;co
THE
WILTSHIRE
Irrjjrcolngirol nnil Jintnrnl
MAGAZINE,
ttttfcer tlje fptrcction of tljc
FORMED IN THAT COUNTY, A.D. 1853.
EDITED BY REV. E. H. GODDARD, CLYFFE VICARAGE, SWINDON. VOL. XXXVIII.
1913—1914.
DEVIZES : C. H. WOODWARD, EXCHANGE BUILDINGS, STATION ROAD.
DECEMBER, 1914.
'0
CONTENTS OF VOL. XXXVIII.
No. CXIX. JUNE, 1913.
The Re-Erection of Two Fallen Stones, and Discovery of an Interment
with Drinking Cup, at Avebury : By MRS. M. E. CUNNINGTON 1
A Buried Stone in the Kennet Avenue : By MRS. M. E. CUNNINGTON 12
Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences : By CANON CHR. WORDSWORTH 15 Notes as to Names and Landmarks in Marlborough : By E. LL.
GWILLIM 34
Prehistoric and Roman Swindon : By A. D. PASSMORE 41
Tropenell Memoranda — Cottels 48
Casterley Camp Excavations; By MR. & MRS. B. H. CUNNINGTON 53
Notes... 106
Wilts Obituary 116
Recent Wiltshire Books, Pamphlets, Articles, &c 124
Books and Articles by Wiltshire Authors 140
Wiltshire Portraits 142
Wiltshire Illustrations 144
Additions to Museum and Library 148
Accounts of the Society for the Year 1912 150
No. CXX. DECEMBER, 1913.
A List of Prehistoric, Roman, and Pagan Saxon Antiquities in the County of Wilts Arranged under Parishes : By THE REV. E. H. GODDARD .. 153
No. CXXI. JUNE, 1914.
List of the Long Barrows of Wiltshire : By MRS. M. E. CUNNINGTON 379 The Church of S. John the Baptist and S. Helen, Wroughton : By
C. E. PONTING, F.S.A. 415
Sir William Sharington's Work at Lacock, Sudeley, and Dudley ;
By THE REV. W. G. CLARK-MAXWELL, F.S.A 426
The Sixtieth General Meeting at Devizes 435
Malmesbury Abbey : By HAROLD BRAKSPEAR, F.S.A 458
Wrilts Obituary 498
Recent Wiltshire Books, Pamphlets, Articles, &c 511
Book and Articles by Wiltshire Authors 532
Wiltshire Portraits 535
Wiltshire Illustrations 537
Additions to Museum and Library 540
Accounts of the Society for the Year 1913 543
iv CONTENTS OF VOL. XXXVIII.
No. CXXII. DECEMBER, 1914.
The Sixty-First General Meeting at Devizes 545
List of Altars in Salisbury Cathedral and Names of Kings of whom
there were representations there about the Year 1398 : By CHR.
WORDSWORTH, M.A., SUB-DEAN 5&7
List of Wiltshiremen Extracted from the Minute Books of the
Company of Weavers of London. 1653—1674 : By F. R. Y.
RADOLIFFE, K.C 572
Liddington Castle Camp : By A. D. PASSMORE 576
On some Bronze Age Pottery of " Food Vessel " Type : By A. D.
PASSMORE 585
Copy of a MS. in the Possession of Sir Walter Grove, Baronet, to
which is prefixed a copy of a Lay Subsidy, preserved in Public
Record Office 589
Notes 631
Wilts Obituary 64>7
Additions to Museum and Library 649
Index to Vol. XXXVIII 651
Illustrations.
Raising the fallen stone at Longstone Cove, Beckhampton, 1913, 1. Section across the middle of the hole in which the stone stood, showing the relative position of the burial, 3. " Drinking Cup," or " Beaker," found with skeleton at foot of stone, 5. Drinking Cups found at Swindon, 42. Objects from Casterley Camp, and Plans of the Camp, Plates I.— XV., 96. Section through Dwelling-Pit on Winterbourne Monkton Down, 108. Vessels found in Dwelling-Pit on Winterbourne Monkton Down, 108. Section through Terrace below the Reservoir on Winterbourne Monkton Down, 109. Objects recently found, 111. Roman Sculpture recently found at Nettleton Scrub, 113.
Wroughton Church, Figs. 1—6, 418. Lacock Abbey, Sudeley and Dudley Castles, Figs. 1— 10, 426. Folding Plan of Malmesbury Abbey and Precincts, 458. Malmesbury Abbey, Figs. 1—26, 458.
Axe Head of Sarsen, 579. Pottery and Objects from Liddington Castle Camp, Plates I.— IV., 584. Vessel from the West Wroods, Overton, 585. Pottery from the interment at Smeeth Ridge, Ogbourne St. Andrew, 588.
No. CXTX. JUNE, 1913 VOL. XXXVIII.
THE
WILTSHIRE
IrrjjiHilngird niifr Hotoral listnrq
MAGAZINE, ;
l3uliUsl)rtt nutter tljr Sirrrttnn
OF THE
SOCIETY FORMED IN THAT COUNTY, A.D. 1853.
EDITED BY
EEV. E. H. GODDABD, Clyffe Vicarage, Swindon.
DEVIZES :
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THE BRITISH AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES OF THE NORTH AVILTSHIUE DOWNS, by the Rev. A, C. Smith, M.A. One Volume, Atlas 4to., 248 pp., 17 large Maps, and 110 Woodcuts, Extra Cloth. Price £2 2s. One copy offered to each Member of the Society at £1 11s. 6d.
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CATALOGUE OF THE STOURHEAD COLLECTION or ANTIQUITIES IN THE SOCIETY'S MUSEUM, with 175 Illustrations. Part I. Price Is. 6d.
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Raising the fallen stone at Longstone Cove, Beckhampton, 1913.
(From photographs by Jlfr. Passman and Captain Oakeley.)
THE
WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE.
" MULTOBUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUE ONUS." Onid.
JUNE, 1913.
THE HE-ERECTION OF TWO FALLEN STONES, AND
AND DISCOVERY OF AN INTERMENT WITH
DRINKING CUP, AT AVEBURY.1
By MRS. M. E. CUNNINGTON.
Between 8 and 9 o'clock on the morning of December 2nd, 1911, one of the standing stones at Avebiuy fell. The stone is one of the two remaining stones of the three which are believed to have once formed a kind of cell, or cove, on the northern side of the Beckhampton, or western avenue, that issued from the great circle of Avebnry. The third stone fell and was broken up many years ago. The group was known as " Longstone Cove," or the " Long- stones," but the two remaining stones are now sometimes spoken of locally as " Adam and Eve." The cove is described by Stukeley2
1 These notes, so far as they relate to the discovery of the skeleton and •drinking cup, were printed in Man, Vol. xii., No. 12, Dec., 1912, pp. 200 — 203, and the Society is indebted to the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute for the loan of the two blocks which illustrate the paper.
2 The Rev. W. C. Lukis, in a report on Stonehenge and Abury, printed in Proc. Soc. Ant., IX., 131, says (p. 155) of the Longtones Cove, "Stukeley says this cove is ' composed of three stones like that most magnificent one we described in the centre of the northern temple at Abury. They are set upon the arc of a circle regarding each other, with an obtuse angle,' and are placed on the north side of the avenue, one of the stones of that side making the back of the Cove. . . . Twining saw two stones only in 1723, therefore Stukeley saw no more ; and his knowledge of a third stone must be derived from Aubrey, whose sketch given in his ' Monurnenta Britannica ' shows how unfaithful his drawings are as to the form and position of the stones. It is altogether an assumption on Stukeley's part that one of the stones of the Cove was one of the supposed avenue. . . . My own opinion is that these stones are the remains of a large circle— a monument entirely distinct from Avebury."
VOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. B
2 The Re-erection of Two Fallen Stones at Avebury.
as consisting of two stones set at an angle to each other outside the avenue, the other stone that Stukeley regarded as the third member of the cove group, being at the same time one of the stones of the avenue. This latter stone is the smaller of the two now remaining, known as "Eve"; the larger one, "Adam," which fell in 1911, being one of the two original outstanding stones of the cove..
The stones are visible from the road leading from Avebury to Beckhampton, and stand just beyond the end of the private road leading out of that road on the right hand, to Mr. Darling's stables, just as the road dips down into Beckhampton.
At a committee meeting of the Society held in January, 1912, it was decided that an effort should be made to raise funds to re- erect this stone, this being considered advisable largely on the ground that a standing stone is more likely to be respected and safeguarded than one fallen.
Before anything else could be done it was necessary to clear out the hole in which the stone had stood, as it was encumbered with sarsen boulders, which had been originally used as packing to support the great stone, and loose soil which had found its way into the cavity when the stone fell. In case anything of archae- ological interest might be found in this digging, Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington were entrusted with the supervision of the work, which was done with the aid of two labourers on May 24th and 26th , 1912.
When cleared the hole was found to measure 13|ft. in length, in a direction from East-South-East to West-North- West. The hole widened out somewhat at its East end, its greatest width being 6£ft., while it was 6ft. wide in the middle, and only 4|ft. wide at the West end : it was 3ft. Sin. deep, measured to the surface level, and as the soil at this spot was loin, deep, the stone had stood only 2ft. 5in. in the solid chalk. The stone had been packed round with about one hundred and fifty sarsen boulders of various sizes, some of them weighing by computation more than a hundred- weight. It is remarkable that some of the flatter boulders had been laid purposely on the floor of the hole prepared to receive the stone. A large piece had split off the bottom of the stone and was
By Mrs. M. E. Cunninyton. 3
found resting against the southern wall of the hole with packing boulders behind it ; this piece of stone was itself broken across, and fell into two pieces on being moved. It is difficult to see why the stone should have cracked after its burial in the ground, and it is perhaps possible that it was actually cracked before ; if, on the other hand it could have broken in the ground comparatively recently, this may have caused the final collapse of the stone. Most of the packing boulders were found at the easterly and wider end of the hole, the natural irregularity in the shape of the stone requiring a greater amount of packing on that side to give it a firm support.
A discovery that has an important bearing on the date of the erection of the stone, and therefore presumably on the date of the monument of Avebury as a whole, was made in removing the soil iiv front of the hole preparatory to clearing it out. The discovery was that of the remains of a human skeleton and fragments of a " drinking cup," or " beaker," close to and immediately in front of the hole in which the stone had stood. The section here given
Section across the middle of the hole in which the stone stood,
showing the relative position of the burial. A A the area
of the burial ; B top of chalk ; C soil.
shows how very near the burial must have been to the side of the stone when standing ; this section, drawn through the centre of the hole, at right angles to its length, cuts as nearly as it was possible to ascertain, through the middle of the burial, showing that it was placed in the centre of this face of the stone. Presuming that the three stones of the cove originally formed a sort of triangular en- closure this face of the stone would have been the inner one.
B 2
4 The Re-erection of Two Fallen Stones at Avebury.
The body had been laid on the level surface of the undisturbed chalk, without the slightest depression or hollow having been made to receive it. The bones were found to have been disturbed :and broken in the ground, so that it was not possible to ascertain accurately the original position of the skeleton beyond the fact that it was crouched, and with its head to the East. Nor was it possible to say what had been the original position of the drinking cup The soil and rubble at this spot is 15in. deep, so that the burial must have been a very shallow one, unless, as is not im- possible, there was originally a slight mound banked up against the stone, that had been levelled by cultivation.
It seems that cultivation is quite enough to account for the broken and disturbed state in which the burial was found ; labourers on the spot stated that as it is not possible to plough quite up to the sides of the stones, the ground immediately round them is often dug over by hand, and this would account for dis- turbance of the soil at a greater depth than that of ordinary ploughing.
It is now generally recognised that the " drinking cup " type of pottery belongs to the transition from the Neolithic, or to the earliest Bronze Age, in England, and as there can be little doubt that the burial was made at the foot of the stone after its erection, the importance of the discovery with regard to the date of the monument is considerable. If this is accepted, it shows that this stone, and therefore presumably the whole monument of Avebury, must have been standing at least as early as the beginning of the Bronze Age in England.
The " drinking cup," of which fragments were found with the bones, was a well-made and well-decorated example of its type, namely, the " ovoid cup with recurved rim," and must have stood not less than Sin. in height. The ware is thin, and baked to a bright red both inside and out, showing the grey paste in the middle; the paste is fine and sparingly mixed with sand. The vessel was decorated from rim to base with a series of horizontal lines, alternating with rows of herring-bone pattern, and bands of the plain tooled surface. The horizontal lines, and the lines
By Mrs. M. E. Cunnington. 5
forming the herring-bone pattern, have the appearance of having been impressed by a notched or serrated tool, as is so often the case on this type of vessel.
V ' — ~ — — M •» V
Drinking Cup," or " Beaker," found with skeleton at foot of stone. \
When the stone fell a considerable quantity of loose soil slipped into the cavity among the packing stones, some of which were loosened at the same time. A piece of the rim of the cup, together with a small fragment of Samian ware, and pieces of a modern glass bottle, were found in this loose earth.
A fragment of the rim of another decorated " drinking cup " was found 2ft. deep among undisturbed packing boulders against the wall of the hole on the opposite side to the burial. A phalange of a sheep or goat and a splinter of bone were found under a flat boulder lying undisturbed on the floor of the hole. Several frag- ments of pottery that may be Komano-British (the small piece of
6 The Re-erection of Two Fallen Stones at Avebury.
Samian ware found makes this the more likely) were found in the surface soil round the hole.
The bones of the skeleton are unfortunately too incomplete to allow of measurement, but the individual to whom they belonged seems to have been of medium size, and of about middle age. A piece of the collar bone is stained green as if from contact with some small object of bronze, but no fragment of the metal could be found. The fragments of the drinking cup, together with the re- mains of the skeleton,are placed in the Society's Museum at Devizes.
On behalf of the Committee of the Society, Mr. C. E. Pouting, of Marlborough, and Mr. B. H. Cunnington, of Devizes, undertook the general supervision of the erection of the stones, Messrs. W. E. Chivers & Sons, of Devizes, being the contractors employed. The Society is indebted to the Great Western Railway Company for the loan of three jacks (two of 40 tons strength and one of 50 tons) from their works at Swindon, for use in raising the stones.
The plan at first adopted for the Cove stone was that of raising it up by means of the jacks to a certain height, and then affixing wire ropes round the stone to pull it upright by means of two traction engines.1 This plan was found not to be satisfactory, the only result being the breaking of the wire ropes, tested to a strain of 50 tons, without moving the stone at all. Accordingly the stone was eventually raised to the perpendicular by the jacks alone, being supported as the work proceeded, by a shoring of timber and a system of wedges ; this method, though slower and consequently more costly, being much more sure and safe.
The actual work of raising the stone, the weight of which, as computed by measurement, was estimated at 62 tons, was begun on July 9th, and it was finally got upright on August 3rd, 1912, the work having been somewhat delayed by the wet weather.
The stone now rests on a bed of concrete 1ft. thick, the hole having been lowered to take it, and it is also embedded in concrete to the level of the surrounding chalk ; it stands Sin. deeper in the ground than it did before its fall.
1 Three photographs appeared in The Sphere of July 27th, 1912, entitled 1 Adam after the Fall," " Raising Adam with Jacks," and " An unsuccessful attempt to raise the fallen Monster."
By Mrs. M. E. Gunninyton. 7
The society is greatly indebted to Mr. George Brown, of JBeckhampton, on whose land the stone stands, for his permission to raise it, and for the kindness and forbearance with which he accepted the inconvenience attendant on the operation. The length of time that the work was about, the trampling of visitois and others through the hedge and the serious interruption to the farming of the land, made no slight call on his patience and good nature. The Society are also grateful to Mr. Brown for his in- tention not to disturb or cultivate the ground immediately round the stone in the future.
THE KENNET AVENUE STONE.
While the work of raising the big stone at Longstone Cove was in preparation, it was suggested that, while the necessary apparatus was on the ground, it would be a good opportunity to raise the stone in the Kennet avenue that fell dr. 1889 (?), and this course was ultimately decided upon at a committee meeting of the Society in July, 1912. This stone is the third from the Avebury end of the line of seven stones on the east side of the avenue, in the group of eleven stones lying west of the road between Avebury and Kennet and is opposite to the only one of the group which still remained standing. The ground has been under the plough within the last few years, and the cavity made by the fall of the stone had been filled up and levelled off. On re-excavating this it was found that the hole as originally made to receive the stone was not so well denned as in the case of that at Longstone Cove, where it had been dug into the solid chalk, for the base of the Kennet stone stood on a bed of chalk rubble at a depth of only 16in. below the surface. It was felt that there could be no certainty that this rubble had not been disturbed, and in view of the possibility of an interment having been made under the stone, the digging was continued down until the solid chalk was reached at a depth of 4ft. Gin. from the surface. The depth of the rubble over the chalk varies considerably even in a small area, but as this seemed a greater depth than is usual, a hole was dug some yards away from thestone to test it there, and the same
8 The He-erection of Two Fallen Stones at Avebury.
conditions were found: The spot is at the bottom of the steepish hillside in the valley leading from Avebury to Kennet, a situation where, perhaps, a greater accumulation of debris might be expected than on more open or higher chalk lands.
The stone had fallen inwards, or across the avenue, and toward the upward slope of the hill ; the natural irregularity in the shape of the stone had given it a considerable tendency to overbalance in this direction, and it was interesting to find that those who originally put it up must have fully realised this weakness, for they had taken special precautions to overcome it, and all the sarsen boulders used as packing stones were on that side, not one being found against the lower side of the stone. Besides a few
flint flakes nothing of interest was found in the digging round this stone. The thanks of the Society are due to Captain .Tenner, of Avebury
Manor, the owner of the property on which this part of the Kennet
avenue stands, for permission to raise the stone, and to Mr.
Parsons, the tenant, for granting access to it.
The computed weight, from measurements, is about 17 tons. As soon as the jacks were finished with at the Cove stone, they
and the necessary timber were moved over to the stone in the
Kennet avenue.
The work of raising this stone was begun with the jacks on
August 6th, and it was raised to the upright on August 10th,
The stone now stands Sin. deeper than it did originally, but
otherwise in the same position. It is imbedded in concrete in the
same manner as the larger stone.
List of Donations to the Fund for setting up the two fallen Stones.
[These sums were received in answer to an appeal from the Hon. Secretary, published in The Times and the County Papers, and in response to further personal appeals.]
Marlborough College
£ s.
Nat. Hist. Society 10 0 0
W. Heward Bell 10 00
Society of Antiquaries 550
R. H. Caird 5 00
£ s. d.
G. P. Fuller 500
Marquis of Lansdowne 500 Basil Peto, M.P. 500
Ld. Fitzmaurice 33 0
Sir G. Prior Goldney 300
By Mrs. M. E. Ounnington.
Ld. Avebury E. 8. Wills Capt. W. Godsal J. Walmesley E. Whitney
E. C. Beaven
Sir Vincent Caillard Col. Hornsby Drake
F. P. Goddard F. H. Goldney A. Grant-Meek R. S. Gundry Rev. G. R. Hadow J. M. Harris Rev. J. H. Hill
T. Lavington
W. F. Lawrence
H. Leaf
L. L. Morse
Miss Bouverie
A. M. Dunne
R. G. Gwatkin
Rev. the Hon. Sidney
Meade
R. W. Merrirnan Capt. Oakeley E. Cook
Mrs. B. H. Cunnington Rev. E. H. Goddard T. Holloway
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C. S. Awdry
Major H. H. Dowding
R. F. Fuller
C. H. St. J. Hornby
Mrs. E. H. Goddard
H. E. Medlicott
E. Pinckney
Rev. J. F. D. Stephens
Rev. A. W. Stote
Rev. W. Symonds
Dr. H. P. Tayler
W. B. Treacher
J. E. Ward
Col. M. F. Ward
Rev. J. E. H. Blake
Col. A. Canning
Rev. R. W. Hay
E. H. Thornton Lawes
Mrs. Story Maskelyne
Mrs. F. Goddard
Miss Laing
Rev. H. G. O. Kendall
Other small contributions
Bank interest
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EXPENDITURE.
Messrs Chivers & Sons, for work of re-erection Incidental expenses Postage, &c.
£ s- d.
93 15 10
15 0
18 2
£95 9 0
NOTE.— A very curious difficulty arises as to the stone of the Kennet avenue now set up again : one would suppose that there would be no want of evidence as to the fall of a stone so lately as the eighties of the last century, but as a matter of fact it seems impossible to fix the exact year in which it fell, and there was even some doubt as to which of the stones it was that fell. William Long, in his account of Avebury, in Wilts Arch. Mag., iv., 309 — 363, published 1858, gives on page 329 a plan of this group of eleven stones, and says " Upon the ground plan on the opposite page, the distances between the eleven stones, above mentioned, are laid down. The only stone now standing is 8 feet 9 inches high, 9 feet 9 inches wide, and 3 feet thick." This would naturally refer to the stone which has never fallen, No. 2 from the Avebury end of the Western side of the avenue. On page 323, however, he speaks of this group as consisting of " two stones
10 The Re-erection of Two Fallen Stones at Avebury.
and nine stumps of stones," a curious expression which seems to point to two stones, then standing, as distinguished from nine lying prostrate, though why these latter should be called " stumps " when they are entire stones does not appear. This plan is reproduced by the Rev. A. C. Smith on page 146 of his " Guide to the British and Roman Antiquities of the N. Wiltshire Downs" published in 1884, and he quotes the description of the stones given by Long and only adds "All these stones mentioned by Mr. Long are still in existence," thereby apparently accepting the fact that only one of the eleven stones was standing at the time he wrote.
The ground plan given by both Long and Smith is unfortunately so dubiously drawn that it may be equally claimed as evidence that the stone in question [the third in the line on the East or road side of the avenue as you come from Avebury], was intended to be represented as still standing, or as lying prostrate across the avenue, as it lay before it was recently set up. It is to be noted, too, that it was the only stone of the eleven lying in this position across the avenue.
Both Long and Smith, however, assert in so many words that there was only one stone of this group of eleven standing in 1858 and 1884, when they respectively published their accounts of Avebury, and it is difficult to believe that two writers generally so accurate could have made a mistake of this kind, if two stones were actually then standing. Mr. Smith, especially, had a very extensive and accurate knowledge of Avebury and its surroundings. It is true that he only quotes Long's previous words, but that he should have accepted the statement that one stone only was standing if as a matter of fact, two were still standing, seems very unlikely.
On the other hand there is direct evidence that a second stone was standing until some time in the later eighties of the nineteenth century and that it then fell. Stukeley, in his Abury, p. 42, Tab. xxii., gives a " Prospect of Kennet Avenue from the Druid's Tumulus on Hackpen hill, May 15tb, 1724." In this he shows eleven stones, of which four are standing, in the group under " Windmill Ball." Although, however, the total (eleven) is the .same, the distribution of the stones (five on the East, and six on the West side of the avenue) does not agree with the distribution of the existing stones, so that this view is of little use as evidence. It is, however, to be noted for what it is worth that the only^m'r of stones shown as standing are apparently intended for the two actually now standing, viz., the one standing that has not fallen and the one re-erected in 1912. Hoare, in Ancient Wilts, Vol. II., p. 70, published in 1819, gives a plan of "Avebury and Silbury," Plate X. (reproduced in Long's "Avebury," W.A.Jf., iv., 309), showing the pair of stones, No. 3 on the East and No. 2 on the West side of the avenue (from the Avebury end) as shaded whilst all the other stones of this group are unshaded. This seems clearly to show that both these stones were standing in 1819. Again, Mr. C. E. Ponting, F.S.A., of Marlborough, has a clear recollection of driving past the stones one morning some time in the later " eighties " when the second stone was standing, and noticing when he returned past them at night that it had fallen. He recollects, also, speaking of the matter to Mr. Kemm, of Avebury. He is, however, unable to say with any certainty which of the stones it was that fell, though he thinks it was the one recently raised. William Coleman, a labourer of Avebury, a
By Mrs. M. E. Cunnington. 1 1
trustworthy man who has worked for Mr. B. H. Cunnington in excavations, also remembers the fall of the stone, and he says that he noticed that it was leaning badly in the morning as he went to work, and that it fell before he passed it again on his way home, in the evening. He is sure that it was in the month of February, but in what year he cannot say. He believes that the stone now set up again is the stone which then fell. Mr. Butler, of Kennett, and Mr. George Brown, of Avebury, and others, all say that they perfectly well recollect the fall of one of the stones here, and they believe that it was the one now re-erected.
The two stones as they now stand form a pair. It may not be irrelevant to the question to observe that the under side of the stone now re-erected presents a very clean, unweathered, sharp surface, quite distinct from the surface of the upper side which was continuously exposed to the weather.
On the other hand Mrs. Cunnington noted that whilst all the other prostrate stones have deepish hollows worn round them, by the treading of sheep, <fec., and have every appearance of having fallen long ago, this- stone had little or no hollow round it, and the line of weathering on the butt showing the point up to which it had been buried in the ground was clearly to be seen. But perhaps the strongest piece of evidence in favour of the identity of the stone recently raised with that which fell in the eighties, is the fact that on the ground plan referred to above ( W.A.M., iv., 329) Long gives 53ft. as the distance between this stone (x) and the one opposite (y) which has always remained upright. Mr. and Mrs. Cunnington have care- fully tested his measurements of the other stones and find them correct, assuming that he measured from the nearest points of the stones to each other. But the distance from the top of the stone x, as it lay prostrate, to the base of y was 44ft., Avhilst the distance between their bases as both now stand upright is 56ft., a difference of 3ft. only from Long's measurement, and this might be accounted for by the difficulty of knowing within a foot or so where its base had actually stood. In any case the measurements are decidedly in favour of the view that when they were taken both stones were still standing.
It has seemed worth while thus to set out at some length all the evidence at present available, both pro and con. I should be glad to hear of any further light which can be thrown on the matter.
The Rev. W. C. Lukis, whose plans of the Avebury circles are now in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries, did not plan the remains of the Rennet Avenue. He says in Proc. Soc. Ant., IX., 153, " When I had com- pleted the survey of the circles, the weather changed and continued stormy and wet for some time, and I was unable to plan the avenue, which I greatly regret, for I cannot bring myself to think there is any truth in Stukeley's notion that it commenced on Overton Hill, at a monument, of which not a vestige remains." There seems, indeed, a fate against the plans of these stones, for Mr. B. H. Cunnington, who has lately had an opportunity of examining the early editions of the 6-inch Ordnance Map, finds that only six stones on the road side of the avenue at this point are shown, instead of seven, a mistake which has apparently been copied in subsequent editions. E. H. GODDARD.
12
A BURIED STONE IN THE KENNET AVENUE.
By MRS. M. E. CUNNINGTON.
A large sarsen, probably one of the stones of the Kennet avenue was recently (February, 1913) exposed in a trench cut for the purpose of laying down water pipes. The trench was cut from the top of the hill South of Avebury, sometimes called Windmill Hill, or Windmill Ball,1 across the Kennet- Avebury road, and therefore across the line of the Kennet avenue, to a pumping station in the valley south-east of Avebury vallum.2
As one end of the stone projected into the trench, and so was in the way of the pipes, these were laid under it; and in clearing away the rubble from under the stone for this purpose the lower end of a human tibia and some other fragments of bones were found. As so many burials have been found under sarsens in this neighbourhood it seemed worth while to make some examination of this one, especially as from its position it must have been either in, or close to, the Kennet avenue. Therefore, with the permission of Captain Jenner, the owner of the land, and of his tenant, a section was cut at right angles to the trench, exposing the side of the stone furthest from the road. This digging revealed the fact that the stone was, as at first feared, much too large to lift without considerable labour and expense, and the aid of special appliances.
In digging down to the stone, fragments of human bones were found over it, and generally scattered in the chalky rubble filling the hole in which the stone had been buried. The exposed side of the stone was undercut as much as possible, and as far as could be seen, it appeared to be lying on undisturbed chalk, the loose rubble and fragments of bones being only under the shelving side (or edge)
1 This hill should not be confused with the Windmill Hill north of Avebury. See Smith's Antiquities of North Wilts, p. 145, d.
2 The pond dug a few years ago ou the top of this hill is utilised as a reservoir to which the water is pumped. The barrow marked "d "on Smith's Map (Section XI., G. V.) must have been on the site of, or very near, this pond. No trace of the barrow can now be found.
A Buried Stone in the Kennet Avenue. 13
of the Stone, and as it did not seem likely that an undisturbed burial would be found, it was not thought worth while to carry the work further. It is known that many of the stones of the avenue and of the circles have been buried at various times by the farmers to get them off the land, and it is very .probable that this was one of the avenue stones that was got rid of in this way.
To account for the human bones one can only suggest that a burial at the foot of, or near the stone, was disturbed when the hole in which it was buried was dug, and that the bones were thrown in again with the rubble in filling up the hole. It is a curious and suggestive circumstance that a burial should actually have been found at the foot of another stone connected with Avebury, namely, that at Longstone Cove, described above.1
As the stone was not completely uncovered its full dimensions could not be taken, but one of the exposed sides (that furthest from the road) was 7ft. long, and the other (that in the trench) 4ft. long, It was 2ft. thick and irregular in shape, like the other stones of the avenue, of which Stukeley said they were " of all shapes, sizes, and height that happened." The top of the stone is now 2ft. 9in. below the surface of the ground, and it lies 12ft. from the edge of the road on the right-hand side from Avebury to Kennet. It lies between the single stone standing in a cottage garden just outside the Kennet entrance to Avebury, and the single stone standing close to the left side of the road nearer Kennet; and it is eighty yards on the Avebury side of the last-mentioned stone. If at any time it was desired to uncover this stone again it might be easily found by the fact that the water pipes actually pass under its end nearest Kennet, at a distance of 12ft. from the edge of the road.
"None of the human bones were found whole, but only parts of the following : one hurnerus, two ulnas, one radius, one tibia, one femur, one vertebra, a piece of the sternum, and of a pelvis, and three small bones of the foot. The ulnas are a right and left, and
1 A considerable number of burials seem to have been found outside the " Sanctuary" in which the Kennet avenue ended on Overton Hill. Stuke- ley's Abury, p. 33. See also Long's Alury. W. A. M., iv., 327.
14 A Buried Stone in the Kennet Avenue.
there seems little doubt that all the bones belonged to one skeleton. One of the ulnas was found under the side of the stone, the other in the rubble above it. The bones except for the breakages are sound and in good preservation. Several small pieces of brown and yellow glazed pottery were found in the superficial soil over the stone.
A DWELLING PIT.
In cutting the trench near the top of the hill (117 yards from the edge of the pond) the men cut through a small pit. This was cleared out and found to be rather oval in shape, some 3ft. by 4ft. and 3ft. deep. It was full, as these small "dwelling" pits usually are, of black earthy material mixed with grains of charcoal: a sarsen muller, or hammerstone, various fragments of coarse handmade pottery, broken bones of sheep, pig, and ox, some of them burnt, some rough flint flakes, including two "scrapers," and burnt flints were found in it.
15
WILTSHIRE PARDONS OR INDULGENCES. By CANON CHE. WORDSWORTH.
THE latin word indulgent ia was broadly used by Sb. Augustine and other theologians in the sense of " forgiveness." Among the imperial jurists it had acquired a narrower technical acceptation, being used by them to express, variously (a) remission of civil punishment due for an offence, (b) immunity from taxes, or (<>) amnesty granted by the dispensing power of the Emperor.
In the Christian Church, even in the early days ere the Empire had recognised or tolerated Christianity, the exercise of dis- cipline by the Church over her own members carried along with it as its natural consequence an authority to unloose, and a charitable readiness to relax the penalty of excommunication, wherever this could be rightly conceded. St. Paul trained the Church in Corinth to realise the Divine quality of mercy, or "goodness," as well as that of "severity" "To whom ye forgive anything, I forgive it also" (/. Cor., v. 13; //. Cor., ii, 6—10. cf. Rom., xi., 22.) In course of time, with the Decian persecution, A.D. 250, difficult cases arose, as to the salutary treatment of those who had denied their Christianity when they were tempted to dissemble or renounce it under the stress of persecution ; and subsequently a way of return to communion was sought for them by themselves or by their friends after the storm had passed. Some of the <; lapsed " (or libellatici, who had once procured certifi- cates of conformity from heathen authorities in the days of persecution) were willing to undergo penance, where it was in- flicted on them as a condition for their restoration to the Christian [fold. On behalf of others it was alleged that certain of their own martyred friends or relatives had with their last breath commended the weaker brother or sister to merciful consideration, and in some cases a note in their handwriting was produced to that effect. Such pleas were duly respected. The next step was for the surviving
16 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
confessors who, though not called on to make resistance unto blood, had yet endured some other degree of cruelty, to speak up for their wavering friends, and to write from their prisons, or after their enlargement from captivity, "letters of peace," libellos pads, as a certificate of restoration to communion for the renegades. St. Cyprian, Archbishop of Carthage, who had himself suffered as an exile, and who was destined to become a martyr subsequently, in A.D. 258, was indignant at the lengths to which this system was being carried, and the mercenary spirit in which it was exercised, and he prohibited the circulation of a form of written indulgence, or certificate of remission in general terms, which was being intro- duced into his province by one Lucianus, a Carthaginian confessor (Cyprian Epistles, xv., 3 ; xx., 2: xxiii. ; xxvi. ; xxvii.)1 In the 6th and following centuries collections of Penitential Canons were compiled to specify in detail what measure of ecclesiastical dis- ciplinary punishment was to be meted out to each distinct class of offender : eg., a thief would be enjoined penance for half a year, or, if he were a cleric, for an entire year; a murderer was excluded from communion for seven years; and so forth. Every sin re- quiring its due and proper punishment, that punishment, it was held, must be undergone in this world or the next. In case of grievous sickness, the recognised meed of ecclesiastical temporal punishment, such as penitential fasting for one or more Lentings, or Lents2 of forty days, or some other severe discipline, might be commuted, e.g., for the recitation of a number of psalms ; or it might be condoned, with the condition of a fine to be paid, or an act of bounty to the poor to be performed. A man with many friends or subordinates might even enlist their services to help him in his attempt to get through his heavy obligations on this side the grave by their undertaking to share his remedial discipline. The " Irrefragable Doctor," Alexander of Hales, who died at Paris in 1245, formulated the belief that the Church has an available fund of superabundant merits as her " treasure " for the remission or
1 See Archbishop Benson's Cyprian; and his article (" libetti ") in Smith and Cheetham's Diet. Chr. Antig., ii., 982.
-2" Lents" : i.e., quarentanes.
By Canon Chr. Wordsworth. 17
alleviation of pains and punishments due to sins.1 A century later Ithis was asserted as a dogma by Pope Clement VI. From some such a " Fund " it was held that the Church, through her Bishops, was able, and had long since been wont, to distribute re- missions to atone for the shortcomings of sinners. Leo IX. gave a plenary indulgence2 to Edward the Confessor in 1060, and Urban II., in a council held at Clermont in 1095 issued a plenary indulgence for those who took up arms to recover the Holy Land from the infidel. Plenary indulgences are proclaimed at the Papal jubilee, which was established, somewhat before 1300, and which, under present arrangements, takes place every twenty-five years. In the latter part of the 12th century it was usual for a bishop to grant a few days' relaxation of penance enjoined, commonly called a pardon, for those present and in a state of grace (con trite and confessed) on such occasions as his consecration to the episcopate, or his dedicating of a Church. St. Hugh of Lincoln had begun in 1186 with granting a pardon of thirteen days. Later on, in his anxiety to encourage contributions to the fabric of his Cathedral,
1 Indulgence is defined by Amort, quoted in Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary as " a remission of the punishment which is still due to sin after sacramental absolution, this remission being valid in the court of conscience and before God, and being made by an application of the treasure of the Church on the part of a lawful superior.
2 Plenary indulgences remit all, partial indulgences remit a portion, of the temporal punishment due to sin : for example, an indulgence of forty days remits as much temporal punishment as would have been atoned by forty days of canonical penance. With some it has been held as a pious opinion that a plenary indulgence remits also all the pains of purgatory. Indulgences may be temporal — i.e., granted only for a time; or they may be perpetual, or indefinite, which last till they are revoked. The earliest known specimen of small type used in printing is the indulgence of Pope Nicholas V. produced at Mainz by Schoeflfer in 1454 or 145o. It includes a provision for plenary indulgence in mortis articulo, and contains the phrase " remittendo tibi penas purgatorii" and contains a form of receipt or acknowledgment for a contribution towards expenses of the war of 1451 against the Turks and Saracens. (Fac- simile in the Times extra number, 10th Sept., 1912.)
Personal indulgences are those granted to particular persons. Local indulgences may be gained only in a particular place. Real indulgences are those attached to crucifixes, medals, scapulars, &c. Catholic Diet., s.v. " Indulgences." VOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. C
18 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
when his end was drawing near in 1200, he offered a pardon of eighty days to such as should assist in that good work.
In 1184 King Henry II. employed Templars and Hospitallers to make collection (as a kind of subsidy) for the second Crusade, pardons being given by way of encouragement. They were granted likewise to induce believers to build chapels, churches, and minsters, to aid hospitals or almshouses, and to make or repair bridges, roads, or causeways. The number of days granted by an indulgence or " pardon," as it was commonly called in England, varied normally from ten to thirteen, up to twenty or forty days' relaxation of penance enjoined. St. Hugh of Lincoln (as already mentioned) had granted as many as eighty days, but the Council of Lateran in 1215 restricted a bishop to grants of not more than forty days at a time, except on the occasion of his dedicating a Church, when he might grant a year's indulgence pro ilia vice; but only forty days could be gained on subsequent anniversaries of that local festival. It became necessary to stigmatise the evil practices of over-zealous and unscrupulous "collectors" and hawkers of indul- gences who came to be known as quaestuarii rather than quaestores, and gave a bad reputation to the "Pardoner" in the popular literature of the fourteenth century. In June, 1546, the Council of Trent forbade quaestuarii to preach either personally or by substitute. (Sessio, v. cap. 2.) The Council of Vienne denounced eight evil practices of pardoners in 1312, and certain English Bishops before and after that date took steps to curb the extravagant issue of pardons. The authoritative service-books of Salisbury Use contain some references to indulgences. The lessons appointed for mattins on the feast of the Visitation of B. Mary declare and recite the pardons granted by Pope Urban VI. (c. 1378 — 89) to encourage worshippers to observe the feast on July 2nd, viz., by a gift of one hundred days for attendance at mattins, mass, and evensong, forty days for each of the little hours, and one hundred days of penance enjoined, for attendance at mattins, mass, evensong, and hours through the octave (Brev. Sarum, iii., 397 — 8). Similar in- dulgences granted by Urban IV. with respect to Corpus Christi festival (1264) are in the lessons (ib. i. cols, mlxviii., mlxix.) The
By Canon Ckr, Wordsworth. 1°
Missa de nomine Jesu, indulgenced by Rob. Hallam, Bp. of Sarum, in 1411, is published in the York Missal (ed. Henderson, ii., 216). The rubrics of the Sarum Missale ed. 1861 — 83, following the text of 1526, set forth five indulgences, ranging in date from dr. 1200 to 1400 (cols. 927*, 890*, 886*, 455 n., and 750*), and attached to the recitation of prayers, gospels, and votive masses.
In bis Cathedral statutes, sealed 26th October, 1319, Bp. Roger de Mortival directed that the benefit of indulgences (indulgentiarum munera) to en courage contributions to the Salisbury Cathedral fabric fund should be for the future published by emissaries (nuncios') sent by the President and Chapter, not only in the Cathedral Church itself but in every place in the city and diocese, every year on the eight Sundays from the first Sunday in Lent to the octave of Easter inclusive, and that all other pardoners (quaestores) from whatsover quarter they came, should be absolutely inhibited during that period, and be excluded from making their appeals for other charitable objects, during tbe eight weeks when the indulgences issued " by the holy fathers [his] predecessors and other Catholic Bishops," together with an additional xl. days, promised by himself, were solemnly published to the faithful people (Statuia Sarum ins. E. f. 13b cap. xxii., A.D. 1319). Indulgences for Salisbury Cathe- dral fabric were issued previously in 1225, 1235, 1280, and 1286. Indulgences to encourage prayer for the souls of bishops and others buried in the Cathedral are extant, ranging from 1271 to 1328. The earliest of these1 relate to Robert Bingham, who, in 1244 built Harnham Bridge, as well as St. John the Baptist's Chapel on the isle which supports one of its piers, and who was reckoned as a second founder of the Cathedral Church as well as of St. Nicholas' Hospital. At the same date (1271) was issued a pardon (like St. Hugh of Lincoln's) for the moderate extent of thirteen days' penance enjoined, by Anian II., Bp. of St. Asaph, available for " all persons truly contrite, confessed, and really penitent, who should recite the Lord's Prayer, and Salutation of B.V. Mary, with a faithful mind, for the souls of Giles late Bishop (1256 — 62) and Simon de Bridport late Treasurer [and Archdeacon, dr. 1258 — 70] . . , .
1 The un-dated inscription may be earlier than " c. 1270."
c 2
"20 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
at the tomb before the altar of B. Mary Magdalen." This beautiful tomb stands at the north side of the S.E. transept, and commemo- rates scenes in the life of Giles de Bridport, founder of De Vaux College for (Scotist) scholars, dr. 1261, in whose episcopate the west front of the nave and the roof were finished and the completed Church was dedicated, 29th Sept., 1258, by Archbishop Boniface. An indulgence of xiii days was recorded in the partly-obliterated inscription cut on the second buttress from the east end, on the south side of the south wall of the Lady Chapel. A conjectural readinor of this inscription is given in our list under the date "circa ? 1270," but it refers to the soul of a certain " Angnes," or Agnes, whose name cannot be identified in extant obit lists.1
In his Injunctions for Salisbury Diocese in 1538 Bp. Nicholas
Shaxton forbade among other things offerings to be made to images
(N"o. 14), the use by women of "measures of our Lady" (No. 18),
and directed that "all relics (as they lie called) " should be sent to
him at his house in Kamsbury, or other-where, to be examined.
He undertook in due course to return those which he found genuine,
"with certain instructions how they ought to be used" (No. 21),
and he directed " that the bell called the Pardon, or Ave Bell,
which of long time hath been used to be tolled three times after
or before Divine Service, be not hereafter in any part of my diocese
any more tolled."2 "That the knolling of the Aves after service,
and certain other times, which hath been brought in and begun
by the pretence of the Bishop of Eome's pardon, henceforth be
left and omitted, lest the people do hereafter trust to have pardon
for the saying of their Aves, between the said knelling, as they
have done in time past." (Ib., ii., p. 42.) " The people " (say the
editors) " were accustomed to say Aves when the bells rang for
service, and received indulgences for doing so." John XXII.
(Pope 1316 — 34) recommended the saying of three Aves when the
1 Agnes, wife of Xicol Hardyng, and Agnes Barowe, are named in the bedes of a later period. Salisbury Ceremonies (1901), p. 31.
2 (No. 22.) Visitation Articles and Injunctions, Frere & Kennedy, Alcuin Club, ii., p. 60. This was in accordance with No. 16 of the Second Royal Injunctions (A.D. 1538.)
•By Canon Chr. Wordsworth. 21
curfew rang. "In 1399 Abp. Arundel ordered an Ave to be said universally in the province of Canterbury at daybreak and at curfew. Out of this custom grew the ringing of the " Angelus," which was otherwise known as the Ave-bell or the Gabriel-bell." x I find this in the Metford Register at Salisbury, f. ; 143.2 12th Feb., 1399 — 1400. " Mandatum pro pulsacione ignitegii et Day bell." The Abp. gives indulgence of forty days for recitation of the Lord's Prayer and five Aves. Indulgences were often mentioned in the descriptive title-pages of printed Horae beatissimae Virginis Mariae ad usum Sarisburiensis ecclesice, at least as early as 1510. In some such primers upwards of thirty indulgenced prayers are set forth, many of them offering re- missions and pardons of hundreds and thousands of years, with a profusion which the Council of Trent subsequently repudiated. Some of the indulgences mentioned in the Sarum Primer are attributed to early Popes; but several of the largest, to those of the latter part of the 15th century. The books which contained such indulgenced prayers were forbidden under the name of " rubric primers" by Eidley in 1550 and Hooper in 1551 within their dioceses,2 and by Bp. Guest as " superstitious popish primers " in 1565.3 In 1548 Cranmer referred to the fact that in time past sums of money had been bestowed upon pardons by persons on their deathbeds or at other times.4 It was the custom to bury a parchment scroll, on which the absolution was written, in the grave with the body of the deceased person to whom it was granted.5 Ln the 15th and 16th centuries after the Bidding of the Beads in Salisbury Cathedral Church on Sundays, or at such time as the relics of the Church were proclaimed, notice was published in Latin or English (both forms being entered in the Precentor's Processionale) that a total of nineteen years and three hundred and sixteen days of pardon was available for those present and qualified
1 (ubi supra, ii., 42 n.) 2 Frere's Visitation Articles, ii., 244, 1277.
3 If)., iii., 157. Dr. Edmund Guest was Bp. of Rochester from 1560 till 1571, when he was translated to Sarum.
4 Ib., ii., 182. * Ib., iii., p. 304, n.
22 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
to receive it, the "suuima totalis" being made up of (1) a total of eight years and forty -one days specially granted for those who visited the Church of Salisbury on the occasion when the said notice was to be given (which the MS. does not specify, as it was well known, doubtless, to the dignitary who used it), and (2) the indulgence "of old time granted" to this Church, viz., eleven years1 and one hundred and seventy-five days. One of the readers of this Magazine may be able by exercise of his arithmetical powers to divine from the succeeding list (a) how the two sub-totals (1) and (2) were made up, and hence (b) on what occasion, or occasions, the notice was given out in Salisbury Cathedral.
A LIST of one hundred and sixty INDULGENCES and docu- ments thereto relating, as granted to the Church of Salisbury or other Churches in Wilts, or registered by Bishops of Salisbury about the years 117O— 1536.
dr. 1165—9. 40 days, granted by Thomas [Becket], Abp. of Canter- bury, to those who visit the relics at St. Peter's, Heytesbury, on the Invention of the Cross. "Pauperibus ecclesiis." Osmund Register, i., 343.
dr. 1165—9. 20 days, granted by N[igel], Bp. of Ely, to those who visit St. Peter's, Heytesbury, and give their alms, on the feast of the Inven- tion of the Cross. " Pauperibus ecclesiis." Osmund Register, i., 344.
dr. 1200. Indulgences, granted by Pope Innocent III. for saying Three Prayers of the Passion : Coll. "/). J. C., Fili Deiviviqui pro redemp- tions. " ; Secret " Auxilientur " ; and Postcom. " Domine Deus de Deo," Missale Sarum, p. 927.*
[1225]. 30 days granted by Stephen [Langton], Cardinal of H. Roman
Church, Abp, of Canterbury, " ad fabricam B. Marie Sar. de iiouo con-
struendam." (marked " 1."). Hist. MS$. Report, 8vo. i. (1901) p. 377.
The Abp. preached on 29 Sept., 1225, and celebrated service in the
nova basilica, when the Lady Chapel was built. [S. I.].4
1 I have overlooked the mistake of " vj anni " (where I ought to have given " xj ") in my Salisbury Ceremonies and Processions, p. 41, line 1 1. On the subject of Indulgences I may refer to Methuen's Antiquary's Books (Old .English Service Books, pp. 286 — 293 (1904, ifec.,) and to my paper on York- shire Pardons and Indulgences ; Yorks. Archceol. Soc. Transactions, xvi., 369 —423(1901).
2 The entries marked " S " in the present list belong to a series of 58 original (.MS.) pardons or indulgences, some with seals attached, preserved in the Muniment Room of Salisbury Cathedral (Press IV.), which Chr. \V. was allowed to examine and arrange a few years ago. Some of these were previously described by Mr. Reginald L. Poole in Hist. MSS. Report, 8vo., (various) i., pp. 377—379, issued in 1901. The "old numbers" which are also given in our list, with marks of quotation, may have some interest for future research.
By Canon Chr. Wordsworth. 23
dr. 1235. 40 days granted by Edmund, Abp. of Canterbury, to con- tributors to the structure of Salisbury Cathedral Church (marked 23). " Sane, . . . dilectissimi. Seal, green wax : St. Edmund, Abp. 6 medallions. Verso, martyrdom of St. Thomas. [Box " .Edmund"} Report (1901) pp. 377 — 8.
dr. 1235. 40 days, granted by [St.] Edmund [Rich, of Abingdon], Abp. of Canterbury, to contributors to the fabric of Salisbury Cathedral. " Sijuxta sapientis," n.d. (Duplicate, but seal lost.) [S. 2.]
1253. 1 year and 40 days, granted by Pops Innocent IV., promulgated by William of York, Bp. of Sarum, to contributors to S. Paul's, London. Feb., 1252—3. Camden Soc., N.S. xxvi., pp. 3,4. ex Brit. Mus. Add. Charter 5957.
1258. "Licet is, cuius munere" 100 days, granted by Pope Alexander IV. to visitors at Salisbury Cathedral Church on the feast of the Assump- tion (15 Aug.).
40 days, ditto, at Candlemas (2 Feb.) and 40 days, ditto, at the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin (8 Sept.). Sum, 180 days. 21 May, 1258.
Misdated by Benson &, Hatcher, p. 734. JfegistrumSubrum,\20; Sarum Charters, p. 329.
1258. 122 days are granted by Abp. Boniface and his suffragans (besides Papal indulgences, &c.) to those who go ad certam ecclesiam to observe the dedication festival octaves of Salisbury Cathedral. Emman. Coll.. Cambridge, MS. I. 2, 6, f. 174.
1261. 40 days, granted by Giles de Bridport, Bp. of Sarum, to contribu- tors to St. Paul's, London. Camden Soc. N8.. xxvi., p. 176, n. 40.
1264. Granted by Walter de la Wyle, Bp. of Sarum, to contributors to St. Paul's, London. H. H. Milman, Annals of S. Paul's, app. c.
1266. 20 days, granted by Walter de la Wyle, Bp. of Sarum, to persons attending Lincoln Sermons, and reciting 3 Paters and 3 Aves for the soul of H. de Lexington, Bp. of Lincoln. Lincoln Muniments.
1270. 30 days, granted by Robert Kilwardby, for prayers at the tomb of Earl W. Longespe. Salisbury Ceremonies, p. 43. [Hatcher's] Hist. 4* Descriptive Account of 0 <k N. Sarum, 1834, p. 40.
dr. 'I 1 270, or earlier. 13 days' pardon granted at Salisbury, for a Pater and 5 Aves, at the tomb of Agnes, xiiith century inscription on a buttress outside the south side of the Salve or Lady Chapel, near St. Stephen's altar and porch (now blocked up). The buttress having had a niche and a square opening, apparently for a tablet, cut in the face of it, there is about one-third of the lettering of the indulgence entirely destroyed. It was presumably either this inscription, or else the curious epitaph of Precentor Adam Mottram, A.D. 1415, which is cut on the next buttress, westward of the indulgence before us (and which Mr. A. R. Maiden has deciphered and described in W. A. Mag., xxxv., 359), that Leland appears to have found already illegible in 1540, when he left a blank space for it in his Itinerary ; see Miss L. T. Smith's edition, 1907, i., p. 265, as " in one of the mayne butteres (of the south isle again the high altare) of the chirch an inscription . . . [Latin] sumwhat defacid." It may be read, I think, as follows : —
24 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
: X : I : I : I : D [IES : VE] NIE : O[R
DICEN[T2BrS : CVm :]V : SAL
: V
IRGIN[/S: PRO : ANIM^A : AN GNET[/S : H EIC : REQJViES
The buttress is 2ft. lljin. in width. The Lombardic letters are one
inch and nine-sixteenths high. 1271. 13 days granted by fr. Anian II.. Bp. of St. Asaph, for the Church
of Salisbury. Pater and Ave at altar of B. Mary Magdalene, for Bp.
Giles, and treasurer, Simon de Bridport.1 Sandwych, 11 June, 1271.
il Quia aliorum sujfragiis " [Box " Asaph " &C.J. [S. 3.] Report, 378. 1271. 40 days granted by William [de Bitton], Bp. of Bath & Wells, to
benefactors of Salisbury and prayers for the peace of the realm and
the soul of Robert [Bingham] Bp. Warminster, 12 kl. Nov. 1271.
" Indidtum nobis celitus (good seal)." [Box " Wells, Exeter"] [S. 4.]
1273. 40 days, granted by Anian II., Bp. of St. Asaph, for prayers for the soul of 1 Robert [? Bingham] formerly Bp. of Sarum " cor am sup- premo altari virginis." " Cum, sicut sancta tenet ecclesia" Sarum, vigil of St. Valentine, 1272—3. [S. 5.]
1274. 40 days, granted by Peter, Bp. of the Orkneys, to those who wor- ship at Salisbury Cathedral.
1274. 40 days, granted by Robert, of Holy Isle, Bp. of Durham, for
worshippers at Salisbury Cathedral. dr. 1277. 40 days, granted by Archibald, Bp. of Moray, to worshippers
at Salisbury.
1277. 20 days, granted by Robert de Stuteville, Bp. of Dunkeld, to wor- shippers at Salisbury Cathedral.
1 278. 40 days, granted by Godef ridus [Giffard], Bp. of Worcester, for prayers for the soul of W. Longespee, in the chapel of B. Mary. Blockelegh, 8 kl. May, 1278. [One of the largest pieces of parch- ment among the pardons preserved at Salisbury.] [S. 6.]
1278. 30 days, granted by William, Abp. of Edessa [Ragensis], for prayers for the soul of " Earl " W. Longespe. [S. 7.] Report, p. 379.
1278. 40 days granted by David [MacCarvill], Abp. of Cashel, for say- ing Pater and Ave for the soul of W. Longespe, Knt., buried in the chapel of B. Mary. Calne, 4 Kl. Jul., 1278. [Box " Norwich," &c.] Seal. [S. 8.]
1279. 20 days granted by Robert [Burnell], Bp. of Bath and Wells, for prayers for the soul of W. Longespey, earl of Salisbury. Stockbridge, 6 id. Apr., 1279. [S. 9.]
1 Bp. Giles de Bridport (or " Brudeport ") died 13th Dec., 1262. His brother Symon occurs in records as Archdeacon of Dorset in 1258, and of Berks in 1262, but we have not been able to ascertain when he was treasurer, nor when he died.
By Canon Chr. Wordsworth, 25
1280. 40 days granted by John [de Derlington], Abp. of Dublin, for the fabric of Salisbury Cathedral. 5 Kl. Apr., 1280, a° consecracionis, 1°. " Vt nos allectiuis." (Marked " 5.") [S. 10.]
1281. 20 days, granted by " rensis ecclesie minister
humilis," for prayers for the soul of Hilde . . . de Lande, knt. 1281. Sarr' die s. Lurgencij, martiris (? 10 Aug.) 1281. (Fragment). [S. 11.]
1283. 30 days, granted by [Peter Quivil] Bp. of Exeter, for prayers for the soul of John de Lacey, son of the noble earl of Lincoln. 4 kal Jan. (28 Dec.), 1283. [S. 12.] Report (1901), p. 378.
1285. 15 days granted by fr. John [Peckham], Abp. of Canterbury for prayers for the soul of W. Lungespeye, knt. Wilton, 10 kl. Jun., 1285. a° consecracionis, vij. (Marked " D." [S. 13.]
1286. 40 days granted by William [de Breuse], Bp. of Llandaff, for the fabric of Salisbury. 1 kal. May, 1286. Silk strings and seal. [Box "Asaph" &c.] ['S. 14.] Report (1901) p. 378.
1287. July 3 1st. Robert [Macdonagh, Ord. Cistercien], Bp. of Cork, grants 40 days pardon to visitants at the Chapel of the B. Mary V. in Maiden Bradley Priory, provided that their own diocesans confirm the the privilege. Chanc. Miscell. Bundle 15, No. 6 F. 2, printed in Wilts N. and Q., vii., 249 — 50. " Gratum obsequium et Deo pium."
1288. 40 days, granted by Henry [de Braundeston], Bp. of Sarum, " Ut ex deprecacione." Wodeford, 7 id. Feb., 1287—8. [S. 15.]
1288. 40 days, granted by Godfrey [Giffard], Bp. of Worcester, for prayers for the soul of H. de Braundeston, " Aliorum injuturo." Boy- ton, 4 kl. Dec., 1288. [S. 16.]
1289. 20 days, granted by William [de la Cornere], Bp. of Sarum for prayers for the soul of W. Longespee, earl of Salisbury. Woodford, 6 kl. Oct., 1289. " Mortuorum memoria" [S. 17.]
1291. 40 days, granted by Nicholas Longespe, Bp. of Sarum, for con- tributors to Salisbury.
1291. 40 days, granted by Thomas Inglethorpe, Bp. of Rochester, for worshippers at Salisbury.
1291. 20 days, granted by John [de Saunford], Abp. of Dublin, for the soul of W. de Longespeye, earl of Salisbury. Sarum, id. Sept., 1291. [Box " Norwich" &c. Seal.] [S. 18.] Report (1910), p. 379.
1292. 40 days, granted by Thomas [St. Ledger], Bp. of Meath[Midensis], for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. Stanes, 8 kal. Mar., 1291—2. [S. 19.]
1292, April 26. Robert [Macdonagh], Bp. of Cork, grants 20 days pardon to persons coming to Maiden Bradley Churchyard and saying one Pater and Ave for the soul of Ric. de Piperharewe, buried there. Chancery Miscell. Bundle 15, no. 6 F. 3. (cf. A.D. 1287, July 31, above). Printed in Wilts N. and Q., 1909. 2">0. " Ut ex deprecacione vivorum"
1293. 40 days, granted by fr. Nicholas [Cusack] O. F. M., Bp. of Kildare [Darensis], for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. London, 12 kl. Jul., 1293. [Box " Norwich," &c, Seal.] [S. 20.] Report, p. 379.
1293. 40 days, granted by William [de Marchia], Bp. of Bath and Wells. London, 11 Kal. Jul., 1293 a8, consecr. 1°. [S. 21.]
6 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
1293. 40 days, granted by John [de Saunford], Abp. of Dublin, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere [who had been Abp. elect of Dublin, in 1279]. " Obsequium Deo" London, 1 Jul., 1293. [S. 22.]
1293. 40 days, granted by Thomas [de Wuldhara] Bp. of Rochester, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere.1? Danstede Polor juxta Cantuar. 2 id. Jul., 1293. [S. 23.]
1293. 40 days, granted by Oliver [Sutton], Bp. of Lincoln, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. " Operibus pietatis." London, prid. id. Nov., 1293. [S. 24.].
1294. 40 days, granted by [Nicholas Longespe] Bp. of Sarum, for prayers for the soul of Lawrence de Hakbourn, formerly canon [preby. of Ruscomb, 1231 — 8. He had been elect, but not consecrated, to the bishopric in Aug., 1288]. " Relaxacionis remedium." Sarum, 13 kl. May, 1294. [S. 25.]
1294. 20 days, granted by Thomas [de Bytton], Bp. of Exeter, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. London, 2 non. Jun., 1294. " Aliorum infuturo." [S. 26.]
1294. 40 days, granted by L[eolin de Bromfield], Bp. of St. Asaph, for saying Pater and Ave for the soul of W. de la Cornere, canon. Lon- don, Sat after 21 Sept., 1294. " Obsequium Deo." Seal (border lost). Box " Asaph,'' ifcc.] [S. 27.] Report (1901), p. 379.
1294. 40 days, granted by Ric. [de Swinefeld], Bp. of Hereford, for prayers for the soul of W. de Corneriis. London, lOkal, Oct., 1294 (marked " D "). Seal (border lost). " Quoniam nobis, precibus." [Box " Asaph" «fec.]. IS. 28.] Report (1901 ), p. 397.
1294. 40 days, granted by Ralph [de Walpole], Bp. of Norwich, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. London. 10 kl. Oct., 1294. " Obsequium." [Box " Norwich" &c., fragment of seal ] [S. 29.]
1294. 40 days granted by John [le Remain, " Romanus "], Abp. of York, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. Totenhale, 8 kl. Oct.,
1294, a° pontif. ix. [S. 30.]
1294. 40 days, granted by Thomas [de Wuldham], Bp. of Rochester, for prayers for the soul of Earl W. Longespe. [S. 31.]
dr. 1295. 1 days granted by Thomas [de Bytton], Bp. of Exeter (1292 —
1307), for prayers for the soul of [? !] center of Sarum,
who is buried before the altar of St. Katharine. Chard, pr. id. Jul., 12 . . (Fragment}. [S. 32.]
1295. 40 days, granted by Roger [de Molend.], Bp. of Coventry and Lichfield, for prayers for the soul of Earl W. Longespe. " Cleri et populi." 5 id. Nov., 1295, a° consecracionis xxxviii0. [S. 33.]
1295. 30 days, granted by Gilbert [de Sancto Leofardo], Bp. of Chich- ester, for prayers for the soul of W. Longespe. London, 4 non. Dec.,
1295. [S. 34.] Hist. MSS. Report (1901), p. 379.
1295. 40 days, granted by John [de Pontissara], Bp. of Winchester, for worshippers at Salisbury Cathedral saying Pater and Ave for the soul of Earl W. Longespe. " Mortuorum memoria." London, 4 Non. Dec. 1295. [S. 35.]
1 Succentor J. de Middleton d. after 1291.
By Canon Ckr. Wordsworth. 27
1295. 40 days, granted by Anian, Bp. of Bangor, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. " Obsequium Deo gratum." [S. 36.]
1296. 40 days, granted by Walter de Langton, Bp. of Coventry and Lichfield, for Salisbury fabric.
1297. 40 days, granted by William [de Marchia], Bp. of Bath and Wells, for prayers for the soul of Nicholas Longspee, Bp. Wilton, 10 Kal. Jun., 1297. [S. 37.]
1298. 40 days, granted by fr. William [de Hotham], Abp. of Dublin, for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. " Obsequium Deo gratum." London, 8 March, 1297—8. [S. 38.]
1299. 40 days, granted by Nic. (1 Ric. de Ferings), Abp. of Dublin, to worshippers at Salisbury Cathedral.
1299. 40 days, granted by Simon [de Gandavo] Bp. of Sarum, for prayers for the soul of W. de Corneriis, " Humani generis." liamsbury, 7 id. Aug., 1299. [S. 39.]
dr. 1300. 40 days granted for saying Pater and Ave for the soul of Felippur de Salc[eto]. Inscription in French, outside the porch of Semington Chapel. See Aubrey & Jackson, p. 355 ; Wilts N. and Q., iii., 475.
1300. 40 days, granted by Nicholas [Che vers], Bp. of Leighlin [Lechlini- ensis], for prayers for the soul of W. de la Cornere. " Quoniam ut ait." Dublin, Friday after the Conv. of St. Paul, 1299—1300. [S. 40.]
1300. 40 days, granted by Simon [de Gandavo], Bp. of Sarum, for prayers for the soul of Nicholas Lunggespeye, Bp. " ffumani generis lapsum.'' Bamsbury, non. Jul., 1300, a°. consecr. iij°. [S. 41.]
1301. 40 days, granted by Godfrey [Giffard], Bp. of Worcester, for prayers for the soul of Nic. Longespe, Bp. "Utanimis." Hartlebury, non. Jun., 1301. [S. 42.]
1 1304. [A grant by Caducanus, Bp. of Bangor, is noted (by Hatcher) in Account of Salisbury, 8vo, Salisb., p. 41. Anian was the Bishop of Bangor circa 1267 — 1306, according to Sir T. D. Hardy, though Le Neve gave a Caducan II. in 1303.]
1304. Licencia pro admittendis fratribus hospitalis S. Spiritus de urbe Romana. (Addressed to all abbots, priors, and archdeacons.) 7 Kl. May, 1304. Regist. Gandavo, f. 41.
130"). 40 days, granted by Robert [Winchelsey] Abp. of Canterbury, for the soul of Nicholas Longespe, Bp., " Licet dare." Winton, 4 id. Nov., 1305. [S. 43.]
1305. 40 days, granted by John de Halneton, or Halghton, for Salisbury fabric.
1306. 40 days, granted by Henry [de Merewell], Bp. of Winchester, for prayers for the soul of Nic. hongespe., Bp. " Mortuorum memoria." Highclere, 17 kl. Feb., 1305 — 6 a° consecr. 1°. (On a large piece of parchment). [_S. 44.]
1306. 40 days, granted by John [de Langton], Bp. of Chichester, for saying Pater and Ave, for the soul of Bp. Nicholas Loungespeye, Upham, 4 non. Apr., 1306. [Box, " Norwich" &c. 1.] [S. 45.]
1306. 40 days, granted by Ralph [de Baldock], Bp. of London, for
28 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
prayers for the soul of Nicholas Longespe, Bp. " Mortuorum memorial Fulham, 2 id. Apr., 1306. [S. 46.]
1308. Radulphi, London. Episcopi mandatum, ne questores de Bethlehem admittantur in diocesi. 1308. Registr. Gandavo, f. 94.
1309. 40 days, granted by Anian [Seys], Bp. of Ban gor, for prayers for the soul of Bp. Nicholas Longespe. London, Wed. after 30 Nov., 1309. [ Box " Sarum, Bangor." Fragment of seal] [S- 47.] Report, p. 379.
1310. 30 days, granted by Walter [Stapeldon], Bp, of Exeter, for prayers for the souls of Ralph of York, Chancellor, and W. de Cherdestok. Faringdon, 27 May, 1310. " Mortuorum memoria." [Box, " Wells, Exeter"] [S. 48.]
1310. 40 days, granted by John [de Drokenesford], Bp. of Bath and
Wells, for prayers for the soul of Ralph of York, Chancellor. Also 30 days, for the soul of W. de Chardestok. " Mortuorum memoria."
7 kl. Jul. 1310. [S. 49.] 1310. 30 days, granted by Simon [de Gandavo], Bp. of Sarum for prayers
for the soul of Ralph of York, Chancellor of Sarum, 4 id. Sep., 1313.
'• ffumani generis lapsum." [S. 50.] 1310. Thirty days, granted by Simon [de Gandavo], Bp. of Sarum, for
prayers for the soul of VV. de Cherdstok, canon. Sarr., 4 id., Sept., 1310.
[S. 51.] 1310. 40 days, granted by John [de Keton], Bp. of Ely, for prayers for
the soul of Peter de Gururnvill [preb. of Bedminster and Redcliffe,
1 298 — 1310.] " Mortuorum memoria." London, 1 Nov., 1310, a°. cons.
1°. [S. 52.] 1310. 40 days, granted by Anian [Seys] Bp. of Bangor, for prayers for
the soul of Peter de Gurimvill, canon. " Pia obsequia," London, 4 Nov.,
1310, a° 1°. [S. 53.] 1310. 40 days, granted by John [de Monmouth], Bp. of Llandaff, for
prayers for the soul of Mr. Peter de Gorumvile, canon, who is buried in
the Black Friars Church, London. " Ut animis fidelium. London,
4 non, Nov., 1310. [S. 54.]
1310. 30 days, granted by Walter [Stapledon], Bp. of Exeter, for Pater and Ave for the soul of Peter de Gromvill, formerly Canon of Sarum, buried [1310] in church of friars preachers (Blackfriars), London. Stockwell, near London, 6 Nov., 1310. " Mortuorum memoria." [Box " Wells, Exeter."} [S. 55.]
13 1 1 . 30 days, granted by John [de Ualderby], Bp. of Lincoln, for prayers for the soul of Mr. Peter de Grunvill Rector of Whitchurch, in dio. Lincoln, Canon of Sarum. Wimborn, 9 kl. Jun., 1311. " Pium nouimus." [S. 56.]
1315. 30 + 30 -f- 40 days, granted by Roger de Mortival, for visitants on festivals at Shaftesbury. Mortival Regist., ii., f. 1.
1316. 40 days, granted by Roger de Mortival, Bp. of Sarum, to con- tributors to the old work and the belfry of St. Paul's, London. Dugdale, St. Paul's, p. 10 ; Camden Soc., N.S., xxvi., p. 177.
1329. Oct. 26th. Statute of Roger de Mortival, Bp., cap. 22. " De indulgences pro fabrica publicandis." For the Cathedral at Salisbury.
By Canon Chr. Wordsworth,. 29
" Orbis Factor." Directs that such indulgences be proclaimed on the
Sundays in Lent and until Low Sunday, and offers an additional grant
of 40 days, to those visiting the Church during those times. Statutes of
Salisbury Cathedral, 1883, pp. 49, 50. 1312. Oct. 26th. Statute of Roger de Mortival, cap. 38. "Dereliquiis
et veneracionibus sanctorum " offers 40 days to those of his own diocese
(and to others where their own bishops approved), visiting Salisbury,
Cathedral on the anniversary feast of its dedication. " Nunquam vsus."
Statutes of Salisbury Cathedral" 1883. pp. 68, 69. 1320. 40 days. Mandatum ad publicandum indulgenciam benefactoribus
ecclesie Sar. 7 kl. Feb., 1319—20. Mortival Regist., f. 92. dr. 1320. 40 days, granted by Roger de Mortival, Bp. of Sarum, to hearers
of sermons by Canons of Salisbury. Mortival Regist., ii., f . 104. dr. 1326. Indulgencia pro pace inter reges Anglie et Francie. Mortival
Regist., ii., 202. 1327. 1 40 days, granted by Roger [de Mortival], Bp. of Sarum, for
prayers for the soul of Ralph of York. Pottern, 10 kl., Oct., 1327.
[S. 57.]
1327. 30 days, granted by Roger [de Mortival], Bp. of Sarum. for prayers for the soul of W. de Cherdstock, canon. 10 kal., Oct., 1327. [S. 58.]
dr. 1328. Littera tangen' tumbam Symonis deGandavo, nuper Episcopi Sar. Mortival Regist., ii., f. 248.
1328. 40 days, granted by Roger [de Mortival, Bp. of Sarum, for prayers for the soul of Bp. Nicholas Longespe. Sarum, kal. Mar., 1327 — 8 a° consecr., xiij. [Box "Sarum, flangor." Seal imperfect.] [S. 59.]
1 1334. 300 days, granted by Pope John XXII. (? 2 Dec., 1334), for saying
or hearing the gospel. " Apprehendit Pilatus." Missale Sarum, p. 890.* dr. 1335. 40 days, granted for praying for the soul of William de St.
John, parson of Ramsbury. Inscription in French, on a stone in the
chancel at Ramsbury. See E. Kite, Monumental Brasses of Wilts, p. 10. dr. 1336. Indulgencia pro hospitali B. Marie Magdalene, de Lyme.
Wyvil Regist., i., f. 40. 1340. Indulgencia pro fratre W. Dughernt, paupere heremita, de capella
S. Andree de Bradley in Haukechurch. Wyvil Regist., i., f. 54. 1340. Indulgencia ad orandum pro defunctis. (Particulars not specified.)
Wyvil Regist., i., f. 54. dr. 1340. Indulgencia pro ecclesia, concernens eccl. Omnium Sanctorum
apud Dorchester in diocesi Lincoln. Wyvil Regist., i., f. 65. dr. 1340. Indulgencia concessa ecclesie S. Laurencii juxta Candlewyke-
strete, London. Wyvil Regist., i., f. 66. dr. 1348. 260 days, granted by Pope Clement [VI.], for hearing the
mass de mortalitate evitanda. Sarum Missal, p. 886.* 1353. Ad publicandum indulgenciam Ecclesie Sar. pro continuacione
operis sive fabrice. (To be published in Churches from 1st Sunday in
Lent to Low Sunday). Wyvil Regist., i., f., 164. 1355. Littera ad orandum pro R. Shawell pugile electo pro recuperacione
castri Shireburn. Jan., 1355. Wyvil Regist., i., f. 177. 1374 — 5; 40 days, granted by Ralph Erghum, Bp. of Salisbury, to en- courage contributions to the Hospital of Holy Trinity and St. Thomas
30 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences
of Canterbury at Home. See Register of Edmund Stafford, Bp. of Exeter, i. 22 b. (ed. F. C. H. Randolph, p. 308), 1876. Indulgencia concessa questoribus hospitalis S. Trinitatis Oxon.
•22 Mar., 1375 — 6. Ere/ham Regist., f. 3.
1376. 40 days, granted by Ra. Ergharn in ' Littera ad recipiendum pro- curatores domus S. Margarite iuxta Marleburg. Ord. S. Gilleberti de Sempringham." 2 April, 1376. Ergham Regist., f. 4. 1 :3.76. Tndulgencia pro capella S. Johannis Bapt.de Bichstep inWarbelton,
com. Sussex. Ergham Regist., f. 5. dr. 1376. Indulgencia pro Willielmo Holgate capto ab hostibus et in-
carcerato per Francos. Krgham Regist., f. 5.
1379. 3 years and 3 lentings and 600 days, granted to contributors to Trinity Hospital, Sarurn, by Simon Sudbury, Abp. of Canterbury, and the Bps. of London, Winton, Durham, Ely, Lincoln, Sarum (Ergham), Bath and Wells, Rochester, and St. Asaph. Benson & Hatcher's Salisbury, p. 752.
cir. 1386. Mandatum ad orandutn pro anima Johannis [Hare well] Bathon. et Wellensis Episcopi, qui obiit mense Julio incipiente. A.D. 1386. Krgham Kegist., f. 82. 13S8. Littera ad colligendum questum cum indulgencia pro hospitali S.
Antonii diocesis Yiennensis. 1388. Waltham Regist., f. 6. 13S8. Littera questus continens indulgenciam pro prioratuS. Margarete [ordinis S. Gilbarti de Sempringham J de Marleburgh. 1388. Waltham Regist., f. 8.
13S8. Indulgencia, 40 dierum, pro hospitali S. Johannis, prioris, fratrum, sororum et infirmorum de Wylton, cuius fabrica per temporis lapsum. ruinam patitur. Waltham Regist., f. 12.
1 389. 40 days. Indulgencia pro hospitali S. Johannis Baptiste prope castrum [veteris] Sarum, et pauperibus degentibus in eodem. 10 Jan., 1888 — 9. " Ut pauperes hospitalis. Waltham Regist. f. 12. Ben- son ct Hatcher's Salisbury, p. 751. 1389. Indulgencia pro ponte de Berebrigge apud Warton in Kendal, dio.
Ebor. 31 Jan., 1388—9. Waltham Regist., f. 14.
1389. Indulgencia pro ponte et calceto in parochia de Symondesbury et
Chideock in agro Dorset. 4 Mar., 1388 — 9. Waltham Regist., f. 12.
1389. Indulgencia pro visitantibus capellam B. Virginis de Bowe, in
orientali parte monasterii de Sherborne. Waltham Regist., f. 31. 1391. Monicio generalis super indulg' pro capella B. Marie super pontem
orientalem [B. Anne], clausi Sar. Waltham Regist., ii., f. 13. 1393. Pope Boniface IX. grants 2 years and 2 quarentanes, or Lentings to the faithful resorting to the house ef the Black Friars of Fisherton, Salisbury, out of devotion to St. Peter, Martyr. Bullarium Ordinis Predicatorum, ii., 332.
1396. Littera Michaelis Sergeant vicarii spiritual., in absencia episcopi, ad colligendum elemosinas pro hospitali pauperum debilium et infir- morum S. Trinitatis Sarum, infra parochiam S. Martini 12 Apr., 1396. Metford Regist., f. 6.
dr. 1396. Littera pro hospitali S. Antonii dioc. Viennensis. Metford Regist., 6.
By Canon Chr, Wordsworth. 31
1396. Indulgencia pro hospital! S. Thome de Aeon, Lond. Metford
Rfgist. cxvii. 1396. 40 days, granted by Richard Metford, Bp. of Sarum, for St. Giles'
Hospital, Wilton, 26 Mar., 1396. Metford Regist. cxix. 1396. Indulgencia super donio leprosorum B. Marie de Langfort, dioc.
Bathon. et VVellen. Metford Regitt., cxx. 1396. Indulgencia super domo leprosorum de Honyngton dio. Exon. in
altari B- Micholai apud Sherborne. Metford Reyist., cxxi.
1396. Indulgence for the common road between Milcent Bawe and Henxbridge cross " in nostra diocesi," Metford Regist., cxxi.
dr. 1396. Indulgencia pro Edmundo Arthur, eremita de S. Maria le
Bowe, apud Sherborne. Metford Regist., cxxi. dr. 1397. 40 days. Indulgencia pro capella seu heremitag. S. Andree de
Bradetord, pro reparacione eiusdem. ibid', cxxiiib. (12 Jul.).
1397. Indulgencia pro animabus Johannis et Juliane Underwood* de Litchet Minster. Metford Regist., cxxiiij.
1397. Indulgencia pro Hospitali S. Trinitatis nove Sarum. 2 Sept., 1397.
Metford Regist., cxxvi.
1400. 40 days, granted by T. Arundel, Abp. of Cant., for repeating Pater and Ave at the tolling of curfew and day bell. " Mandatum pro
pulsacione ignitegii et Day-bell." 12 Feb., 1399—1400. Metford
Regist., f. 143. Cf. Alcuin Club, Collection xv. Injunctions, ii., 42 n. 1411. Against unauthorised pardoners. Monicio ne questores in diocesi
Sar. admittantur pro hospitali contra concilium generale. Halam
Rfgist., 15. 1410. Indulgencia pro Ireedificatione ecclesie de Laverstoke. Halam
Regist., 45. 1410. 40 days Indulgencia pro Hospitali S. Johannis Baptiste de Malmes-
bury, 2 June, 1410. Halam Regist., f. 47. 1413. Indulgencia pro visitantibus limina S. Edwardi in monasterio
Shaston jacent. 22 Jan., 1412 — 13. Halam Regist., f. 56. 1418. 40 days Indulgencia pro domo sive hospitali Trinitatis et S.
Thome martirisin civitate Sarum, concessa Stephano Caselat collectori.
18 Apr., 1418. Chandler Reg., episc. p. iii., f. 3. 1418. Carta super annuo censu solvendo Hospitali S. Johannis Hiero-
solymitani in Anglia apud Clerkenwell. Chandler Reg. Episc., p. iii.,
f. 5. 1426. Indulgencia concessa monasterio de Wilton. For S. Edith's
holiday, on September 16th annually. 4 Mar., 1425—6. Chandler
Reg. Episc. p. iii., f. 44. dr. 1432. Indulgencia cum ordinacione Henrici Chichele, Cantuar,
Archiepi, pro admissione questorum pro tribus hospitalibus tantum ;
viz., Hospitali E. Thome Cantuar, Jo. Shepherd, in Rome. Hospitali S.
Johannis hierosolymitani, the Frary. Et Hospitali S. Antonii. Nevyll Regist., f. 31. 1440. Indulgencia pro edificacione campanilis de Cranburne. 12 Apr.,
1440. Ayscotigh Regist., p. ii., f. 45. dr. 1445. " Summa indulgencie annorum et dierum omnibus visitantibus
hanc ecclesiam, vere confessis et contritis hac die, viij. anni. xlj. dies ;
;32 Wiltshire Pardons or Indulgences.
preter indulgenciam concessam huic ^cclesie, que est xj. anni. clxxv. dies. Summa totalis xix. anni.- ccc.xvj. dies." Bidding the Bedes from MS. Processionale, Chapter Library, MS. 148, f. 19b.
(Mr. Maiden observes that the grant of 100 days, made by Pope Alexander IV. in 1258, would suffice to make these totals correspond.)
Sum total of Indulgences, dr. 1450. " It is granted to all her' beyng at this tymeable to receue pardon, viij. yer' xlj. dayes, beside the indul- gences of old tyme graunted, which is, xj. yer' iij score and xv. dayes. Sunrma totalis, xix. yer' cccxvj. dayes." Proclamation of the Relicks and Indulgences. Salisbury Processions, p. 41, from MS. 148, fo. 19b,
1452. 40 days : Indulgencia pro ecclesia prebendali de Wodeford. a°. iii°. Beauchamp ffegist., i., f. 16.
1456. 40 days : Indulgencia pro captivis apud Constantinoplim, uxore et filiis Demetrii Paleologi. 20 Feb., 1555—6. Beauchamp Reg., i., f. 43.
1457. 10 years [and 1 10 lents] on St. Osmund's Day (4th Dec.), and 3 years and 3 lents, each day within the octave, granted by Pope Callixtus III, to visitors at St. Osmund's shrine 1 total 34 years, 145 days. Rome, 1 Jan., 1457. Canonization of St. Osmund, p. '234.
1470. Indulgencia papalis plenaria Pauli II. pape, apud S. Thomam Cantuariensem. 2 non, Jun., 1470. Beauchamp Regist., i. f. 122.
1472 — 3. 23rd Jan. ; 12 years and 12 lents, granted by Pope Sixtus IV. to those who visit the Cathedral Church on the obit and Translation of St. Osmund (4 Dec. & 16 Jul.) and assist in repairs of the fabric. MS. Miscellanea et Statuta quoad Sarum, f. 12.
1473 — 1501. Oblations to the fabric of St. Edmund's, Salisbury, yearly at Michaelmas and Lady Day, at the publication of the Papal Indul- gence. Ch. Wardens' Accounts, St. Edmund's, Salisbury, pp. 14 — 53, 361-9.
1477. April 3. A jubilee indulgence granted by Pope Sixtus IV. to J. Ly veden [of Brixton Deverill], esquire, and Avice, his wife, of Salisbury diocese. Certificate by the Abbot of Abingdon, papal collector. Salisbury. W. A. Mag., xxxvii., p. 16. Miss Hughes' MS., No. 30.
1480. Indulgence of " St. Johnys of Jerusalem," at St. Edmund's. Salis- bury. Ch. Wardens' Accounts, p. 25 ; cf. pp. xvi., 24, 26.
1487. Littera pro questoribus admittendis pro hospitali S. Marie de Bethlehem juxta Bishopsgate. 20 Dec., 1487. Beauchamp Regist., ii., L. 25.
dr. 1448. Littera pro questore S. Thome de Aeon. Beauchamp Regist., ii., L. 28.
1496. 40 days, granted to those who contribute meat and drink to help provide for the concourse of a general chapter of the Carmelites to be holden at Marlborough Priory in Assumption week, Aug., 1496. Blythe Regist., p. ii., f. 39.
dr. 1496. Littera testimonialis pro transeunte ad terrain sanctam. Blythe Regist., p. ii., f. 40.
1503. Indulgencia concessa hospitali S. Johannis de Divisis. 23 Nov., 1503. Audley Regist., f. 172.
1503. Indulgencia pro Roberto Key, incendium passo. Audley Regist. f. 171.
By Canon Chr. Wordsworth. 33
dr. 1503. Indulgencia pro hospitalibus S. Antonii de Hounslow,S.Thome
de Aeon, &c. Audley Regist., f. 172. 1504. Monicione questoresaidmittantur sine consensu episcopi. 4 Jan.
1503—4. Audley Regist., f. 114. 1504. Indulgencia pro constitucione capelle S. Anne in parochia de
Remesbury. 14 Jan., 1503 — 4. Audley Regist., f. 115. 1504. Indulgencia pro capella de Frome Whytfeld prope Dorchester.
19 Feb., 1503—4. Audley Regist., f. 117. 1506. 40 days : Indulgencia pro ponte de Crawford. 7 Dec., 1506.
Audley Regist., f. 133.
1510. Sept. 5th. " Hare beatissime virginis Marie ad vsum Sarisburiensis ecdesie . . . cum multis oradonibus et indulgenciis iam vltimo recenter insertis. Printed in 8vo, by Thielman Kerver, Paris, for W. Bretton, London.
dr. 1515. 40 days, granted by Edmund Audley, Bp. of Salisbury (and the like by Abp. W. Warham, J. Fisher, and other prelates), in support of a Brief from Pope Leo X., for redemption of Sir J. Pyllett, knight of the Holy Sepulchre, "from Mauris and Infidels." Brit. Mus. C. 18, e. 2 (49).
1526. 32,755 years of pardon granted for the devotion of the Image of Pity, "and Sixtus the iiij., Pope of Rome (1471 — 84), hath made the iiij. and the v. prayer, and hath dowbulled his forsayde pardon." Hore B.V.M- ad usum Sarum, Paris, 1526, f. 54.
1531. "The armes of our Lord" " 6000 yeres pardon." The Image of our Lady, 11,000 years' pardon, and other such indulgences, in the Hore B. V.M. ad usum Sarum. 1531. f. 69b. &c.
One seventh part of the remission of all their sins granted by St. Boniface the Pope, for those who say the Mass of the Five Wounds. Missale Sarum p. 750.';: 100 days, granted by Pope Urban V., for saying or hearing the mass of
Corpus Christi. Missale ad usum Sarum, 1526, p. 455 n. 1536. 10,000 years indulgence granted by Pope Alexander VI. (1492— 1503), to penitents for deadly sins, and 20 years for venial sins, totiem quotiens,ior use of a version of the Ave, in which St. Anne is included. Hore B.V.M. ad usum Sarutn, 1535 — 8; with upwards of 30 other indulgences. [Such pardons were known as " tot quots."] 1538. Injunction (No. 22) for Salisbury Diocese by Nic. Shaxton, Bp. of Sarum (Imprinted at London in Fleet street, at the sign of the Sun, by John Byddell, and are to sell at the Close- Gate in Salisbury.) " That the bell called the Pardon, or Ave Bell, which of long time ' hath been used to be tolled three times after or before Divine Service, be not hereafter in any part of my diocese any more tolled." Alcuin Club Collection XV., 8vo, 1910. Injunctions, ii., p. 60.
1 Cf. the 16th of the Second Royal Injunctions of K. Henry VIII., ibid., L, 42 ; where Dr. Frere notes that Pope John XXII. (dr. 1316— 34) recom- nended the recitation of three Aves at curfew, and Abp. Arundel ordered in Ave at daybreak and curfew throughout his province. See above, p. 31. [he devotion was extended and encouraged by Sixtus IV. at the instance >f Elizabeth of York (dr. 1475 — 84) and by English Archbishops and Bishops, 26th March, 1492. E. Hoskins, Primers, 1901, p. 126.
TOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. D
NOTES AS TO NAMES AND LANDMARKS IN MARLBOROUGH.
Taken from the Leases (cir. 1536 — 1708) recorded in the " Corporation Survey Book," begun in 1576.
BY E. LL. GWILLIM.
The Cage. "One tenement called the Cage lying 'in Kyngesbury Street."
Our Lady Chantry.1 From lease dated 10th March, 17°. Eliz. (1575). to Ric. Cornewall.
" betwene a tenement belonging to the late Chauntrey calld our lady Chauntrey in the tenure of Margaret Taylor of the N. partie and the churchyarde of St. Maryes of the W. partie."
Fraternity of the Blessed Name of Jesus. From a lease dated 19th August, 17° Eliz. (1575), to W. Carver.
"A tenement in Kyngesbury Streate, between a tenement late John Fryse of the S. part and a tenement sometyme perteyening to the fraternitie of the blessed Name of Jesus of the N. parte."
The Hermitage and Dymer's Close. From a lease dated 19th August, 17th Elizabeth (1575), to Ric. Cohnan.
" One tenement and a garden adioining, called the Hermitage lying in the Bally Warde in Marlebrough betwene a tenement of the maior and bur- gesses now in the tenure of J. Cotton of the W. partie and a certayne lane leading from the Quenes hye waie unto a certayne close called Dymer's close of the E. partie and extendeth to a meade of the inheritance of J. Symons of the X. partie and the Quene's highe \\aie of the S. partie- And also one cottage or shambles newlie builded in the high strete of M. over the gutter that runneth under the cage."
The Lyou in Herd Street. From a lease dated 19th August, 17 Eliz. (1575).
Two tenements and a close of pasture with two gardens and two curtilages in " Herd Street, " betwene the Inne called the Lyon of the S. partie and a close in tenure of the said T. Pyke of the X. partie."
1 For references to "Our Lady('s) Chantry," and to many other Marl- borough names which occur in this list, see the Index to vol. xxxvi. (A.D. 1910) pp. 677—679.
Notes as to Names and Landmarks in Marlborouyh. 35
W. Mydwynter's (now, 1910, Mr. A. M. Adams') Brewery. From a lease, 29th August, 12° Eliz. (1570).
A tenement with orchard and garden on the N. side of the High Street. "A tenement th'inheritance of Antony Whytehart in the tenure of W. Goff e, of the W. partie and a tenement belonging to the churche of St. Peter now in the tenure of W. Mydwynter bocher (Ashton House and brewery, 1910) of the E. partie unto a meade called the Harte meade on the N. partie."
Coolebridge [Cowbridge]. From a lease, 12th Nov., 16° Eliz. (1574) to VV. Carver.
A tenement with a close of meadow adjoining, lying in the Marsh Ward, "betwene a close of pasture of W. Thynne gent, in the tenure of Ellen Collyns widowe of the S. partie and the bridge called Coolebridge of th' E. partie which premisses sometyme belonged to the Hospitall of St. Jo(h)nes in Marlebrough."
Coolebridge, afterwards called " Cowbridge." The bridge leading to the railway stations and Hospital of St. John, now the Grammar School.
Cowbridge and Rawlens Well. From a lease, 17 April, 14° Eliz. {1572), to Robert Mydwynter alias Kyng.
A close of meadow lying in the Marsh Ward "at th'end of a bridg called Cowbridg between the cawsey leadi-ng to Cowbridg aforesaid on the VV. partie and a lane or dyche leading up towardes Rawlens well on th'E. partie and the Ryver of Kynnett on the S. partie."
St. John's Close and Blynde Lane. From a lease, 16th April, 14° Eli/. (1572), to T. Pyke.
"A close of meadow or pasture called St. Jo(h)nes Close in the parish of St. Peters,1 betwene a close called the Bell Close on the S. partie and a certaine narrow lane called the Elynde lane of the N. partie and extendeth From the Queues higgh waie of the E partie unto the forsaid lane called the Blynde lane of the W. partie." 2
Pound's Close. From a lease, 27th June, 1577, to Ric Collman.
"One plock of medow called Pounds Close, containing by estimation 12 roides in length, and in breadth 2£ roddes on the E. side of Kyngesbury Streat."
KTewland Street. From a lease, 18th July, 7° Eliz. (1565).
" A street ther called Newland " mentioned. (Now named " St. Martins " after the Church, now demolished, and marked only by the yew tree, near •which it stood).
" Newlande Street, alias St. Martins Street," is mentioned in several leases.
Bay water and St. Martin's Lane. From a lease, 10th Sept., 7° T.liz. (1565), to Ric. Weare, alias Brown-
" Two closes and a barne whereof one contains by estimation 2 acres and lyeth at the Bay pyttes 3 betwene a close in the tenure of Rob. Hanle on the partie and a close in the tenure of J. Cornewall on the S. partie the water
1 The meadow S. of the Workhouse.
2 The lane leading past Deverill House to the Common.
3 At the end of the lane past Poulton Hill cottages.
D 2
36 Notes as to Names and Landmarks in Marlborough.
called Baywater on the E. partie and St. Marty ns lane1 on the W. partie."
Cross Close and Bay pitt Lane. From a lease, 13th Aug., 7° Eliz. (1565), to Walter Mersam.
" One close of pasture or mead called Crosse close,2 containing by estima- tion 2£ acres, lying in the Grene Ward in Marlebrough adjoining to Cole- harbor on the N. partie, Bay pitt lane 3 on th'E partie, St. Martin's Lane on the W. partie, and the Quenes highway on the S. partie."
Chymynage Close. From a lease dated 18th June, 7° Eliz. (1565), to J. Perry nhefe.
A close called Chymynage close,4 in Herd Street, <: betwene a close of Hob. Tubbyas of the S. partie the lane leading from the Thornes into Blowhorn Street, alias Pylat5 Street,1 on the N. partie."
Laney's Close. From a lease, 14th July, 7° Eliz. (1565) to Ric. Laney.
" One platt of meade in Blowhorne Street."
"A platt of Rob. Weare gent, in the tenure of Walter Newport of the S. partie and platt of ground of T. Pyke sometyme the churche yarde of St. Martyn's on th'E. partie a close of the maior and burgesses in the tenure of the said Ric. Laney6 on the N. partie and the Quene's high way on the W. partie."
Stonebridge. From a lease, 6th July, 7° Eliz. (1565), to Ric. Colrnan.
" A close of pasture in the Greene Warde on th'E. syde of the hygh way nere to Newbridge,7 betwene the water of Kynnet of the S. partie and a close in the tenure of T. Chylwey on the N. partie."
Holdiche and Large's Close. From a lease, 1st Dec., 5° Eliz. (1562), to J. Cornwall.
" Three closes of pasture in the Green Ward one called Holdiche,8 con- taining by estimation 2 acres lyeth on th'E. syde of the said ward betwene a close late T. Bacon's now in the tenure of the said J. Cornwall of the N. partie in the town cliche on the E. partie the Quene's high way leading to Polton bridg on the S. partie."
" One other close calld Larges lieth in the said warde nere to Rawlens well, which containeth by estimation ^ an acre adioyning to a close of the said J . Cornwall of th'E partie.
And the other of the said 3 closes cont. by est. % an acre lyeth in the said Warde near unto the said well called Rawlens well.
Goddard's Close. From a lease, 13th June, 28° Hen. VIII. (1536), to J. Fryse.
1 St. Martin's Lane = Cold Harbour Lane. 2 Crosse Close, the meadow in front of G. Bailey's house.
3 Baypitt Lane=Tin Pit Lane. 4 Chymynage Close, now occupied by Mr. Milburn.
Pylat Street, still called Blowhorn Street.
6 Still known as Laney's Close, and so called in the Survey Book in 1688. See that date.
7 Known as Stonebridge (or Stonybridges) Lane. 8 Left-hand side of Poulton Hill.
By E. LI. GiviUim. 37
A close of pasture called Goddards close,1 in a streat called Blowhorne Street, alias Pylat Street.
" Betwene the land sometyme belonging to St. Martyn's Church on the N. partie the land of the maior and burgesses of the S. partie and extendeth from the Kynges high way of the W. partie unto a lane called St. Martyns lane of th'E partie.
The Bear. From a lease, 16th July, 7° Eliz. (1565), to Philip Colleye.
" A tenement on the S. side of the High Street betwene the inne called the signe of the Beare on the \V. partie, a smythes shops in the occupation of Robert Lanford on the E. partie."
St. Mary's Chxirch. From a lease, 25th Sept., 4° Ed. VI. (1550), to Ric. Mayle.
In description of a tenement on E. side of Kingsbury Street. "... and extendeth from the Queenes highway on the W. partie unto a close of pasture lately belonging to our Ladies service in the pirish churche of St. Maries in .Marlebrough on th'E. partie."
St. Katherine's Chantry. From a lease, llth July, 7° Eliz. (1565), to Alice Spencer.
A tenement in Bailey Ward [High Street] is described as having "a tenement of the Quenes Maiesty, sometyme belonging to St. Katheryns Chauntry, on the W. partie."
Bally Close. From a lease, 26th March, 3° Eliz. (L561), to Walter Mersam.
"A barn and ground on the W. part of the Bailey Ward betwene a barne of Antony Whitharte on the S. parte a close of pasture belonging to Barton Ferme called the Bally Close on the S.W. partie the Quenes highway on E. partie and the Towne diche on the W. partie."
Blynde Lane and Hermitage Lane. From a lease ... 4 Eliz. (1561, or 1562), to J. Brownberd.
" A close of meadow on the W. partie of a lane called the Blynde Lane betwene a close of Rob. Mydwynter of the N. partie and a tenement of J. Symons on the S. partie, and extendeth from the said lane unto a lane called Hermitage lane on the W. partie."
Postern Gate. From a lease, 1st Nov., 18° Eliz. (1576), to W. Danyell.
" All that their parcell of leyne ground containing by estimation 2 acre be it more or less lying together upon the hill on th'E. side of Postern gate sometym called the Horsedowne ther within the paryshe of Preshutt being bounded as followeth one end of the same 2 acres begynneth at a merestone of late newly pight upon th'E. parti and extendeth from thence to the ashe and so along by the olde diche to the waie called Posterngat on the S. partie. And so from the saide gate upon the new quick set hedg upon the brink unto another merestone also lately set on the N. side full over right against first merestone."
[This is interesting as showing that the Corporation of Marlborough once had some rights on the Forest Bank. " Postern Gate " I guess to be " Five Stiles " now.— (E. LI. Gwillim.)]
1 Part of Laney's Close. Pylat Street, still called Blowhorn Street.
38 Notes as to Names and Landmarks in Marlborovgh.
Cowbridge Close. From a lease dated ... to Rob. Glover.
" One plott of void ground lieing nere Cowebridge betwene a close of the mayor and burgesses called Cowbridge Close on th'E. partie, the bridge on the W. partie, and the water of Kennett on the S. partie.
Castell Inn. From a lease, 20th Nov., 40° Eliz. (1597), to Roger Hitchcock.
" A barn situate upon the Town Ditch in the Bally Ward betwene a close of meadow called the Bally Close on the W. side, the yeard or backside of the Messe or Inn called the Castell on th'este side."
[Note. —A " Castell Inne" existing already in 1597.]
Coleherbert Lane. In a lease, 20th April, 40° Eliz. (1598), to J. Cornewall.
"A lane called Coleherbert lane, alias St. Martyn's Church there."
Newbridge Lane. In a lease, 10th Aug., 11° Jac. I. (1613), Newbridge Lane, in the Green Ward, is mentioned.
Almshonse. From a lease, 6th May, 16 Jac. I. (1618), to T. Millington-
A tenement and a void plot of ground on the E. side next unto the street in the Marsh Ward betwene the Almehouse on the N. and the land of T. Millington ... on the S."
[Now Sebastopol Buildings.]
In subsequent leases the tenement demised as above is described as lying " betwene a tenement of the land of Giles Millington in the tenure of Rob. Stagge on the S., tho Almeshouse on the N., the Streete on the E., and the Schoole close on the W."
Workhouse. In a lease, 22nd August, 1649, to Antony Awst.
" A tenement or cottage heretofore in the tenure of Humfrey Ilsley and a plott of void ground thereto adioyning and extending thence to the Workhouse and lyeing in the Ballydich,"
[St. Peter's Workhouse.]
Crabb's Close. In 1653 Crabb's Close was occupied by Thomas Crabb.
Hart Mead and Crabb's Close. From a lease, 19th March, 1655, to Nathaniel Rashleigh,
" A close of meadow containing by estimation 1 acre with a barne there- uppon standing now in the tenure of T. Crabb lyeing betwene the Hart meade on the N. and other Chamber land lett to the 4 several tenants last mencioned (Survey Book, pp. 53 and 44) on the S."
[The Hart meade must have been to the N. of Crabbs' Close.]
Bell Inn, Kingsbury Street. From a lease, 20th April, 1654, to W. Furrier.
A messuage there new building on the W. side of Kingsbury Street.
" Betwene a messuage called the Bell on the S., and other Chamber land then in the occupation of Obadiah Blissett on the N."
In a lease, 7th Nov., 1655, to T. Bryant, of a messuage in Kingsbury, it is described as newly built, where was a former messuage called the Bell " burnt by the late great fier" [April, 1653.] The sign of " The Bell " occurs at Marlborough in St. Peter's Rental, A.D. 1571. It was known about 1698 as " The Bell and Brewers." (" The Bell and Shoulder," on the E. of Kingsbury Street, occurs from 1782.)
By E. LI. Gwillim. 39
Found Close and King's Head Close. From a lease, 27th Aug , 1656, to W. Dickman.
" All such part of a certen tenement called Pound Close att the upper end and on the E. side of Kingsbury Streete as adioneth to a meadow called Kinges Hed close on the N. and E. parts."
Workhouse and Hermitage Close. From a lease, 30th Sept, 1658, to W. Willing.
" A tenement over against the Workhouse betwene the street on the S. and W. partes, and a garden now used with the same tenement parcell of Hermitage Close on the N.
The Katherine Wheel. From a lease, 28th Feb., 1666, to W. Church.
A messuage lately erected called the Katherine Wheele in Kingsbury Street in the parish of St Mary, " between the land of Nicholas Liddeard on the S., the land of Walter Kandoll on the N., Kingsbury Street on the W., the land of the Mayor and Burgesses of the Devizes on the E. " The Catherine Wheel " is now known as " The Cricketers." It was at one time called the " Barleymow," at another " The George and Dragon," and is said to have been once " The Freemasons' Arms."
The Holy Lamb. From a lease, 27th July, 24° Car. II. (1672), to J. Lyme.
A messuage in Hurd Street on the E. side, " nowe an Alehouse known by the signe of the Holy Lamb."
The Three Swans. From a lease, 20th Oct., 2° Jac. II. (1686), to W. Hill.
" A tenement in St. Martins called the Three Swans lyeing next the house of Gabriell Mills on the E., and the widowe Garlicks on the W.
The Angel. From a lease, 28th Dec., 1687. " Mr. T. Hunt of the Angell.
Lauey's Close. In a lease, 5 Jan., 3° Jac. II., (1688), to J. Foster.
Laney's Close first occurs at this date by this name in the Survey Book. Eic. Laney, however, occupied this close as early as 1565. See above, " Laney's Close," p. 36.
The Bear. From a lease, 4th June, 1687, to W. Greinfeild.
A tenement in the High Ward " betwene the dwelling house of Humphry Wall, gent, heretofore a common inne caled the Beare on the W., the newe dwelling house of T. Seymour draper on the E., and extendeth from the street on the N. unto the land of the said W. Greinfeild being a waye that leadeth from the Marsh on the E., unto the back or yarde late belongeinge to the Beare on the S." ("A tenement called Le Bere, with an orchard and garden, and a certain way leading to a way called Kingsbury-street.'' Court Book D. fo. 32, A.D. 1525.) Now No. 3, High Street. Mr. Joshua Sacheverell (father to Dr. H. S.) soon after he became rector of St. Peter's, Marlborough (1669) prefixed to St. Peter's register this " Memorandum : that Mr. Humphrey Wall and heires, occupants of the dwelling and lands formerly known by the signe of the Bear, are by Composition to pay to th Q
40 Notes as to Names and Landmarks in Marlborouyh.
Rector of this parish yearly at Easter the summe of 10s. for their seat in the south corner of the Chancell." *
The Cock. Lease, 13th Oct., 1697, granted to Anthony Powell : —
" One messuage or tenement called the Cocke." In the Baylye Ward. (A note in the margin says that the Churchwardens of St. Peter's have the counterpart.) The Mount Inn, or Mount House, now the confectioner's at No. 1, Bridewell Street, near Marl borough College, was built after 1743 by Francis Greenaway. It was called " The Antelope " in 1791, and " The Fighting Cocks " in 1833. It was sold by St. Peter's parish in 1885.
The Three Cups. From a lease, 29th March, 1708, to Mary Lyppyatt.
" Two messuages known by the sign of the Three Cupps in the Marsh Ward the land late in the tenure of Mary Kuril on the N., tenements in the tenure of the widow Elford on the S., and part of the close called Cowbride Close on the N. and W., the River Kennett on the S., and other gardens in the tenure of ... on the W. and the highway there." The sign of " The Three Cups " is traced back to 1667. It was afterwards changed (1774) to " The Chequers," and subsequently (1777) to " The Plume of Feathers."
1 This paragraph, with some others in the present set of " Notes," has been communicated by Canon Christopher Wordsworth, Sub-dean of Salisbury, formerly Rector of St. Peter's, Marlborough.
41
PKEHISTOKIC AND KOMAN SWINDON. By A. D. PASSMORE.
The peculiar situation of Swindon Hill, half way between the high downs and the low lands, its dry soil, which soaks up the heaviest storms a few minutes after they have fallen, and the commanding outlook over an enormous tract of country, would make it exceedingly attractive to early man, who, living almost wholly in the open, could here find his two greatest needs, a plentiful food supply and a dry situation for his huts. As a defensive position it was also desirable because in prehistoric, and probably much later times, it was surrounded on three sides by swamps and water, leaving a narrow ridge of dry land towards Coate, which would be the only means of access to the hill for any considerable body of an enemy, or in a lesser degree of wild animals.
With these facts in mind, investigations were commenced some years ago, and although by no means completed, it seems desirable to place on record what facts have as yet been ascertained.
Although traces of Palaeolithic man on Swindon Hill are hardly to be expected, a small pointed ovate implement, finely shaped, of that period has been picked up in the immediate neighbourhood, as well as several flakes of similar age. At various sites on the hill flint flakes of doubtful age may be found, but any definite implement in that material is rare, the beautifully-worked axe,1 from the Sands, and the finely-serrated saw,2 from behind Wood Street (south), being the only two implements which may be referred with certainty to Neolithic or Bronze Age times.
To this period the earliest remains of man as yet found belong.
Since Itoman times the ground on the west end of the hill has been quarried for lime and building stone, and in the Okus district the modern workings for this purpose have resulted in a huge excavation, bounded on the south side by a high wall of rock.
1 Wilts Arch. Mag., xxxiv., 311. 2 Ibid.
42 Prehistoric and Roman Swindon.
From time to time this is cut back as fresh stone is required, and by this means an appreciable proportion of the subsoil on the highest part of the hill has been quarried within the last few years.
In November, 1906, men engaged in removing the turf and laying bare the top beds of sand and brash, came upon a shallow grave, 3ft. in depth (the exact size of which could not be ascertained), containing a skeleton lying on its right side, head to the south, feet to the north, the face pointing east, the body only slightly contracted, the bones being spread over a larger space than usual. Behind the head and almost touching it, was the drinking cup here illustrated (Fig. 1).
At the moment of discovery a landslide on a small scale happened, the cup was badly smashed, a part of it crushed to powder, and the remainder scattered. As restored from the collected fragments it stands Gin. high, 4f in. in greatest diameter at a point 2in. above the base, while the lip diameter is \\\\. less.
The ornamentation is so well shown that it needs no description. The cup is formed of a finely tempered paste of a light brown colour, very light and thin, the pattern being incised with a pointed stick or bone. The skeleton, although somewhat decayed, is that of a young person, probably about 15 years of age and of slight build. The skull was, unfortunately, much damaged, but as re- stored is markedly dolichocephalic, although no absolutely reliable measurements could be taken.
This skeleton has been presented to the British Museum of Natural History at South Kensington. Twelve months later, men working at a spot roughly 50 yards east of the last interment, came upon a small heap of human bones lying on the stony brash within 18in. of the surface. They were those of a young child and seem to have been buried without the flesh and in a broken con- dition, no piece being longer than 4|in., while a considerable part of the whole skeleton is missing. Being so near the surface they may have been disturbed in former times, but a careful examination of the site yielded nothing in support of this idea. Lying by the bones were the crushed remains of a large drinking cup, which, as restored, stands 7fin. high and 5fin. in diameter at the lip. It is
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By A. I). Passmore. 43
formed of the same coloured and tempered paste as the last- described specimen, but has been ornamented, not by a pointed stick, but by a small flat piece of wood or bone having three notches cut in the end which, when pressed in the wet clay, left four holes of square outline. This process of indentation was continued round the cup to form the horizontal lines and the confines of the lozenge-shaped panels, the interiors of which and the middle and lower zones of ornamentation were afterwards impressed with numerous marks made by the end of a tool of oval section notched in the middle, the same punch being used throughout.
The cup is illustrated in Fig. 2, from which it will be noticed that it is not so elegantly shaped as Fig. 1.
The crushing of this vessel has furnished a most instructive lesson in the manufacture of Bronze Age pottery. The pieces on one side, which had evidently been lying uppermost, were disinte- grated, and showed that after the base had been completed its edge was brought up thin, or to a feather edge on the outside', and a thin collar of clay was then formed with its lower edge bevelled off to form a feather edge on the inside. This was applied to the ready-formed base and the edges pressed together. This process was repeated four times, until the necessary height was reached, the top of each succeeding collar being shaped like the top of the base. The writer remembers while living in a Ba-Kolong village in the Orange River Colony, watching women make pots in exactly the same way. Thus it may be said of one side of this pot, where water had for centuries soaked over it, that it had not been broken but had come apart at the old joints. Traces of this method of pot making may be observed in fragments illustrated in various publications, but as far as can be gathered the reason has not before been noticed.
In August, 1908, the same men, working under parallel con- ditions, turned up the remains of a third interment of like character, but unfortunately much scattered at some former time (of which more later). The few remaining bones were those of a young person about 12 years of age, and amongst them were four frag- ments of a large drinking cup of the same material and temper as
44 Prehistoric and Roman Swindon.
before, but of different and somewhat uncommon ornamentation, the whole surface, with the exception of a narrow band of incised vertical lines round the top, being covered by triangular panels, confined by narrow plain bands, the panels themselves being filled with carelessly-executed lines impressed on the wet clay, some with a notched tool and others scored with a pointed tool. The fragments are too small to allow of an accurate judgment of the size of the cup, but it was probably about Sin. high and of a large diameter in proportion to its height (Fig. 3).
It is remarkable that all these interments should have been of young individuals, one of tender age and the other two certainly under 20 years. The question as to whether these remains were covered by tumuli or not must remain unanswered as the field before quarrying operations were commenced (according to Mr. Humphreys, of Okus Farm,) was ploughed, and a famous ground for barley. Observations taken on the spot and from a distance, however, show no appreciable thickening of the soil at or near the site of the burials. A point of interest in connection with these interments is that the sand of Swindon Hill has certainly not that destructive effect on human bones buried in it which is often at- tributed to the sands of other localities by excavators; the bones here are hard and brittle, with only a small amount of decay.
The eastern part of this quarry (Okus) has from time to time produced several relics, of apparently late Celtic times, chief amongst which is a set of chalk loom-weights, found together in a hole in the sand. They were unfortunately scattered, but one afterwards recovered is roughly oblong in outline, the same in section, 7^in. long, 4in. wide and 2|in. thick. It is perforated at the slightly smaller end, the centre of the orifice being Ifin. from the top, the interior of the perforation is fin. in diameter, increasing towards each end to fin, on one side and fin. on the other. The weight is exactly 3^lbs. These weights were used on primitive looms to keep the warp threads taut.
The Roman house on the opposite (southern) slope of the hill has been before described and illustrated.1 Further quarrying 1 Wilts Arch. Mag., xxx., 217.
By A. D. Passmore. 45
operations on that horizon have revealed the fact that a large area of land there was quarried in Roman times. The curious building on the north-east corner of the Roman house may, therefore, have been a limekiln.
Leading up north from here are long hollows right across the hill, and where they are cut through and exposed in the Westlecote Quarry (wherein was the Roman house, now destroyed,) it is plainly seen that the limestone and some harder rock below has been removed, the excavation was then filled in by the waste sand and turf, throughout the mass of which are numerous fragments of Roman pottery and bones of edible animals, but nothing of a later age. To this ancient quarrying is to be attributed the dis- turbance and scattering of the third interment described above.
These facts led to an examination of the huge but little known Roman foundations at Lotmead and Covingham Farms at Lower Wanborough, where a large town once existed on the junction of the doubtfully-named Eriiiin Way and the road from Winchester. Here Hoare committed an unfortunate error, by naming the town on no evidence, Nidum. Wanborough, judging from the im- portance of its buildings and the richness of the pottery found on the site, must be the missing station in the thirteenth route of the Antonine Itinerary, while Nidum is included in Iter XII. The Roman name of Wanborough is lost, unless part of it exists in the names of Nythe and Govinghain. Swindon Stone (Portlandian) was found in the foundations, which establishes the important fact that in Roman times, possibly in the 1st century A. D., the valuable limestones and building stones of Swindon Hill were worked by a resident quarryman on behalf of the Roman station at Wanborougli, only 2^ miles away in a straight line. As there must have been a good road between the two places, interesting speculations as regards the Mercian advance to the battle of Ellandune are raised.
In the autumn of 1906 the extension of the large clay pit situated east of Victoria Road,1 revealed the remains of a Roman
1 Owned by Mr. George Whitehead, through whose enlightened generosity a magnificent series of reptilian remains from the Kimmeridge Clay have been preserved.
46 Prehistoric and Roman Swindon.
building around the foundations of which were quantities of coarse pottery, nearly all of which were fragments of large pots, probably of local manufacture. Interspersed with these were a few fragments of the usual finer wares, and one fine piece of a Gaulish bowl upon which is a gryphon in relief. According to the British Museum Catalogue of Roman Pottery it is of 2nd century date and made at Lezoux (France); in shape it agrees with Form 37 ; the pattern is there described as " a gryphon to right, a sea monster below with three forked tail and coiled body, above; egg and tassel pattern with zig-zag lines under it" The Swindon fragment is identical except that the monster faces to left instead of to right, but as there remains the tail and one hind leg of another facing to right the patterns agree.1 The work of excavation ceased after exposing the edge of the site, but it is hoped that it will be resumed at an early date, when, from indications so far observed, a Roman pot works will probably be uncovered.
For some yeans it has been noticed that in nearly all excavations in new ground in a zone starting from Wood Street and roughly following Devizes Road, at the end of which two streams divide, one ending at Winnifred Street, the other dying ont towards Westlecote, there are found large quantities of human remains. Although nearly a hundred skeletons have now been examined at different times, nothing has yet turned up by which the date of the interments can be ascertained. Some are dolichocephalic in cranial measurements, while others close by are of an opposite shape. Some at the Westlecote end are certainly Roman, being buried in rubbish pits of that age and others in shallow graves with datable pottery. As regards the remainder there is as yet no evidence of date.
In studying the early interments described above accompanied by characteristic pottery, it should not be forgotten that at Broom, practically on a part of Swindon Hill, once stood the row of large standing stones described by Aubrey,2 and at Coate, a little further
1 Mrs. Cunnington has kindly supplied this information. ' Jackson' Aubrey, p. 193.
By A. J) Passmore. 47
off, still exist stone circles which were described in this Magazine.1 It has since been noticed that other stones exist under the turf round the larger circle of which a plan was given, and further investigation will probably prove the existence of a double con- centric circle, with an outlier on the north-east side.
All the objects described above are in the writer's collection, who must acknowledge his gratitude to Messrs. Bradley, Organ, and Humphreys, for so kindly allowing him access to their several quarries and enclosed lands.
1 A. D. Passmore on Stone Circles at Coate, Wilts Arch. Mag., xxvii., 171.
48
TKOPENELL MEMOKAKDA.
COTTELS.
Tn the previous volume (Wilts Arch Mag., xxxvii., pp. 564 — 565) it was shown how the king, by writ 12 May, 1369 (Close Roll Gal.}, ordered John de Evesham, escheator in co. Wilts, " to take of John Wrenche and Margaret his wife security for payment of their relief at the Exchequer, and to cause them to have seisin of a messuage and two carucates of land in Atteworth," reciting the story there set out, and that Thomas Spigurnell, to whom the king by letters patent, 16 June, 1366, had committed "the keeping of his manor of Atteworth," " to hold for a set yearly farm during pleasure," "said nought in effect wherefore livery thereof ought not to be given them," John and Margaret, " as the heritage of the said Margaret." It was also conjectured that, Wrench and his wife having thus recovered possession, they shortly afterwards sold the manor to pay expenses.
What Wrench and his wife actually did with the manor was, all the time, on record, in the Pcdes Finium, or Feet of Fines (not yet calendared, unfortunately, for Wiltshire), as follows: —
" Final concord in the Octave of the Trinity, 43 Edward III (June, 1369), between Thomas Spigurnell and Katharine, his wife, querents, and John Wrenche, and Margaret his wife, deforciants of a messuage, two carucates of land, 30<x. meadow, and lOOa. wood, in Atteworth ; acknowledged to be the right of Thomas as those which Thomas and Katharine have of the gift of John and Margaret ; to hold to Thomas and Katharine and the heirs of Thomas ; warranty for themselves and the heirs of Margaret ; consideration, 100 marks.
Feet of Fines ( Wilts), Case 255. File 51 (38).
The sale, within a month of the writ close which put them in possession, by Wrench and his wife to the farmer, under the crown, of the manor whereof they had nominally dispossessed him, suggests naturally that the whole of the proceedings were collusive in their nature, — set in motion, that is to say, not by the successful suitors, but by Spigurnell himself.
Tropenell Memoranda. 49
There is a writ (Close Roll Cal.), dated 6 October, 1374, to Peter de Brugge and Nicholas Braye, ordering them to deliver to the prior of Audover the goods, chattels, and stock of that priory, which was in the King's hands by reason of the war with France, or if not the value of such goods, &c., to be levied from the goods and chattells of of Thomas Spigurnell, deceased, to whom by letters patent the king had committed the keeping of that priory, inasmuch as the king is informed that since their livery to Spigtirnell, great number of such goods, chattels and stock have been eloigned.
Thus we learn that, five years after Thomas Spigurnell had acquired the fee of Cotels Atworth he died, leaving an estate with claims against it. His wife Katheriue, to whom jointly with himself the manor had been conveyed, did not long survive him, dying 15 October, 1374, as appears by the Inquisition of which an abstract is appended. Her heir was her brother, and the pre- sumption is that her husband also died issueless. Accordingly there is nothing surprising in the sale (Wilts Mag., xxxvii., pp. 561—562), 30 March, 1377, of the manor of " Atteworth " to Sir Philip Fitz Waryn, — presumably by direction of Thomas Spigurnell's executors. The inquisition referred to above, taken after the death of Katharine Spigurnell. is as follows: —
" Writ 20 October, 48 Edw. 3 : inq. 28 Oct., 48 E. 3 (1874). Katherine late the wife of Thomas Spigurneli held jointly enfeoffed with the said Thomas late her husband likewise deceased for the term of their lives of the gift and feoffment of Roger de Mortuo Mari late earl of March, deceased, two parts of the manor of Worthymortymor, co. Hants, with reversion thereof expectant after the death of the aforesaid Thomas and Katharine to Edmund de Mortuo Mari, earl of March, son and heir of the said Roger, being of full age. The said two parts are held of the king in chief by knight-service, and are worth 101. 15s. Gd. clear She died 15 October last past ; Nicholas Audeleye is her brother and heir of full age."
Inq. p. mortem Chancery 1st Series. 1st J\7os., No. 61. (I. P.M. Edw. 'ill. File 239 (1.)
WEST CIIALFIELD.
The inadvisability of printing any notes upon the manorial history of any part of this county without a preliminary search through the Feet of Fines is demonstrated no less clearly by the VOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. E
50 Tropenell Memoranda.
following addition, necessitated by a chance discovery, to the account (Wilts Arch. Mag., xxxvii., pp. 582 — 588) of the descend- ants of George Percy, by Margaret, his wife, the heiress of West Chalfield.
With the new piece of evidence before us we know that George Percy, the elder, was still living in 1344, in which year he and Margaret, his wife, levied a fine of a carucate of land in Great Chalfield and Great Atworth with the advowson of Little (or West) Chalfield to themselves for life, with remainder over, as follows : —
13-20 Jan., " Final concord in the quinzaine of Hilary 17 Edward III., 1343-4. of France the 4th, and afterwards in the quinzaine of Easter in the year abovesaid, between George de Percy and Margaret his wife, querents, and Reynold de Berlegh, parson of the chapel of Little (Parva} Chaldefeld, and John le Parker, deforciants, of two messuages, a carucate of land, 24a. meadow, 12a. pasture, and 8a. wood, in Great (Magna) Galdefeld and Great (Afagna) Atteworth, and advowson of the chapel of Little (Parva) Chaldefeld ; George and Margaret acknowledged the tenements aforesaid and the advowson aforesaid to be the right of him, Reynold, as those which the same Reynold and John have by the gift of the said George and Margaret ; for this John and Reynold granted to the said George and Margaret the said tenements and the advowson and gave them back to them, to hold to the same George and Margaret of the chief lords, &c., the whole life of them, George and Margaret ; and after the decease of them George and Margaret the aforesaid tenements and the advowson shall remain to George son of them, George and Margaret, and the heirs of his body begotten, to hold, ifec. ; and if it happen the same George, son of them George and Margaret, to die without heir of his body begotten t then after the decease of the said George the said tenements and ad- vowson shall remain to Thomas, brother of the same George, and the heir of his body begotten, to hold, <fec. ; and if it happen the same Thomas to die without heir of his body begotten then after the decease of the said Thomas the said tenements and advowson shall remain to Nicholas brother of the same Thomas and the heirs of his body begotten, to hold, &c. ; and if it happen the said Nicholas to die without heir of his body begotten then after the decease of the said Nicholas the said tenements and advowson shall remain entire to John de Chausy and Agnes his wife and the heirs of her, Agnes, to hold, &c."
Feet of Fines ( Wilts), Case 254. File 45 (27).
The manor of West Chalfield is, apparently, not dealt with by the fine, and remembering that Margaret Percy, in her widowhood, gave (loc. cit., p. 581) land there to a chantry, its subsequent devolution was possibly prescribed by some act of hers. Similarly the Percy estate at Castle Eaton is not included, and this possibly
Tropenell Memoranda.
51
was settled on Thomas Percy (ibid, pp. 588). Otherwise this fine obviates the necessity of further considering Tropenell's variants of the pedigree (ibid, pp. 586, 587), and greatly strengthens the case for the identity of John Percy, the husband of Elizabeth Hertrugge (ibid, p. 580 and pp. 582 — 586), with John Percy, the son of George and Margaret. We now know that Tropenell's fifth version of the pedigree (Cartulary, vol. i., p. 405) is essentially correct. There were three sons surviving in 1344, George, Thomas, and Nicholas, on whom and their issue the carncate and advowson were entailed, while in Agnes, wife of John de Chatisy, we discover, possibly, the daughter of the marriage. On the other hand there is no apparent need for the levying of such a fine at all if the succession declared by it were normal, and the true intent of it may well have been to exclude a grandson, aged six or seven, heir presumptive by the mother to many manors, from his paternal inheritance.
With one slight emendation Tropenell's final account holds good (Cartulary, vol. i., p. 405, and Wilts Arch. May., xxxvii., p. 587) : — " Memorandum that the seyd George Percy alias Percehay and Margaret his wyf, by the wheche Margaret Lytell Chaldefeld moved, hadde isseu iij sones, that ys to sey George, Thomas, and Nicholas. The seyd George and Nicholas deyd without isseu. Thomas hadde isseu John and John hadde isseu John, and John had isseu Alise, and Alise hadde isseu John Bourne that now ys lord of Littell Chaldefeld." The emendation proposed is that George (son of George and brother of Thomas and Nicholas), did not die without issue, but had a son John, who married Constance, widow of Sir Henry Percy of Great Ghalfield, died without issue, and was succeeded by (his first cousin) another John, son of Thomas. Thus there are still three " Johns " but not three in direct line, father to son. Combining the available facts we get the following possible pedigree : —
52
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53
CASTEELEY CAMP.
Being an account of Excavations carried out by Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington.1
INTRODUCTORY.
The large earthwork known as Casterley Camp, is situated on the north-east corner of the War Office land, west of the river Avon, on Salisbury Plain. It is on high ground about two miles south-west of the village of Upavon, and can be reached by a rough track that leaves the main road opposite the turning into Upavon village.2
Permission was obtained from the War Office authorities, and from their tenant, Mr. J. C. Chisman, of Widdington, in September, 1909, to cut a few sections in the outer entrenchment of the camp. During excavations at Knap Hill Camp, it had been found that numerous causeways of undisturbed chalk, had been left in the ditch of that entrenchment,3 and certain appearances in the ditch and rampart suggested the possibility of finding similar causeways at Casterley. To test this, sections were cut lengthways with the ditch on the outer side of several gaps in the rampart, but it was proved that the appearances were deceptive, and no causeways were found, with the exception of that forming the northern en- trance. The discovery, however, was made of a sunken way leading to the western entrance, and this was examined.
1 The work was carried out under their personal supervision, and they were present during the whole time, motoring to and fro from Devizes morning and evening. Several of the men employed, who came from Rowde and camped out on the spot, had had previous experience of similar digging at Oliver's Camp and at Knap Hill Camp. The excavations have all been filled in, partly by these men, and partly by men kindly lent for the purpose by Mr. Chisman, the tenant of Widdington Farm, to which Casterley is attached. Thanks are due to Mr. Chisman, as tenant, for his ready permission, subject to that of H.M. War Department, to dig, and for kind help and assistance in many ways.
2 The camp is also spoken of locally as Catterley Banks, or Calley Banks.
3 Wilts Arch. Mag., xxxvii., 42.
54 Caslerley Camp Excavations.
When in 1909 permission was asked to cut a few sections in the outer ditch there was no intention to carry the work further. But when on a more intimate knowledge of the site it was found that the outlines of one of the interior works could still be traced, the possibility suggested itself of finding the other works known to have existed, and that the excavation of sections of these ditches might help to solve the problem of the date of the earthworks as a whole.
This further work was ventured upon, therefore, solely for the purpose of obtaining evidence of the date, or dates, of the con- struction of the earthworks, and its degree of success must depend upon how far it may appear that this object has been gained.
In 1909 four men were employed digging for a fortnight. In 1910 work was resumed on June 20th, and carried on with one or two intervals up to September 20th, sometimes four and sometimes six men being employed, for altogether eight full weeks. The whole time was devoted to the exploration of works in the interior of the camp. In 1911 six men were employed for six weeks, the time being taken up partly in further exploration of the interior works, partly on the entrances, and partly in making sections in the outer entrenchment. As the course of one of the ditches (No. 8) was still in doubt the work was continued with four men for two weeks in August, 1912.
To some extent the total amount of work done in the four years may be gathered by reference to the plates showing the excavations but a considerable amount of surface trenching that does not appear had to be done in the course of searching for the ditches and pits. For the sake of brevity, and of continuity, the results will be described as a whole without reference to the dates when the various cuttings were made*. Having first proved the position of ditch No. 1, traces of which could be detected on the surface, search was made by means of trenching for others, the relative positions of which were known from Sir K. Colt Hoare's Map,1 and in the course of tracing these, ditches not seen by him were found, and so the work developed, it must be confessed, beyond what was at first contemplated.
1 Ancient Wilts, South, p. 177.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cnnninyton. 55
THE EARTHWORKS.
Casterley Camp originally consisted of a great outer enclosure and of a series of inner works, but the banks and ditches of these latter have now almost entirely disappeared from the surface as a result of many years of cultivation. Beyond the entrenchment on the northern side of the camp there are traces of banks which may have been outer works, or perhaps more probably this appearance of banks may be due only to the wearing down of several more or less parallel tracks leading to the camp; there are also still traces of the banks on either side of the sunken way leading to the western entrance.1
Sir E. Colt Hoare visited Casterley Camp about the beginning of the 19th century, when considerable traces of the inner works were still visible; he had the camp surveyed and his plan2 has proved of the greatest possible value, not only as affording evidence of the former existence of the inner works, but also for showing the original line of the outer rampart in several places where it has since been defaced. So slight are the remaining surface traces of the inner works that unless Sir It. Colt Hoare had recorded them it is quite likely that the knowledge of their former existence would have been entirely lost.
The site appears to have been known from time immemorial as Casterley Camp, but the term "camp," as implying a place of military strength or occupation is no doubt misleading. The term
1 Sir R. Colt Hoare shows a bank and ditch on the south side of the camp ending at the entrenchment. Possibly this was only a boundary line.
- Sir R. Colt Hoare describes Casterley thus :— " This earthen work bears the strongest marks of originality, and none of the modern signs of inno- vation. I consider it a British town, but not so populous as either of those already noticed at Stockton and Groveley. Here we find no deep or mul- tiplied ramparts, but a single ditch and vallum of no great elevation, enclosing an area of about sixty acres. This camp from its elevation commands a very distant view, and upon minute investigation, will be found to be one of the most original and unaltered works of the British sera, which our country, amidst numerous antiquities of a similar nature, can produce." Ancient Wilts, Soiith, 177. This was written after more than one visit to the site, and when it was already under cultivation, but he certainly saw it before it was cultivated, for he wrote under date of Oct. 10th, 1807 : — " Casterley much changed in its appearance having been lately ploughed up," " Nunc seges est ubi Troja fuit." Extracts from a Note-Book ; Wilts Arch. Mag., xxii., 237.
56 Casterley Camp Excavations.
" village " or " settlement " would more clearly describe the true nature of the place, but for the sake of convenience it is spoken of throughout as the "camp." Although a sunken way led to the site on one side, and on the other side the weak outer entrenchment was carried down the slope at the head of the combe, presumably for reasons of defence, the defences cannot be described as strong, and, as Professor Haverfield has pointed out, it is unlikely that in those days anybody lived without some form of protection. The site seems to have few features in common with the many so-called " British villages," of which traces are still visible on the downs, where Komano-British pottery, &c., may usually be found. But Casterley may perhaps be compared with the villages of Woodcuts and Rotherley, excavated by General Pitt-Rivers, and described as "of Roman age but of British construction" (Excava- tions, IE., 65). Casterley also proved to have been occupied during the Roman period, but showed no evidence of Roman influence in the construction of the earthworks, or in its plan.3
3 The ditches at Casterley were considerably larger and deeper than those of Woodcuts or Rotherley, and there is no reason to think that any of them were made for drainage purposes as they seem to have been there. At Rotherley the ditches seem to have varied in depth from 2ft. to 3ft. 9in , and at Woodcuts from 2ft. Sin. to 6ft. 4in., while at Casterley they ran from 3ft. 6in. up to 9ft., most of them being over oft. Ogbury Camp, on Salisbury Plain, near Great Durnford, as described and planned by Sir R. Colt Hoare (Ancient Wilts, South), shows some striking points of resemblance to Casterley, and it would be of great interest to know if these two works are of the same period. It is, like Casterley, of large area (upwards of 62 acres), enclosed within a feeble outer entrenchment, and containing an elaborate system of interior earthworks. Some of these appear to have been en- closures similar to those at Casterley, but the most remarkable point of resemblance is in the long out-stretching banks and ditches connecting the inner works with the outer entrenchment, and dividing, as at Casterley, the camp into separate areas rather than forming compact enclosures. A similar fate has overtaken the inner works in both cases, and the interior of Ogbury Camp having been under the plough for many years practically no vestiges of these works remain above ground. Sir R. Colt Hoare " dug in several parts within the area of the enclosure, but found no one symptom of ancient residence." At Ogbury, as at Casterley, Hoare saw what he considered to be "the very early and simple handiwork of the Britons, unaltered by their successors and conquerors, the Romans and Saxons." According to him there was only one original entrance, but excavation might reveal others.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 57
THE OUTER ENTRENCHMENT.
The great outer enclosure consists of a single vallum and ditch, enclosing sixty-eight acres of land, and measuring one mile and a quarter round. The entrenchment, which is on the whole well preserved, is for the greater part of quite feeble proportions, but notably stronger on the south and east, from B to H on Key Plan PL X. There is no obvious reason for the strengthening of this part of the entrenchment, and it has been suggested that for some reason it was strengthened after its original construction, but cuttings made through the rampart on the eastern side (C — C, Ca — Ca, D — D) showed no sign of any such addition, and there is no evidence that points to the entrenchment having been made at different dates, [t is only left to conjecture that the weaker part may originally have been reinforced by more formidable stockading, or some such additional defence, or the explanation may be con- nected with the arrangement of the interior works, that seem to turn their backs to the area bounded by the weaker entrenchment. It will be seen that two long ditches stretching out from the inner works meet the outer work in both cases just at the point where the stronger merges into the weaker entrenchment (B and H on Key Plan, PI. X.) the fact of their ending as they do at these points must be taken to have an important significance in relation to the stronger and weaker parts of the entrenchment.
The camp stands on a plateau with higher ground to the north, with the inclusion in the north-eastern corner of a portion of the sloping side of a combe. At first sight it seems curious that this piece of sloping ground should have been included in the defence. But it has been suggested by more than one military authority that this part was in fact thrown out to cover the head of the combe, for had the entrenchment been carried along on the level, approximately on the line marked on Key Plan, PL X. " Old cultiva- tion bank " 1 troops could arrive up the combe unseen within rushing
1 Appearances on the spot are deceptive from the fact that along the line marked " old cultivation bank " a strip of land has been left as a rough headland and gives to it the appearance that might be expected to result from a roughly levelled rampart. When Sir R. Colt Hoare made his map there was no break in the rampart at this corner, " B," and no doubt the
58 Castcrley Camp Excavations.
distance of the bank. The entrenchment is strong all along the eastern side up to the point, "B," where it turns sharply down the slope of the combe, but from this corner onwards the defence is of much feebler proportions. The big ditch ends abruptly at the corner, " B," and the ditch of the smaller rampart that forms the continuation of the entrenchment, starts from the outer side of the big ditch at right angles to it PI. XIV., B. and section.
It will be seen that ditch No. 6, coming from the interior of the camp, ends also at this corner at the inner edge of the big ditch. It is remarkable that the ends of these two ditches are almost, but not quite, opposite to one another. It has been suggested, as these two ditches are as nearly as possible of the same size and depth, that they were once continuous, and that the big ditch was simply cut through it, thus leaving a section exposed on either side of the big ditch. But as the ends are not opposite each other, and the distance between them is only 23ft., if the ditch was ever con- tinuous there must have been a sharpish turn or kink at this point. It seems on the whole more probable that the ditches were separately designed to end as they do, the one being a part of the outer entrenchment, and the other of the inner works.1
ESTRANGES, AND OTHER GAPS IN THE KAMPART. There were originally at least three entrances into the camp ;
weaker rampart originally merged into the stronger one as they still actually do at their other point of junction on the south side of the camp. In con- firmation of this it is interesting to find that the big rampart perceptibly lessens off for the last few yards as it comes to the corner. Nevertheless when it was found that the big ditch came to an abrupt end at." B " cuttings were made along the course where it appeared that the ditch might have been continued on the level, but no such continuation exists. It was also proved that the outer ditch at " A " does not turn round, but runs unin- terruptedly round the head of the combe.
1 In connection with these long ditches stretching out from the inner to the outer works the possibility of their having been covered ways suggests itself. But with the exception of both ends of the small ditch, No. 5, the eastern end of ditch No. 9, and one end of ditch No. 3, the ends of the ditches were all too deep and too steep to admit of this explanation, for had they been sunken ways they must have sloped up gradually, as was actually the case in the sunken way to the western entrance.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 59
one on the north,1 K, and one on the south, G, by unexcavated causeways through the outer ditch, and one on the west by a sunken road leading from the downs into the camp. It has been suggested that not improbably there had been an entrance at H from the long combe leading to Water Dene bottom, but cuttings made there proved that the outer ditch was continuous. Moreover there is no break in the rampart at this point, and it is actually higher than it appears, because an accumulation of soil several feet in thickness, washed down from the higher ground, has been banked up against it on the inner side. The fact also that a ditch (No. II.) coming from the interior of the camp ends abruptly at the inner edge of this rampart seems to add to the improbability of there ever having been an entrance there.2
There are wide gaps in the rampart at Da and F that have been also regarded as possible entrances. Cuttings made outside these gaps proved however, that the outer ditch is continuous in both places, and it is therefore unlikely that they were original entrances.3 A track used for farm purposes to Casterley barn now passes through the gap at Da, and another track that has been used within recent years passes through the gap at F, and runs through the camp roughly from south-east to north-west, dividing
1 Sir R. Colt Hoare suggested that there must have been an entrance on this side although he could detect no sign of it. Ancient Wilts, South, 177.
2 Within living memory there was a pond just outside the rampart at this spot (" H " on Key Plan), and consequently the present appearances are deceptive. An old labourer stated that when this pond ceased to hold water, the pond by the barn, for which the rampart was cut away, was made, but as this pond also failed to hold water, the one in Widdington Combe was subsequently made. Certain hollows within the camp to the east of the barn were pointed out as being the places from which clay for puddling the ponds had been dug.
3 The ends of the rampart at Da appear to flank each other. If there had been a sharp turn in the rampart at this point where the gap was cut as there is in the same bank a little further to the south it would have this appearance. It is noteworthy that Sir R. Colt Hoare, who saw it earlier, in spite of this appearance of flanking, doubted its being an original entrance.
60 Casterley Camp Excavations.
it into two nearly equal parts.1 In Andrew & Dury's Map of Wiltshire, dated 1773, this latter track is shown cutting across the corner of the Plain from the road in the valley nearly opposite Chisenbury into the main road between Charlton and Conock. The map shows the road dividing into several ways that join up again in the manner common to these unmetalled down roads. At Casterley one track is shown leading through the old entrance at G, and another through the gap at F, and one of these subdividing again within the area of the camp, three tracks pass out through gaps on the northern side. This is interesting, as showing how gaps in a rampart become multiplied. One way gets worn into ruts, and the traffic then diverges off into a parallel way, necessi- tating other breaks in the same line of rampart.
The considerable gap at A has, in its present state, the appear- ance of having been an original entrance, since both ends of the rampart are thrown back on the inner side. This turning of the rampart, however, has apparently resulted from its having been thrown back to make way for the farm traffic, for which this gap is still used. Sir K. Colt Hoare does not show these turned ends of the rampart, as he doubtless would, had they been there in his time, particularly as he expected an entrance on this north side of the camp and as he states explicitly he could find no sign of one. The outer ditch was cleared out and found to be continuous in front of this deceptive " entrance."
There are various other more or less pronounced breaks in the rampart on every side, but none of these appear to have any claim to antiquity, and in every case the outer ditch was found to be un in temp ted.2
1 This track is shown on Hoare's Map, Ancient Wilts, Amesbury North District, Station V., p. 113, and on the 25in. Ordnance Maps. The line of this track across the camp is still very noticeable as a bank or ridge. We were told that when the ground was under cultivation this track served as a boundary between the two fields, and the existing ridge may be the result of ploughing on either side of it.
2 There are many gaps in the feeble rampart along the head of the combe that appear to be only the result of wear, and these were not examined.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cnnninytoh. 61
THE INNER WORKS.
There is no reason to believe that the interior of Casterley had ever been cultivated before Sir K. Colt Hoare saw it for the first time, but from some date between then and his last-recorded visit in 1807,1 until the War Office acquired the land in 1901, it was under cultivation.
It is indeed fortunate that Sir R Colt Hoare published a plan of the canip as he first saw it, for during those ninety years or so of cultivation the ground has been ploughed and rolled until all the surface inequalities have been smoothed away, and the last vestiges of the banks and ditches of the inner works practically obliterated. But although the surface is now levelled, it is possible at some seasons of the year to trace the lines of the rectilinear enclosure by the difference in colour and growth of the grass over the ditch. Guided by such slight traces as these, and working with Sir R. Colt Hoare's invaluable but necessarily incomplete plan, it has been found possible, by tracing the course of the various ditches, to re-construct the main outlines of the inner works.
The arrangement of these inner works is curious and complicated, and can only be understood by reference to the plan. PI. X.
It will be seen that the ditches form three principal enclosures that may be regarded as complete in themselves, in spite of various sub-divisions. Of these three enclosures one is more or less recti- linear, while the other two are of irregular outline, and for the sake of convenience these two latter will be referred to as A and B.
The other ditches appear rather to divide the area of the camp than to form distinct and separate enclosures in themselves.
THE RECTILINEAR ENCLOSURE. Ditches Nos. 1 and 2.
The rectilinear enclosure must be regarded as the original and most important of the inner works, as it is clear that the other works were planned in relation to it, and not it in relation to them. The irregular enclosures, for instance, must have been planned either later, or as subordinate to it, because the part of
1 Extracts from a Note-Book, Wilts Arch. Mag., xxii., 234.
62 Casterley Camp Excavations.
their boundary which is common to both is rectilinear, and clearly an integral part of that, and not of the other enclosures.
A curious feature about the rectilinear enclosure is that the bank was on the outside of the ditch, not, as is usual, on the inside.1 The only advantage of this arrangement seems to be that it would allow for more level space within the enclosure, but it seems in- consistent that such a large ditch should have been made at all, when apparently so little regard was paid to defensive strength.
Within this enclosure it will be seen there is a smaller ditch (No. 2), forming an inner enclosure, roughly parallel to the outer one. The eastern boundary of the two enclosures coincide, or in other words the smaller ditch disappears into the larger one, and the entrances are identical. There is indeed no way of getting beyond the smaller enclosure without in some way bridging the inner ditch. It was suggested that the smaller ditch might have been intended for drainage purposes only, on lines analagous to some of the ditches found by General Pitt-Kivers, in the villages he excavated, and considered by him to have been drains. But as the whole of this ditch was cleared out and no cross drains were found to run into it, and as its position and the nature of the soil would render such a large drain entirely su- perfluous, this explanation of its existence cannot be maintained. It seems not unlikely that this ditch represents a slightly earlier enclosure, that was soon found to be inadequate, and that the larger enclosure was then made, utilising all that was possible of the smaller ditch, the rest being filled up, and the entrance being retained in its original position.2
1 Sir R. Colt Hoare noticed this, and suggested that the enclosure must therefore have been used for religious purposes, taking for granted that this fact did away with any idea of defence. " By having the ditch within the vallum, denoting probably a place appropriated to religious purposes." Anc. Wilts, South, 177. An old man who had worked on the land for many years, and who remembered seeing the banks and ditches, volunteered the statement that the bank was outside the ditch, it having struck him as peculiar, and unlike that of the outer entrenchment. It will be seen later, that the other enclosures at Casterley seem to have shared in this peculiarity .
2 The fact that below the surface soil nothing later than the bead rim type of pottery was found goes to support the view that it was filled in at an early date.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 63
THE IRREGULAR ENCLOSURE A. Ditches Nos. 3, 4, 5.
This enclosure is divided into three compartments by two cross ditches, Nos. 4 and 5. This whole area is regarded as one large enclosure because the boundary ditcli No. 3 is continuous from the corner of the rectilinear enclosure, with the dividing ditch No. 4 only cutting into it at an angle. Thus the whole length of the large ditch No. 3 evidently forms the boundary of a distinct en- closure ; this enclosure being bounded on its other sides partly by ditch No. 7, and partly by the bank and ditch of the rectilinear enclosure.
It should be remembered that the bank of the rectilinear en- closure was on the outside of its ditch, so that the end of the boundary ditch No. 3 must have been at the foot of this bank, and there would have been no entrance there, as the space between the two ditches at this corner suggests, if this fact is not taken into account.
At the entrance to the enclosure A ditch No. 3 takes a sharp turn, and gradually decreasing in size from this point, shallows out to nothing. It will be seen that as far as is known there is only one entrance into the whole of this enclosure, but it is possible that there is another entrance causeway that was not found. Through the somewhat imposing and difficult entrance access could be gained immediately to either of the three compartments into which the enclosure was divided. The dividing ditch No. 5 was a comparatively slight affair, only some 4ft. deep, and shallowing out at both ends, but No. 4 was as large as the boundary ditch itself, and must have effectually cut off one .part of the enclosure from the other.
THE IRREGULAR ENCLOSURE B. Ditches Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 8«,
It will be seen that two ditches issue from the ditch of the rectilinear enclosure, one on either side of the entrance.
One of these (No. 6), after a somewhat devious course, makes for the corner of the outer rampart at B, and running right under
64 Casterley Camp Excavations.
it, ends in a big outer ditch in the same manner in which it had
started from out of the ditch of the enclosure.
Ditch No. 7, issuing from the opposite side of the entrance to
the rectillinear enclosure, runs for a short distance almost parallel with No. 6, it then turns sharply in an opposite direction, and meeting ditch No. 8 at nearly right angles, ends in it.
Ditch No. 8 starts as a flanking ditch at the entrance to the enclosure A; after running for some distance in an easterly direction it turns sharply to the north, and intersecting the cross ditch No. 9, eventually ends in ditch No. 6. It will be seen that between its intersection with No. 9 and its end in No. 6 there is an entrance causeway giving access into the enclosure B, and thence through to the rectilinear enclosure. It appears that ditch No. 8 was made solely for the purpose of forming this enclosure, B, while ditch No. 6 must have been made for some other reason, and only incidentally forms part of its boundary. Ditch No. 7 might equally well have been made as part boundary of either of the two irregular enclosures, and there seems to be nothing to show which of these two enclosures was made first.
The short ditch No. 8a serves no obvious purpose; it runs out of No. 8, both ditches being of the same depth, 6Jft. ; at its end the ditch No. 8a shallows up to 4|ft. It appears that at this spot a fire had been lit in the ditch, and among the ashes a very perfect iron hammerhead (PI. VIII., Fig. 1), together with several pieces of iron slag, were found.
DITCHES Nos. 9, 10, 11.
Of what use ditch No. 9 could have been it is difficult to see, as it does not form part of any enclosure, nor can it be said to divide any definite area of the camp, and it can only be conjectured that it was of use in conjunction with some features that have now vanished. At its eastern end it was found to shallow up and to run out to nothing in a manner resembling that of the sunken way while it maintained its usual depth right up to its western extremity.
Bij Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunningion. 65
Ditcli No. 10 starts from underneath the rampart at D — D, the end of the ditch being under the very crest of the rampart. The rampart there must undoubtedly have been built over the ditch, the end of the ditch not improbably being filled in for that purpose. There was no old surface line over the ditch as there was under the rampart on either side of the ditch, or any distinguishable difference between the filling-in of the one, or the building of the other. The course of this ditch is a fairly straight one, and it ends in the cross ditch No. 9. Between this junction and the rampart its course is interrupted by a causeway giving access into the inner area of the camp.
Ditch No. 11 is perhaps more remarkable than either of the other ditches. It starts from the inner edge of the southern ram- part at H, Key Plan, Pl.X, and after taking two nearly right-angled turns, curves towards the cross ditch No. 9, runs for a few yards side by side with it, and finally merges into it not at a sharp angle, as is the case in the junctions of all the other ditches, but gradually coalescing with it to form one ditch, like the meeting of points on a railway line.
Traces of ditch No. 1, and more faintly of Nos. 3 and 10 have occasionally been detected on the surface. No surface trace of either of the other ditches has been seen, although it has been looked for at all seasons of the year, under varying conditions. An interesting exception, however, occurred in the case of ditch No. 6 in the wet summer of 1910, when for a week or more its course could be traced from about where it is cut across by the old trackway to the outer rampart by a stream of blossoms of the white Bladder Campion. Apparently the long succulent roots of this plant liked the comparatively soft silt in the ditch, and those growing in it flourished exceedingly and showed up in strong contrast to their poorer neighbours round them. Unfortunately, campions have never yet been found to show up either of the other ditches in this way, and they failed altogether to do so even in No. 6 in the dry summer of 1911, or in the following wet season of 1912.
Some of the ditches seem to have been filled up and their
VOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. F
66 Casterley Camp Excavations.
surfaces levelled off earlier than others. It was found that in the ditches seen by Sir R. C. Hoare there was as a rule, a very evident old turf line, showing what had been their surface level before the hollows that marked the course of the ditches in his time had been tilled up as a result of cultivation. In the ditches that Sir R. C. Hoare could not see, as in the case of Nos. 2, 8, 9, 11, there was no such old turf line. It seems, therefore, that these ditches must have been levelled off purposely at some early date, for if left Co silt up naturally they would never have filled to the top any more than the ditches that he did see, or that of the outer entrenchment. These ditches may have begun to silt up naturally, but the filling must have been completed artificially before there 'had been time to form a turf line over their surfaces. The obliteration of these ditches could not have been due to cultivation at some undefined period before the advent of Sir R, 0. Hoare, and after the aban- donment of the site, for had such been the case all the ditches would have been subjected to the same conditions. It is suggested that these ditches were levelled off by the inhabitants themselves when they were no longer needed. Large quantities of rubbish were certainly thrown into the ditches, more especially Nos. 8, 6, and the higher part of 11. The filling in at some of the cuttings of these ditches was composed almost entirely of ashes and black earthy soil, quite distinct from the usual chalky silt, and sherds of pottery, broken bones, etc., were more than usually abundant. The edges of No. 8 were worn into steps, possibly by people scrambling in and out, and it was suggested that very possibly they were used as latrines.
The dimensions of the ditches are shown in the sections, but the following table of depths may help to give more readily a general idea of their size : —
Ditch No. 1 7ft. to 9ft. deep (the greater depth being on
either side of the entrance). „ 2 4ft. „ 4ft. 9in. deep.
„ 3 5ft. lOiu. „ 6ft. 6in. „ „ „ 4 6ft. 5 4ft.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 67
Ditch No. 6 3ft. Gin. to 6ft. Sin. deep.
„ „ 7 5ft. Gin. „ 7ft. 3in. „
„ 8 5ft. lin. „ 8ft. 2in. „
„ 8a 7ft. Oin. „ 4ft 9in. „
„ „ 9 4ft. Gin. „ 5ft. Oin. „
„ „ 10 4ft. 3in. „ 6ft. Sin. „
„ 11 7ft. 6in, „ 8ft. Gin. „
Ditch of outer entrenchment, 3ft. Gin. to 9ft.
THE POSITION OF THE BANKS.
It should be remembered that the ditches must have had their accompanying banks, for had the material dug out been carried to a distance, or even levelled off, the ditches could never have silted up full again as they have done. As to the positions of the banks, we know that that of the rectilinear enclosure was on the outer side of the ditch. Hoare shows a trace of the bank of ditch No. 6 on its western side, and it seems likely that this bank was con- tinuous with that of the rectilinear enclosure.
It is probable that the bank of ditch No. 3, like that of No. 1, was on the outer side of the ditch ; there would have been no room for the bank on the inner side at the entrance to this enclosure, and moreover the fact that ditch No. 4 runs right into No. 3, looks as if there was no bank on the inner side. If the bank had been on the inside ditch, No. 4 would probably have ended a few feet out from No. 3, as in the case of No. 3 itself where it met the bank of ditch No. 1.
There is no direct evidence, but it seems probable, that the bank of No. 7 was also on its western side, and that it may have been continuous, like No. 6, with the bank of the rectilinear enclosure. There is nothing to suggest on which side the banks of Nos. 4 and 5 were.
It is, perhaps, reasonable to suppose that the bank of No. 8 was also on the outer side of the enclosure B, as Nos. 7 and 8a run right into it on the inner side ; on the other hand there would have been no room for the bank on the outer side of No. 8 where it
F 2
68 Castcrley Camp Excavations.
forms a flanking ditch at the entrance to the enclosure A, so that there must at least have heen a different arrangement at this point. As to the bank of ditch No. 10, Hoare seems to show it on the western side. There is no guide to the positions of the banks of ditches No. 9 and 11 except that at the point of junction of these two ditches the banks could not very well have been on that side, and therefore it seems likely that they were on opposite sides of these two ditches.
If these suggested relative positions of banks to ditches are correct it will be seen that the banks would all have been towards that area of the camp bounded by the weaker outer entrenchment, with the ditches (more particularly Nos. 6 and 11) facing the more strongly entrenched area, the reverse of what might be expected for purposes of defence, but at the same time showing a certain uniformity of design. However situated, the banks must have afforded some protection from wind and weather, very desirable in such an exposed position.
THE EXTKANCES, AS EXCAVATED.
There were originally at least three entrances through the outer entrenchment, one to the south, at G, one to the north, at K, and one to the west, by means of the sunken way. See Key Plan PI. X.
The Southern Entrance, PI. XII. This is by a causeway, 17ft. wide, of unexcavated chalk left in the ditch opposite a gap in the rampart. In view of the gate-post holes that we found at the somewhat similar entrance to Oliver's Camp1, a search was made for post holes in corresponding positions and the four excavations shown on the plan were found. The three smaller holes may well have held gate posts, but the large excavation is not so simply accounted for. Like the other three holes, this larger one was filled with a clean chalk rubble, but unlike them it showed a layer of dark material, resembling decayed turf, all over the. bottom, some 2in. to Sin. thick. Nothing else was found in either of the holes, with the exception of a few fragments of red-deer horn in the
1 Wilts Arch. Mag., xxxv., 420.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunninyton. 69
larger hole between 1ft. and 2ft. deep. The sides of this hole were practically perpendicular, except at the end towards the ditch, where the sides sloped and there was an irregular ledge in the chalk from 1ft. to 1ft. 3in. above the bottom of the pit. It is thought that possibly this ledge may have served as a step, if the pit was ever occupied ; but the object of the pit is not at all clear. It has been suggested that it may have served as a guard-room, porter's lodge, or sentry-box. In that case it could only have been in the nature of a shelter for the guardian in bad weather, and the layer of dark turfy material in the bottom of the pit may be the decayed remains of a thatched roofing. This suggestion, however, is not without difficulties, and the fact that there are two holes that may be regarded as post-holes on one side of the road, and only one post-hole on the other side, with the end of this pit where the second hole should have been, suggests the possibility of its having had some connection with the gates. It might have held large timbers or pallisading to protect this corner of the rampart ; but if this was the case, it is curious that it should be on one side of the entrance only.
The Western Entrance. PI. XV. The entrance on the western side was by a sunken road leading from the downs into the camp, and intersecting the outer ditch at nearly right angles. For a short distance outside the camp there are slight banks along either side of the filled-in way, but further out, as well as inside the ramparts, they have disappeared, although no doubt originally a bank or banks extended along its whole course.1 The road seems to have been cut from 4ft. to 5ft. deep on an average, and was at best a narrow pathway with no room for two people to walk abreast, scarcely any room for passing, and none at all for vehicles of any kind (see plan and sections). Within the outer ditch it became gradually shallower, and ran out altogether a few yards within the ramparts.
It leads out from the camp over the downs in the direction of
1 Sir R. Colt Hoare actually shows the continuation of the banks within the ramparts. Ancient Wilts, South, 177.
70 Casterley Camp Excavations.
one of the combes leading to Water Dene Bottom/where it shallows up and runs out altogether on what is now an open down.2
Where the ditch of the entrenchment and the sunken way intersect each other, a curious feature was found. It will be seen in the longi- tudinal section of the road, that the ditch and the road are of the same depth at the entrance, except at the actual point of inter- section, where the level of the road suddenly drops some 2ft. for a space equal to the width of the ditch. It will 'be seen (enlarged section E, PI. XV., of sunken way) that this sunken space was evidently made in connection with the road, for it is at right angles to it, and not to the ditch. The object of the excavation sunk below the usual depth of the road and ditch at their point of meeting is not known, but it seems probable that it had something to do with some form of gate or barrier to block the entrance.
The Northern Entrance. The entrance on the northern side was by a causeway 12ft. wide left unexcavated in the course of the ditch K (Key Plan, Plate X), and leading to a gap in the rampart. Time did not permit a search being made there for post-holes. It is perhaps worth recording that this gap in the rampart, thus proved to be an original one, looked less imposing than several gaps in the same bank that have no claim to antiquity.
EXCAVATIONS IN THE EECTILINEAR ENCLOSURE.
The ends of the ditch, on either side of the causeway of un- disturbed chalk forming the entrance to this enclosure, were cleared out to the bottom — with interesting results (PI. XIII.) On one side,
1 In common with other settlements on the Plain the question of the water supply at Casterley is a difficulty. In wet 'seasons the water still occasionally rises to the surface in Water Dene Bottom, and if, as appears to have been the case, the water-level was formerly higher than at present, it is possible that there was a constant spring there. Otherwise, if there were no wells, the nearest water would seem to be the river Avon, some mile and a half to two miles away in the valley.
2 Similarly narrow and ditch-like roads or " ways " are still in use in parts of Algeria, but whether made or only the result of wear the writer does not know. Old trackways deeply worn, apparently only as a result of traffic are common enough on the downs, and some of them are nearly as steep- sided and as narrow as the sunken way at Casterley.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunning ton. 71
at the junction of the two ditches (Nos. 1 and 7), between 2ft. and 3ft. deep, a layer of burnt material was found, covering an area of about 12ft. square. It seems that a structure of some kind, that had been built over the surface of the partly filled-in ditch at this spot, had been destroyed by fire, and had left this layer of ashes to mark the site. In and about this layer were found a number of oyster shells and broken bones of animals, a quantity of broken pottery, including fragments of two decorated Saniian bowls of form 37, with "free style" decoration, and one fragment stamped DECMI.M; about a hundred iron nails, some of them large, that had probably been used in the woodwork of the building; pieces of concrete flooring,, wall daub; fragments of bricks and tiles; pieces of quernstones ; two iron knife blades; and other iron fragments; fragments of glass; bronze "viper" ring (PI. L. Fig. 11); bronze stud or tag (PI. L, Fig. 6); and a bronze coin of Claudius (see List of Coins, No. 1). In the ditch on the other side of the entrance at a depth of between 4ft. and 5ft., scattered ashes and mould were found, together with oyster shells, bones of animals, a bronze pin without its head, and other decayed frag- ments of bronze; two bronze ear picks (PI. L, Figs. 1 and 2), part of an iron knife blade; a half-finished spindle whorl of pottery ; sherds of pottery including fragments of at least three Saniian bowls of first century type (one of form 29, and two of form 30), PI. V., Figs. 10, 11, and 12) ; and a coin of Nero (see List of Coins, No. 2). This deposit seemed to be where rubbish had been thrown into the ditch, and similar patches of ashes, &c., were noticed in several places in the ditches, being quite distinct from those places where fires had been actually lit.
Ditch No. 3. The whole length of Ditch No. 2 was cleared out to the bottom. A considerable quantity of pottery of the " bead rim " type was found in it, nearly all of it in the lowest foot above the bottom, there being above this a stratum with little in it, and pottery of later Komano-P>ritish types in the first foot below the surface only. Figs. 1 to 6, 10, 11, PI. IV,, Figs. 2, 3, 5, PI. VI., Figs. 1, 2, and fragments resembling Figs. 6, and 8, PI. V; were all found in the bottom of this ditch.
72 Casterley Camp Excavations.
At the spot shown on plan PI. X. a skeleton was found 2ft. deep, in a grave that had been dug across the ditch and nearly at right angles to it. It had been dug partly in the silt of the ditch and partly through the undisturbed chalk of the bank, showing that the grave-diggers were indifferent to, or unaware of the existence of the
o oo
ditch. The skeleton lay face downwards, with the head to the north-east, and the arms doubled up under the chest : from the hips upwards it rested on the silt of the ditch, and from there downwards in a narrow trench in the undisturbed chalk. Nothing was found with the bones, except on the floor of the trench two small sherds of pottery, one of New Forest and the other of Samian ware. No doubt these were thrown in accidentally, in filling in the grave; they only prove that it must have been filled in some time during, or after, the Romano-British period.
Hut Site (Plan of Inner Works Plate X). In the north-eastcorner of the enclosure an irregularly-shaped excavation was found that ap- pears to have been the site of a hut or dwelling of some kind, the foundations of which were sunk 2£ft. below the surface. Somewhat similar irregular excavations were found by General Pitt-Rivers at Rotherley, and believed by him to be hut-sites, but here there was no drain or pit to carry off surplus water as at Rotherley.1 Pottery, including fragments of Samian ware, one piece stamped with the name of Peculiaris; numerous oyster shells, a few cockle and mussel shells ; iron nails, one blade of a pair of iron shears (PI. III., Fig. 12); bronze tweezers, (PI. I., Fig. 10); and an iron hinge pin brooch of common Roman form (PL II., Fig. 2), were found in this excavation.
Within the enclosure at Ib it was found that a rough paving of pieces of sarsen stone, hard chalk, and flints, had been laid down, covering impartially the surface of ditch No. 2 and the ad- joining ground ; the extent of this, however, was not ascertained. A similar rough paving was found below the turf covering ditch No. 6, at Section X., at the elbow of ditch No. 7, but there again its whole extent was not found.
1 Excavations, II., 53 — 4, 113, section V.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 73
THE T-SHAPED FIRE PLACE IN DITCH No. 6.
A T-sha,ped hypocaust was discovered on the side of ditch No. 0 (I' I. XIV.), The builders of this fire place had taken advantage of the side of the partially filled-in ditch to begin operations, thus saving themselves the additional labour of excavating a stoke hole or " praefurnium." The cross part of the fire hole was neatly lined with a walling of blocks of hard chalk and rough flints, set in thick mortar. The two lower courses of the wall were built of blocks of chalk only, and the upper chiefly of flints, placed with their flat surfaces outward, and so skilfully laid that the surface of the wall was fairly smooth and level. Behind this single course of laid stones the wall was backed up witli rough flints. The whole of the fire place, and the approach to it from the ditch, was filled up with blocks of chalk and flints, similar to those used in the wall ; these had apparently formed part of a chimney, or superstructure of some kind, that had collapsed after the disuse of the fire place.
The floor of the tire place was of undisturbed chalk, slightly discoloured by fire, and was covered by a layer of wood ashes an inch or more in thickness. These ashes spread out beyond the floor of the fire place over the surface of the ditch, forming a con- tinuous layer over floor and ditch all on the same level, thus show- ing that the fire place was in use after the ditch had become partly silted up. Outside the fire place the space in the ditch had evidently been used as a praefurnium, and a heap of ashes and rubbish was found there. In this accumulation in addition to a quantity of broken pottery there were a number of oyster shells and a few cockle and mussel shells ; bones of animals ; few frag- ments of glass; about forty iron nails, some large, and several hob- nails such as were used in boots ; iron cleats, and other fragments of iron ; a piece of lead ; a large pebble that had been used for hammering or pounding ; five pottery discs (pot covers?), and a disc or counter of bone inscribed on one side with a four-armed cross (PL I., Fig. J4); and pieces of tile and brick. Among the big stones in the fire place itself, there were in addition to some
74 Casterley. Camp Excavations.
pottery a piece of flanged tile, a piece of a quern of millstone grit, two discs of pottery, a few iron nails, and bones of animals.
The discovery of this fire place was interesting as affording definite evidence that the occupation of the site went on after the ditches were allowed to silt up.
Trenches were cut on the surface behind the fire place in order to see if any traces of a dwelling on this spot could be found. Nothing in the way of foundations, however, was found, but some fragments of concrete flooring, and of brick, oyster shells, and pottery tend to show that there was a dwelling there, built per- haps with mud walls and timber, all traces of which have perished.
SECTIONS THROUGH THE RAMPART.
It has already been explained that the outer rampart on the east and south-east sides is stronger than elsewhere. It was thought, therefore, not improbable that this portion had been strengthened for some purpose at some time later than the original construction. To test whether this was indeed the case, two sec- tions were cut through the rampart, one at C — C and one at Ca — Ca. -The rampart did not show any sign in either of these sections of having been constructed at different times, or of having had any addition made to it. In the two other sections that had to be incidentally made to find the ends of ditches No. 6 at B and of ditch No. 10 at D — D the rampart showed a similar construction, and no sign of any additions having been made to it.
In the two first sections only two fragments of pottery were found, but little as this is, it affords valuable evidence of the date of the construction of the rampart. On the old turf line, im- mediately under the crest of the rampart at C — C, a fragment of pottery of a quality and texture common in " bead-rim " bowls was found. In the section at Ca — Ca, a piece of a rim of a " bead-rim " bowl was found, also on the old turf line, 2ft. within the inner edge of the rampart.
Between 1ft. and 2?t. deep in the filling-in of ditch No. 10, at its extreme end under the crest of the rampart, part of a base
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 75
of a vessel was found. This base is certainly that of a "bead-rim " howl, the ware being of a special quality of which these bowls were sometimes made, its peculiarity being that it is rather soft, black all through, and freely mixed with white particles. It is of the same kind of ware as the lame " bead-rim " bowl, PI. IV., fiV.
O " O
5. It is quite unlike any of the earlier hand-made "pit" pottery. It seems therefore clear that the rampart must have been thrown up, at least on this side, after the " bead-rim " type of pottery was being used on the site.
SECTIONS IN DITCH OF OUTER ENTRENCHMENT.
Sections were taken out to the bottom of the outer ditch at A, B, Ca, D — D, at the western entrance, and on either side of the northern entrance. On the bottom at A four fragments of thin hard grey pottery were found that might be Romano-British or earlier. A much-worn flint hammerstone, fragments of red deer horn, and a few fragments of " thin red" Romano-British pottery were found 2ft. below the turf. At B two fragments of bead rim bowls were found 4£ft. deep. At Ca the depth as excavated was oft. ; Romano-British pottery of " thin red " quality was found 2|ft. deep; on the bottom a fragment of rather soft light red pottery was found, that might be Romano-British or earlier.
In a long section at D — D a number of fragments were found throughout, chiefly of bead rim bowls ; in the last foot above the bottom a large fragment of a vessel resembling Fig. 2, PL IV., was found, part of a cover (PI. VII,, Fig. 4), and a number of worn fragments, all apparently of one vessel, of the same type as Figs. 6, 7, and 8, PI. V. ; the vessel shown on PI. VII. (top figure) also came from this layer; it was found in small worn and scattered fragments and has been restored. 2ft. above the bottom was found a small fragment of Samian ware not much larger than a shilling, an oyster shell, and fragments of " bead-rim " bowls. Neither of the other sections yielded pottery at any depth. The evidence from the outer ditch is not of any particular value, except in so far as it confirms that obtained from
76 Caster ley Camp Excavations.
the ramp.art, showing that the outer entrenchment is at least no older than the inner works.
THE PIT-DWELLINGS.
In the course of trenching to locate the ditches, three pits were found within the irregular enclosure A. No sign of these showed on the surface, and it is probable that there are others hidden beneath the soil, but they are difficult to locate, and some time was spent in a fruitless search.1
PIT 1.
6ft. Sin. deep, oft. wide at top, sides perpendicular, widening out somewhat at the bottom.
This pit was so small that it scarcely seems possible that it could have been used as a dwelling place, and it may have been used chiefly for storage. Unless some form of ladder was used it would have been by no means easy to get in and out of the pit, as there was no step cut in the side.
Below the surface soil to within 1ft. or loin, of the bottom the filling-in consisted of clay, with occasional lumps of chalk, a few flint flakes, and a few sherds of inferior pottery. The last layer came out quite black and consisted chiefly of wood ashes. In this a considerable quantity of soft hand-made pottery was found, together with the following objects : — a few flint flakes, a number of burnt flints, two flint hammerstones, bones of animals, a sling bullet made of chalk, a bone button (PI. I, Fig. 15), and one or two fragments of polished bone.
1 There is a patch of the deposit known as " clay with flints " over part of the area of the camp, including most of the irregular enclosure A, and spreading out towards the south. In places the deposit is from 2ft. to 3ft. thick, and filling up the natural unevenness in the surface of the chalk beneath, it forms small clay pits over which much time and labour may be spent before it can be decided with any certainty whether the particular spot is a natural or an artificial pit.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 77
PIT 2, PLATE XIV.
Oval in shape, measuring 17ft. by 15fb., general level of floor 6ft. deep,. extreme depth to bottom of post hole 9|ft., sides nearly perpendicular.
This pit was very much larger than either of the other two, and may well have been a dwelling place. As shown on plan there was a smaller pit adjoining the larger one, forming a sort of annex.
In the centre of the larger pit a hole had been dug below the general level of the floor, and this was probably the post hole in which the " roof-tree " for support of the roof stood.
Below the surface soil to within a few inches of the bottom the filling-in consisted of hard tenacious clay, with a number of natural flints, very laborious and hard to dig. This material so closely resembled a natural undisturbed deposit of " clay with flints " that had it not been for an occasional flint flake of unmistakable human make, and some scattered fragments of decayed wood or charcoal, the effort to get through the clay would have been given up, and the spot regarded as a natural " pot hole."
In this pit there was no layer of ashes or black material on the floor as in the two smaller ones, but for the last few inches above the bottom the clay was mixed with a darkish mould, and more earthy in character.
The floor of the annex was of level undisturbed chalk, and lying on it were found four human skeletons, three of adults and one of a child of about six years of age. They lay more or less in a circle, close to the sides of the pit, but the attitudes of the skeletons did not give the impression that they had been placed there with care for burial. Under the sternum of skeleton No. 2 the spiral spring of an iron brooch was found, and under the foot of No. 1 (the child) a fragment of iron that may have been part of a ring, or the bow of a brooch.
The brooch was a fortunate find as it shows that these pit people belonged to the Early Iron Age. for otherwise the poor hand-made quality of the pottery and the finding in this pit of a flint axe and flint flakes, might have given rise to the supposition that the pits
78 Caster ley Camp Excavations.
were of a much earlier date. A considerable part of a large (PI. I., Fig. 8) " cooking pot " was found, crushed among the
bones of skeleton No. 2, and sherds of similar pottery were scat- tered over the floor of the larger pit as well as on that of the annex. The filling-in of the annex was for some reason of a much less clayey nature than that of the larger pit, and in it were found no less than fourteen antlers of the red deer. The antlers appeared to have fallen, or to have been thrown in, in a loose heap, with their branches pointing in all directions, some lying fairly flat, others sticking straight up. The point of the first antler was found 1ft. below the turf, and the tangled mass extended downwards for a depth of 2ft., thus leaving only about 1ft. between it and the skeletons beneath. A few fragments of pit pottery were found among the antlers, which were very much decayed, most of them crumbling to pieces when touched. They varied considerably in size, and several of them must have been fine specimens when perfect ; two pairs had part of the skulls attached, and must there- fore have been taken from slaughtered deer; one of these had the brow tine sawn off; the other antlers were all shed.
The following objects were also found in this pit: — a few flint flakes, a fine flint axe, found on a ledge in the wall of the large pit; a loom weight and spindle whorl of chalk, found together behind one of the skeletons (No. 3) ; and close up against the wall at the back of the annex ; fragments of coarse hand-made pottery ; part of an iron brooch found under the sternum of skeleton No. 2, and some pieces of much rusted iron, part of a ring or the bow of a brooch, found under the foot of the child's skeleton. The brooch was of stoutish iron wire, with spiral spring, pin and bow all in one piece ; only the spring and a remnant of the bow and pin, all much rusted, remained.
The child's skeleton (No. 1) lay on the threshold of the annex, on its left side, facing into the large pit, the knees drawn up, and hands close up in front of the face. Skeleton No. 2 (on the right hand side looking into the annex) lay with its back close up under the side of the pit, on its left side, one knee more drawn up than the other, the hands close up in front of the face.
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H Cunnington. 79
Skeleton No. 3 lay close up to the wall at the back of the pit, backbone twisted, lying partly on its side and partly on its back, face upwards, hands down, knees slightly bent. Skeleton No, 4 was close to the wall opposite to. No. 2, on its right side, hands up to the face, and the knees drawn up.
PIT 3.
7|ft. deep, 4|f t wide at top. Sides perpendicular. The filling-in of this pit was like that of the others, of clay, with about 1ft. of black material and wood ash at the bottom. In this pit a ledge cut out in the side may have served as a step. Some fragments of "pit" pottery were found among the filling-in, and more pieces of the same kind 'of pottery, some flakes and burnt flints, frag- mentary bones of animals, two fossil echini that had been burnt, and a small sandstone hone, at the bottom of the pit.1
THE INNER AND OUTER WORKS CONTEMPORARY.
The question arises whether the outer entrenchment and the inner works are of the same period, and constitute parts of a single scheme, or whether they were designed independently of each other ; and further there is the possibility of the different parts of the inner works being themselves of different dates, and planned without reference to each other.
That the inner and outer works were not made wholly without reference to each other appears from the ditches Nos. 6, 10, and 11, and it is clear that the rampart was erected after they had been dug, for No. 10 and 11 ended under the rampart at D and H, and No. 6 ran right under it into the outer ditch at B.
It seems incredible that three separate ditches should end in this way in the outer entrenchment unless that entrenchment had been planned in reference to them, or they to it. It seems, there- fore, that, although the outer entrenchment was actually made
1 The fossil echinus has been noticed in pits on Wilsford Down and in those at All Cannings Cross. The pit-dAvellers seem to have had some fancy for them.
80 Casterley Camp Excavations.
after (at least) some of the inner works, they were not planned independently of each other, and cannot be of very different date, but are probably the work of one and the same people.
The evidence is also in favour of the greater part of the inner works being contemporary one with another. This does not of course necessitate that they were all actually made, or even planned, at once, but that the various parts were made as additions to, and not independently of, those already existing.
It appears, for instance, that the ditches Nos. 1 to 8a are mutually inter-dependent on each other.
The relationship between Nos. 1 and 2 has already been suggested (page 62). Nos. 3 and 5 come to an end in the bank of No. 1, and could only have been made when that bank and ditch were in evidence. No. 4 ends in No. 3 at a sharp angle, and must have been dug when No. 3 was still open to the bottom.
Nos. 6 and 7 start at right-angles out of No. 1, and could only have been dug when No. 1 was open to the bottom ; No. 7 runs into No. 8, and consequently shows that Nos. 1 and 8 must have been open at the same time. The short ditch No. 8a begins (or ends) in No. 8, the two being of equal depth at their point of junction.
Thus it is clear that Nos. 1 to 8a form a contemporary group, all planned in relation to each other, with No. I as the principal and connecting link of the group. It has already been shown (page 61) on different grounds, that the irregular enclosures were subordinate to the rectilinear enclosure bounded by ditch No. 1, and now it appears that No. 1 is actually the most important member of the group, forming, as it does, the connecting link between this system of ditches.
In the same way it will be seen that Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are evidently connected with each other, but it is not impossible that these three are altogether independent of Nos. 1 to 8a, for No. 8 cuts right through No. 9, and therefore these two ditches were not necessarily made in reference to each other.
Nevertheless the groups Nos. 1 to 8a and 9 to 11 are both linked with the outer entrenchment, and it may be argued that if both
By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunninyton. 81
groups were contemporary with this, they were therefore contem- porary with each other. The fact that a ditch from both groups actually runs under the same outer rampart is certainly in support of this view.
THE DATE OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE EARTHWORKS.
The fact that fragments of " bead-rim" bowls were found under the great outer rampart shows that at least this rampart must have been made after this type of pottery was introduced to the site. The same kind of pottery found in the deeper strata of all the ditches of the inner works, to the exclusion of later types, shows that these ditches had begun to silt up, before the later Romano- British wares had become, as they eventually did, common on the site. As already explained, the ramparts of the inner works have entirely disappeared, so that no evidence could be obtained from them, but it seems from the general arrangement of the ditches that the inner and outer works must have been practically con- temporary with one another. The conclusion therefore seems inevitable that the date of the construction of the earthworks at Casterley is identical with that of the " bead-rim " type of pottery. It remains to be seen within what limits this date can be fixed.
The results obtained from excavations at the Roman camp at Haltern, in Westphalia, afford valuable evidence as to the date that may be given to this type of pottery in Germany.1 Bowls or cooking pots with "inbent" or " bead rims" occurred plentifully at Haltern ; the earliest of these were mostly hand-made vessels of native manufacture, while the later ones were wheel-turned and made under Roman influence.
All the " bead-rim " bowl pottery at Casterley is well made and wheel-turned.
The finds at Haltern all fall within the few years between about 11 B.C., and 10 A.D. As the evolution of the "bead-rim " bowl can apparently be traced at Haltern from its native hand-made
1 Mitteilungen der Altertums — Kommissionfiir Westfalen, V., 1909. p. 240, type 58, Abb, 32, a— c, PI. XXI., 20, and p. 294, type 91, Abb, 48, 1— 5, PI. XXV., 4—10. VOL. XXXVIII. — NO. CXIX. G
82 Caster ley Camp Excavations.
prototype, and the developed wheel-turned bowls were only made there under Roman influence, the developed wheel-turned bowl may be considerably later in date at Casterley than at Haltern, but it can scarcely be earlier.
It is not known with any certainty how long this type survived, but as at Casterley it was found — in the critical positions as far as date is concerned — without intermixture of later Romano-British types, this point does not materially affect the case. It would be more to the point to know how soon the later types, including the early Samian, appeared, for it is clear that the ditches had already begun to silt up before they arrived at Casterley.
Samian ware seems to have been imported into Britain to some extent even before the Roman conquest of A.D. 43, but it is not at all common till after that date. Its absence, and the absence of all the other common Romano-British types from the lower strata of the ditches, point to the earthworks not having been kept in repair, and the consequent silting up of the ditches, soon after the date of the Roman conquest. It seems, therefore, not im- probable that the earthworks became obsolete, and were allowed to fall into decay, as a consequence of the Roman occupation of the country.1 Thus it appears that the earthworks as a whole were made in the period somewhere between about 10 A.D. and the latter part of the century, but probably before the year 43 A.D. It may be that some of the inner works were actually made some- what before the earlier date, but it is remarkable that, except in the pits themselves, only some half-dozen fragments were found of any pottery earlier than that of the wheel-turned " bead- rim" bowls. It does not, therefore, seem likely that the site was inhabited to any extent before the period of this particular type of wheel-turned pottery.
Professor Haverfield, to whom we are greatly indebted for reading these notes, and for his valuable criticisms, writes: — "I think that you are probably right in your dating, of Casterley. The objects which you have found in the lowest strata
1 Professor Haverfield writes : — " There is certainly no recognisable trace of Italian or Roman influence in the plan of the village."
•By Mr. and Mrs. B. H. Cunnington. 83
of the place, and which would, therefore, naturally belong to its earliest period, seem I'.o be early in character and to belong indeed 5(0 the beginning of the Christian era. Mr. Bushe-Foxe, to whom I have had a chance opportunity of showing your specimens of " bead-rims," tells me that his recent excavations at Hengistbury, •near Christchurch, yielded a good many specimens of pottery of similar fabric aud rim to yours, and he is inclined to date these to athe century of which the beginning of the Christian era marks the (middle; something, however, would depend on the shape of the |)owl as well as on its rim. There are certainly cases abroad where vthis rirn occurs on rough similar wares of a good deal later date 'than A.D. 50, aud I suspect there may be cases also in England. It is, of course, not quite safe to adopt the chronology of a local Iware made on the Rhine as a precise guide for the dating of a •similar British ware. A common style of pot, made at one period •on both sides of the Channel, may have lasted on in one district for some time after it had ceased to be made in the other. The Haltern parallels give, therefore, rather a general clue than a precise date for your Casterley pieces."
CASTERLEY AS AX INHABITED SITE, The Three Periods of Occupation.
Although it appears that the earthworks as a whole belong to fcne definite period, there were three stages in the occupation of HJasterley as an inhabited site.
The earliest of these is represented by the three pit-dwellings [that were found, which are certainly older than the earthworks, ''And do not appear to have had any connection with them, it being probably a mere coincidence that they were within the area.
The second stage is that of the erection and occupation of the earthworks by a people using "bead-rim" bowls of hard- baked, wheel-turned pottery, entirely distinct from that of the soft hand- made pottery of the pit people.
The third is that of the decay of the inner works, when the ditches were already silted up, and the inhabitants were living
under Roman influence.
G 2
84 Casterley Camp Excavations.
The relationship between the first and second people is not clear, but the evidence favours a decided break between the two occu- pations, either in point of time or of an invasion by a new race, or tribe, of superior culture.
Be this as it may, the pit people themselves belong to the Early Iron Age, as was shown by the discovery of an iron brooch, and other fragments of iron, at the bottom of the largest pit.
The pottery from the pits is strikingly different from that found in the ditches, and the fact that not a fragment of the later types of pottery was found in either of the pits, seems to be good evidence that the pits must have been filled up either before, or on, the arrival of the people using " bead-rim " bowls.
It may be said that perhaps only the poorer people used the pits, and that therefore only the poorer kind of pottery would be found in them. But in every ditch, almost in every cutting, fragments of " bead-rim " bowls were found in the bottoms of the ditches, and it is impossible to believe that, had these pits and ditches been open at the same time, some fragments of the pottery so freely scattered about the ditches would not also have found their way into the pits, separated as they are by only a few feet from sections of ditches that proved to contain many fragments of " bead-rim " bowls and their contemporary types. One would also expect to find a certain proportion of the coarser pottery in the ditches along with the better made wares had the two types been in use at the same time. But with the exception of a few small worn fragments in ditches Nos. 3 and 5, and at the bottom of the sunken way, none were found in the ditches, although fragments occasionally turned up in surface trenches.
There is, on the other hand, no reason to believe that there was any break between the two latter stages, and it is prob- able that the same people continued in peaceful occupation of