subject to the interpretation of the judges, and that it was well known that the judges were in the habit of deciding every doubtful point in favour of the Crown. It was therefore with full knowledge that the anabiguous word 'tax' would not carry with it the consequences which they now wished to derive from it, that the framers of the petition, them- selves being lawyers of the highest eminence, had abstained from strengthening their work with other words which would bave put an end to all doubt. For these reasons, the insertion of the apFeal to the Petition of Right in the final Remonstrance can only be regarded as a daring attempt to take up new ground  The notes of Montague's speech in the l"arl, l)«batcs in I61o give "Tax or tallage only by t'arliament. Custom or imposition proceed fro,, « regal power, and matter of inheritance in the King." 3-'8 RE.1IO_A, rSTR4WCE .,4WD PROROG.,4 TION. CH. which would place the right of the House above that decision given in the last reign by the Court of Exchequer, which they had hitherto contested in vain. 1 It by no means follows, however, that the Commons, if formally in the wrong, may not have been materially in the Thecase for right. Legal decisions cannot bind a nation for ever, ,eCom- and the power of saying the last word, with all the ons. terrible responsibilities which weigh upon those who pronounce it, musc be with those by whom the nation is most fully represented. The Commons had at least shown that they had confidence in the English people. In every petition çhich had corne before them relating to Che exercise of the franchise, they had always decided in favour of the most extended rigbt of voting which it was in their power to ackno-- ledge. Great as was the influence of wealthy landowners in returning members to the House, those members had no wish to be anything else than the representatives of the nation. 2 With the nation their conservatisln placed them ata great advantage as the defenders of what to that generation was the old religion and the old law. In his resistance to Calvinistic dogmatism, in his desire to make the forces of the nation more easily available for what he conceived to be national objects, Charles was che advocate of change and innovation. His weakness lay in his utter ignorance of men, in his incapacity to subordinate that which was only desirable to that which was possible, and above all, in his habitual disregard of chat primary axiom of govern- ment, chat men may be led though they cannot be driven. He looked upon the whole world through a distorting lens. If t The wording of this clause in the pelition is 'that no man hereafter he compelled to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax, or such like charge without common consent by Act of Parliament.' In the Tonnage and Poundage Act of che Long Parliament we hear 'that no subsidy, cus- tom, impost, or any charge whatsoever ought to be laid or imposed upon any merchandise exported or import¢d.' In Che debates in 61o the ques- tion was almost entirely debated, especially on the side of the Cown, as if customs' duties were to be treated apart from other taxation.  For the results of this work in committee I must refer to Mr. Forster. Sir . E;iot, ii. x 19. TftE CASE AGAL'VST THE A'LVG. 3"2_9 Buckingham was far from being the scoundrel which popular opinion imagined him to be, ti failures could hOt be ascribed, as Charles thought fit to ascribc them, to mere accident. If Calvinistic orthodoxy must, sooner or later, be struck down in England, it was not from Laudian uniformity that the biow could come. In Charles blindness, narrow-mindedness, and obstinacy, combined with an exaggerated sense of the errors of his opponents, were laying the sure foundations of future ruin. Then would corne the turn of the Commons, the day when they too would learn that sovereignty is only permanently en- trusted to those who can represent the nation with wisdom as well as with sympathy. The secret of the future was with those who could guide England into the sure haven of religious liberty. It was not enough to say that the Commons represented England in 1628 as well as Eiizabeth represented England'in 1.588. Elizabeth at least took care that all manner of com- plaints should reach her ears, and that no man should be ex- cluded from her Privy Council on account of his opinions. If the preponderance in the constitution was to pass from the King to the House of Commons, many a compensating change would be needed before the great alteration could be safely effected. Above all, opinion must be set free to an extent of which Pym and Coke never dreamed, if it were only that the nation might itself receive that enlightenment which had in old times been thought necessary for the sovereign. Such considerations, however, were still in the future. Though men were beginning to feel, and sometimes to act, as if some constitutional change was necessary, they had nc, t yet learned to give verbal expression to their thoughts. If Charles was still sovereign of England in the eyes of others, more espe- cially was he sovereign in his own eyes. Unhappily he did not see in past events a reason for acting so as to regain the hearts of his people. Having the opportunity of flinging Ecclesias- ticalappoint- defiance in the face of the Commons, he chose to ments, place in high positions in the Church the men whom he knew to be most unpopular. Not long ago Neile had been transferred from Durham to Winchester; and now Mon- taigne, the old, infirm, luxurious Bishop of London, who was 33o RE«IONSTI.4A'CF A.VD PROIOGATIO;: cH. LXlV. at the moment best known as the licenser of Manwaring's ser- ruons, was promoted first to Durham, and then to the july. Archbishopric of York ;  whilst the See of London, with ail its authority over a more than ordinarily Cal- vinistic clergy and people, was handed over to Laud.  Howson, one of Laud's chief supporters amongst the bishops, was raised to the important See of Durham ; 3 Buckeridge, another of his supporters, having been recently translated to Ely.* Yet the promotion which gave the greatest offence was undoubtedly that of Richard Montague to the bishopric of Chichester. » Whatever Montague's merits may have been, a wise king would not have chosen such a moment to promote a man so unpopular. The very circumstance which should have told most against him was doubtless that which most recommended him to Charles's fa¢our. The Puritans must be ruade to understand that they had no standing ground in the English Church; and how could that be brought more clearly before their eyes than by the promotion of a man who openly declared them to be a usurping faction ? Scarcely less unwise was Charles's course with Manwaring. It can hardi), be wondered that he desired to relieve the un- !ucky divine from the penalties which had befallen him for advo- cating a doctrine which in the King's eyes had only been pushed too f»r. Carles was indeed careful to mark his dissent from the extreme form which that doctrine had taken. In July 6. ,,,ring'» the pardon which he caused to be drawn up for Man- pardon, waring, he stated that the ground on which it was based was his recantation of the most objectionable part of his opinions. » But Charles did hOt stop here. He conferred upon Manwaring the rectory of Stanford Rivers, just vacated by Montague,  again confirming the assertion of the Commons, that promotion in the Church was becoming the exclusive prolerty of that section whose opinions were regarded with ab- horrence by the majority of the clergy and of the religious laitv.  Date of congd d'élire, June 5-  July 4.  July 4- * April 8. » CarieA ,t'élire, Jul)- 8. « The King to l[eath, July 6, S. . Data. cix. 42.  Docquet, Jul)- ,628 I"tïMCtï II'ITtt SPALV IffOPED FOR. 33 t "Fhese promotions in the Church had been ruade in the first swing of indignation against the Puritans, to whom Charles and Buckingham 1 traced ail their calamities. Of the two men, Buckingham, though his impetuousness and self-confidence were perpetually leading him astray, was more accessible than Charles to statesmanlike considerations. When Charles was indined to treat the unpopularity of his govemment as a matter of no moment, and to regard the objections raised against his proceedings with the cool contempt of silence, Buckingham was always ready to give a reason for his actions, Bucklng- ham'«or«ign with the firm assurance that he needed only a fair policy, hearing to set him right with those who disapproved of his conduct. To him, too, the war in which he had engaged was now a matter rather of necessity than of enthusiasm, and he had for some time been seeking to limit its operations. The Negotlatlons correspondence Gerbier continued to carry on with with Spain. Rubens gave some reason to believe that Spain would still be induced, through jealousy of France, to make peace with England ; and, whatever Buckingham ma)" have thought of the matter, the sanguine mind of Charles was hot without some hopes of obtaining in this way the restitution of the Palatinate and an acknowledgment of the independence of the l)utch republic3 Circumstances, too, had occurred in Italy which ruade it hot impossible that Spain might be brought to make unusual con- a'hes««- cessions. In December the Duke of lantua had ,io, « died, leaving as the undoubted heir to his possessions Blantua. a distant kinsman, the Duke of Nevers, whose family had long been settled in France. Against this extension of French influence in Italy the Emperor interfered, claiming the right, as King of Italy, to dispose of vacant fiefs, a right which he was inclined to exercise, as far as lantua was concerned. in favour of another candidate ho would have been "ntirely t Laud, in bis ttistory of the Troubles (ll'orks, iv. 73), says that lIontague's appointment was procured by Buckingham.  The papers translated in Mr. Sainsbury's A'ubens should be compared with Contarini's despatches, afier maldng allowance for the anti-Sp«nish feeling of the Venetian, and his consequent tendency to suspect ail sorts o[ Ieachery in Charles and/3uckingham. 332 REàIO«VSTRAzVCE AVD PROROGATION. CH. LXV. under the influence of Spain. At the saine rime the Duke of Savoy, who had lately been swinging round in his political alliances, proposed to divide with Spain the territo of Mont- ferrat, which had formed part of the do:ninions of the deceased Duke. Charles was still anxious to push on the war in all directions. Though it was a point of honour with him to succour Rochelle at all risks, he would gladly have saved the King of April. CarLisLe's Denmark and the German Protestants as well, if he b,y. had only known how to doit. Carlisle was therefore sent in April on a special mission to Savoy. He was to visit the l)uke of Lorraine on his way, in order to stir him up against France; and when he reached Turin he was to take advan- tage of the disturbances in Italy to embitter the rising quarrcl between France and Spain, and thus to leave room for the freer action of England at Rochelle and in the North of Germany. Whatever might corne of these various negotiations, the idea of a forced retirement from Continental affairs was hot entertained either in the Court or the Council of Charles. As soon as the acceptance of the Petition of Right Warlike had given assurance that the subsidies would be projects, really voted, the Privy Council began to discuss the best mode of sending a force to assist the King of Denmark to maintain himself in Glckstadt and Krempe, which were still holding out. Morgan's men who had surrendered at Stade were to be employed for the purpose; and Dulbier's horse, which could hot now be landed in England, were to be kept in Germany or the Netherlands, in ortier that they might be used in defence of the North German Protestants as soon as Rochelle had been either captured or relieved.  The belief, in fact, was rapidly gaining ground that the war with France i Carlisle's instructions, March IO, I-farL ,]ISS. 1584, fol. I73. - Conway to Carleton, June 7, IO, S. t 9. I-Zolland. Morgan's men were to be reduced to one regiment of 1,5oo men, and were offered tem- porarily to the Dutch, to be paid by England "and lodged.and fcd by the States-General. D. Carleton to the States-General, Julv 6 .4dd. MSS " 16' t7,677, M. fol. 256. t628 PORTER SENT TO SP.4[A. 333 would not be of long continuance. It was hardly thought pos- july. sible that the great expedition now preparing could Vro.vects « fail to relieve Rochelle ; and if Rochelle were once peace with l:r--nce relieved, whether peace were formally concluded with France or not, there would be no further need for any great exertions in that quarter. If, on the other hand, the attempt ended in failure, Rochelle must of necessity submit, and the saine result would ensue. In either case, Charles would be at liberty to turn his attention to Gerlnany. The only question therefore was whether the opening of nego- tiations with Spain should be encouraged. Buckingham had andwith now veered round to his earlier policy of I622, and Spain. was hoping everything fronl the friendliness of Spain. " Let us make peace with Spain, and settle the affairs of the Palatinate," he said to the Savoyard alubassador, the Abbot of Scaglia, "and then the Dutch will do as we please." At all evcnts, he assured the Abbot, there should be no peace with France till an answer had been received to the offer about tobe addressed to Spain. 1 It was finally arranged that Endynaion Porter, once the messenger who had marie arrangelnents for Charles's journey to Madrid, should make his way to Spain in order to corne to an understanding with Olivares, and to assure him that, if it were thought necessary, Buckingham would corne in person to carry on the negotiation for peace. 9 The hope entertained in England seems to have been that the Spaniards would throw their whole strength into Ital)', thus leaving Ger- lnany free. Buckingham was far more anxious than Charles for the success of these negotiations. Ver hot long after the proroga- c«s tion, Carles sent a message to the Prince of Orange, i,«om tl,e informing hiln that, ' being unable to bear the burden Prince of Oa,g« of war against two such great kings,' he had resolved to listen to the Spanish overtures for a treaty in which the restoration of the Palatinate and the pacification of the Nether- t Statement enciosed in a letter fixm the Infanta Isabeila to Philip IV.» June, .ug. 7 Se--êi-Ç. 6' trussels  The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., Oct. 4 ltTtssels I]ISS, 334 REMGWSTR.4At'E AWD I'ROROGA TIONS: CH. LXlV. lands would be expressly included, z The proposal was received with astonishment and indignation at the Hague, where the ('ircumstance that Carlisle, in passing through Brussels, had an audience of the Infanta was considered as enough to indicate the intention of Charles to conclude a separate peace. The l)utch ambassadors in England were accordingly instructed to remonstrate all the more warmly against any such purpose, because it was believed by the States-General that even a peace m which they were themse]ves included would be most dele- terious to their interests, as leaving the Spaniards free to act in aid of the Empcror in Germany. Naturally enough, too, the ])utch found a warm advocate in the Venetian ambassador, to whom Charles's project of putting an end to the troubles of the North by fanning the flames of war in Italy appeared to be an act of the blackest ingratitude. Neither he nor the Dutch am- bassadors were inclined to believe Charles's assurances that nothing should be done without the knowledge of his allies. Yet there is no reason to doubt Charles's sineerity. As he had scarcely as yet opened his eyes to the absolute necessity of putting an end to the war on account of the poverty of his exchequer, he was likely enough to flatter himself that it was in his power to continue fighting on his own terres, and to reject any offers from Spain which might be disagreeable to hs sense of right.  It is impossible to disconnect these diplomatic efforts from the personal changes which at the same time took place in the Govermnent. The anxiety for the future which led Changes h ,h¢t;o¢n- Buckingham to attempt to impose a limit upon his military operations abroad, was also shown in his desire to meet Parliament, when it re-assembled, in something like a conciliatory spirit. Although in the King's present temper it would be impossible to expect that Charles would consent to give much satisfaction to the Puritans, it might be  Extract from a despatch of the Prince of Orange in Contarini's despatch of July s July rz * The Dutch Ambassadors to the -States-General, u---]. ' .4dd. ISS. x8, Julv 8 t7,677, M. fol. 66 ; Contarini to the Doge,'July ., In. Tran- , itts , 1. O. I6z-'8 I! "I-A'TII "ORTtt%" PA'ERA GE. 335 possible, ff once success at Rochelle should bave limted the extent of the war, to restore order to the finances, and also to gain the good-will of men whose names would seem tobe a guarantee for the strict execution of the Petition of Right, and who would yet be the last to acquiesce in the clama of the House of Commons to direct the external polic," of the kingdom. Such men were to be found in the leaders of the ma.orlty of the House of Lords. Bristol and Arundel were therelore restored to favour, and Weston, who was practically Weston, Lor«a',«a- one in policy with them, became Lord Treasurer. Marlborough, old and thoroughly ineffi«ient, found a place as President of the Council, and Manchester became Privy Seal, Worcester having died some months before. It was certain that the influence of these men would be exerted in favour of economy and peace, and that they would give their countenance to an understanding with the House of Commons, if they could attain that object without diminishing that which they regarded as the legitimate authority of the King. A para- graph in a letter written by Weston to the Duke, doubtless ex- pressed the feelings of the others as well. " I long to see you at home again with honour, in a quiet and settled Court, studying his Majesty's affairs, which require two contrary things to cure them--rest and vigilancy."  The letter-writers of the day are full of news of these changes at Court, and of others which have less interest in our eyes. On one promotion, vhich has never ceased to en- gage the attention of Englishmen, they are entirely silent. Not Julyee. one of them notices the fact that on July 2 Sir wtwo,t Thomas Wentworth became Lord Wentworth, and reated a . was, on Weston's introduction, received into favour by Charles. lrrom that time to this no word bas been found too hard for the great apostate, the unworthy deserter of the principles ,a»h«, of his youth. Those who bave studied the true ,vo»t«:, records of the session which had just corne to an end are aware that he was neither an apostate nor a deserter. The ' Wcston fo Buckingham, Aug. 8, S. P. 13oto. cxiii. 4. 335 RE,[IOW._çTRA.'VCE AIVD PVOVOGATIO«: cH. LXIV. abuses struck at by the Petition of Right he regarded as prejudicial to government as well as injurious to the subject. When they had been swept away he was free to take his own course ; and that course must have been greatly determined by the proceedings of the Commons in the last days of the session. With Puritanism he had no sympathy whatever. He had no confidence in the House of Commons as an instrument of government, and must have regarded its claire to strip thc Crown of tonnage and poundage, and its declaration that sub- jects were released from the obligation of paying those dues, as a proclamation inviting to anarchy. If, however, he thought the Lowcr House unfit to govern England, he was equally of opinion that Buckingham was unfit to govern England. We may well believe, therefore, that he had no anxiety to accepta share in the responsibilities of a Privy Councillor's place at a time when the duties of a Privy Councillor were reduced to the uncongenial task of echoing the words of the all-powerful minister. Many months were yet to pass before Wentworth would be asked to take his seat at the Council board.  The position which he was now called upon to occupy exactly suited his present mood. His peerage removed him from the House of Commons, where he-had been isolated ever since the failure of his effort to mediate between the Çrown and the nation. In the House of Lords he would find, in the lately formed majority, a body of men with whom he could cordially co-operate. ]3ristol and Arundel were as opposed as he vas to the extravagances by which the policy of the Crown had lately been disfigured, whilst they were of one mind with himself in resenting any attempt of the House of Colnmons to make itself toaster of the State. Although it is likely enough that Wentworth had no imme- diate wish to gain that admittance to the Council which was  That he became a Privy Councillor at this rime is a mistake. Sr G. Radcliffe (Strafford Z«ttêrs, ii. App. 43o) having put together the two year. 625 and 629, seem» to say that he became a Privy Councillor in Michaelmas terre, 628. The ttue date, as we learn from the Council A'egist,', is Nov. o, 620, a fact of considerable importançe in an estimate of Wentworth's charactr. 16-8 IVEA'TII'ORTH AS A STATES,IA,V. 337 dnied him by Charles, it is also likely that he aspired, dt a hot distaut future, to a higher post than any which was for the pre- sent open to him. No man knew better than he that the war must soon corne to an end for want of supplies, and that the policy of abstention from interference with the Continent which he had advocated from the beginning would be forced upon Charles. When peace was restored the hour of Wentworth would Hi,:expected corne. For the prescrit he was content with the pro- vred«- mise that he should before long succeed the Earl of hip of the X,,rth. Sunderland as President of the Council of the North. At York he would be far removed from ail responsibility for the general government. At York, too, he would be able to carry out those principles which he had professed in the House of Commons. One of the grave complaints made by the Lower House dt the close of the session had been against the leniency shown by Sunderland to the recusants, aud Wentworth's voice had been raised as loudly as Pym's against this leniency. In rimes of difflculty Charles was ahvays ready to throw the re- cusants over, and there was now an understanding between him and Wentworth that, in this matter dt least, the will of the House of Commons should prevail. To Wentworth himself this temporary abstraction from ail public consideration of national affairs was doubtless extremely wt,oth grateful. We are tempted to ask whether it was aa Parlia- equally beneficial to the nation. In the last session mentary leader, he alone amongst the leaders of the House had shown anything like powers of constructive statesmanship. Coke and Eliot, Pym and Phelips, had been content with the negation of misgovernment. Their wish was »imply that the law and religion of England should remain as it was. Went- worth had not shown himself content with this. An active, vise, and reforming Government was the ideal after which he strove from first to last. In that session, too, Wentworth had developed powers for which those whose knowledge of him is acquired only from the acts of his later lire must have some difficulty in giving him credit. The impetuous haughtiness of his disposition had been curbed before that great assembly which he was learning to VOL. VI. Z 338 REJIOA'STIetWC. tA'D tVeOROGt TIO.{ cH. £xi: lead. There he could be silent and patient, could watch his opportunity till the rime arrived when he could express his special thought in harmony with the thoughts of those around him. Whatever mistakes may bave been committed in judging Wentworth's career, those are hOt wrong who hold that his leadership of the Commons in the early part of the session of I628 was the brightest, noblest period of lais lire. From all this Wentworth was now cut off, hot by his peer- age or by the allurements of power, but by the impossibihty of c« finding a common ground upon which the King and ,,.bi«h«- the House of Commons could work together. If tranged him «,,m t« Charles had abandoned him, as he was to abandon him House of Co,,mo. again, he was still drawn to Charles by ever.v tendency of lais nature. He could persuade himself, as the Ccmmons had persuaded themselves in t6zS, that Charles had erred from want of counsel, and he could hope to breathe into his soul a higher, loftier spirit. Even whilst he had played the foremost part amongst the Commons, he had never been one with them in heart. He could make use of their power over the grant oI subsidies to put an end to the folly and violence of which he complained ; but he could not lift up the standard of Puritanism as Pym or Eliot could lift it up. He could not believe in the capacity for government of a House composed for the most part, as it was of necessity, of men of ordinary abilities. He could not see that in the face of a Government which was hurry- ing a nation against its will into a path from which it recoiled, the mere conservatism of the Lower House, the simple deter- mination to stand in the old paths and to cling to the old familiar religious and political traditions, nfight be, for the moment, the highest political virtue. Wentworth's acceptance of a peerage marked to a great extent the choice which he had ruade ; but more than ttfirteen His time not months--momentous months for England--were to »-t «o,« elapse before he took lais place in the Privy Council and finally threw in his lot with Charles. As yet Buckingham stood in the way. A Council controlled by a minister so in- capable and so headstrong was no place for Wentworth. 339 CHAPTER LXV. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. WOULD the policy foreshadowed in the names of Bristol and Weston be sufficient to save the King from the difficulties which would stare him in the face when Parliament met again? Even if an attempt were ruade to effect some com- promise about tonnage and poundage, the religious difiïculty remained unsolved. There was one man at least in the party which haà played so stirring a part in the House of Lords who had no confidence in the system of giving promotion to a small minority amongst the clergy. Williams had sense enough to Vews« see that the favour shown to Manwaring and Mon- Williams. tague was no road to a settled government. For the high dogmatic ways of Calvinism he had little taste ; but he could not ignore the fact that Calvinism was a great power in England, and he had too much of the instinct of a statesman to treat with contempt the religion of the large majority of the English people. Already, belote the session was at an end, overtures had been ruade to Williams by Buckingham's mother. The Countess had in old days been on famfliar terres witl hiln, and May. o,,t,,s ,,t she may well bave looked at that sagacious counsellor the Cuntess of B,,d,i- as the most likely man to save her son from the ruin h,. which she saw approaching. Belote the end of May, at a time when the Petition of Right, if not accepted by the King, had been definitively accepted by the House of I.ords, she had a long interview witl him, whether at ber son's instigation 340 ASSASSI.VA TIO.V OF IdUCA'I.VGHA.ll. cH..' xv. or hot we cannot say. 1 The result was that Williams, being allowed to kiss the Duke's hand, ruade use of the opportunity to urge the wisdom of a policy of indulgence towards Reconcilia- tion between the Puritans. 13ueking- hamand Unless there is some error in the report which Williarns. bas reached us, Willialns had already recommended that Eliot rather than Wentworth should be selected to receive tokens of the Royal (avour. Though it may be doubted whether Eliot, as matters stood, would have responded to the call. the suggestion, if it was really ruade, showed a clear insight into the political situation. The fact that English Calvinism ex- isted was one which no wise Governlnent could pass by, and though Willialns would hot bave bcen likely to advise Charles to silence l.aud and Montague to please the House of Con» ruons, he would hae advised that Laud and Montague should hOt be permitted to impose their opinions on the rest of the clergy. Williams would, however, have changed his nature it some intrigue had nat been mingled with the wise counsel which he gave. He suggested that his reconciliation with Buckingham should be veiled in profound secrecy, in erder that when he supported a compromise on the dispute about tonnage and poundage in the next session, he might speak with greater authority as an independent member of the Upper House.  Whatever may be the truth about the proposal ruade re- lating to Eliot, there can be no doubt that Williams's counsel was worthy of acceptance. As far as it is possible to argue from cause to consequence, if Williams had been trusted by Charles instead of Laud, there would have been no civil war and no dethronement in the future.  The fact of the interview between them is ail that s known. V'ood- ward to Windebank, May aS, S. t'. Z)om. er. 55-  t[acket, ii. 8o, 83 . Mr. Hallam, who bas been followed by Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Forster, fancied that this promise of support referred to Williams's behaviour in the debates on the Petition of Right ; whereas any- one who will read Hacket's words with the least attention will sec that it refers to the ' next session.' Williams's conduct is, perhaps, open to cen- sure, but it does hot deserve all the blame which bas been bestowed upon if. tic as perfectly straightforward about tl.e petition. 62 H'ILLIAJ[S AA'D CMRLETOA . It is needless to pursue the speculation further. Bucking- ham's difll- culties. ingham. not speak would be How could Eliot trust the overtures of a King who had just given a bishopric to Montague and a rich living to 3Ian- waring? Nor could Williams be sure even of Buck- If Williams could speak of wise toleration, he could otherwise than as an advocate of peace, and peace the ruin of the I)uke. 1)uring the whole of the last rive years Buckingham had been planning some effective blow against Spain or France, some brilliant achievement which was to fix upon himself the admiring gaze of a whole continent. How could he settle down to the ordinary drudgery of attending to the administration of the law, of balancing arguments for or against religious liberty, of improving the finances, and banishing corruption from the machinery of government ? On all these questions Williams and Laud, Wentworth and Weston, would have something to say. The brilliant I)uke, who had for more than three years been in the King's stead in the eyes of the na- tion, would bave to sit as a learner at the feet of those towards whom he had hitherto played the part of a providence upon earth. There was one man, with little rem knowledge of England, who was eager to lead Buckingham in a more congenial path. Cr«ton' In the middle of June Carleton hld returned from ia««« the Hague. He soon gained Buckingham's entire con- fidence, and received from him a promise that belote long he should be Secretary in place of Conway, whose health had lately july 25. become impaired. He vas soon raised, as Viscount He i«raised Dorchester, to a higher step in the peerage. The to a Vis- countcy, new Viscount was too completely dependent on Court favour to advocate a policy which would be unpalatable to his patron ; but there could be no doubt that if he round a favour- able moment he would advocate, hot a general peace such as Wentworth and Williams desired, but a peace with France which would enable Buckingham to turn his attention to Ger- many and to reconquer popularity by achieving the recovery of the Palatinate.  t After Buckingham's death Dorchester wrote as foIIows : « MTy privare respects are many testimonies of his love, and none greater than a purpoçe he declared unto me upon my last return from ,our Majesty and bath 342 ASSASSIA'A TIO.V OF IUCA'IA'GHA.|L cH. LXV One step was taken by Buckingham to conciliae popular opinion. His retention of many offices had long been marrer of complaint, and he now divested himself of the Bucking- «s ur- Wardenship of the Cinque Ports. That which might tender of the Cinque have gained him credit in 1625 could gain him Ports. no credit now, even if he had not chosen as his successor Suffolk, the cowardly Peer who had brought a false charge against Selden, and had shrunk from supporting the accusation.  Ahnost at the saine rime an attempt was ruade to win back Restoration the friendship of the 19utch Government. The East ofthe East Indiamen seized in the utumn were restored, on an Indi',met to te tut¢, engagement that effectual steps should be taken to investigate the truth of the massacre of Amboyna.  Was it indeed possible for Buckingham to shake off hs past and to replace himself in tbe position from which he had started in 1624? One terrible object must bave been ever larogress of the iegeof before his eyes to remind him that things were hOt l