_FIELDIANA
572.05 FA n.s. no. 29
Anthropology
NEW SERIES, NO. 29
Archaeological Survey In the Juli~Desaguadero Region of Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru
Charles Stanish Edmundo de la Vega M. Lee Steadman Cecilia Chavez Justo Kirk Lawrence Frye Luperio Onofre Mamani Matthew T. Seddon Percy Calisaya Chuquimia
December 31, 1997 Publication 1488
PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
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Croat, T B. 1978. Flora of Barro Colorado Island. Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif., 943 pp.
Grubb', R J., J. R. Lloyd, and T. D. Pennington. 1963. A comparison of montane and lowland rain forest in Ecuador. I. The forest structure, physiognomy, and floristics. Journal of Ecology, 51: 567-601.
Langixjn, E. J. M. 1979. Yage among the Siona: Cultural patterns in visions, pp. 63-80. In Browman, D. L., and R. A. Schwarz, eds.. Spirits, Shamans, and Stars. Mouton Publishers, The Hague, Netherlands.
MuRRA. J. 1946. The historic tribes of Ecuador, pp. 785-821. In Steward, J. H., ed.. Handbook of South American Indians. Vol. 2, The Andean Civilizations. Bulletin 143, Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
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FIELDIANA
Anthropology
NEW SERIES, NO. 29
Archaeological Survey in the Juli-Desaguadero Region of Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru
Charles Stanish
Department of Anthropology Field Museum of Natural History Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496
Current address: Department of Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles Los Angeles, California 90095-1553
Edmundo de la Vega M. Luperio Onofre Mamani
Lee Steadman Matthew T. Seddon
Cecilia Chavez Justo Percy Calisaya Chuquimia
'^'^■^ l-/awrence r* rye 5^^ page m for affiliations of contributors
Accepted July 10, 1996 Published December 31, 1997 Publication 1488
PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
© 1997 Field Museum of Natural History
ISSN 0071-^739
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Contributors
Edmundo de la Vega M .
Universidad Nacional del Altiplano Puno, Peru
Luperio Onofre Mamani
Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru
Lee Steadman
Department of Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Berkeley, California
Cecilia Chavez Justo
Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru
Kirk Lawrence Frye
Department of Anthropology University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California
Matthew T. Seddon
Department of Anthropology University of Chicago Chicago, Illinois
Percy Calisaya Chuquimia
Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru
'6/^fTable of Contents
List of Tables
Preface and Acknowledgments ix
Chapter 1. An Introduction to the Juli-
Desaguadero Survey 1
The Study Area 2
Previous Research 5
Research Strategies of the Lupaqa Project 8 A Chronology for the Southwestern Titi-
caca Region 9
Chapter 2. Methodology of the Juli-De-
saguadero survey 17
Methodology in the JuU-Pomata Intensive
Survey Area 17
Site Sizes 25
Ceramic Typology 31
Methodology in the Reconnaissance Areas 33 Chapter 3. Results from the Juli-Pomata
Intensive Survey Area 35
Site Typology 35
Ceramic Types in the Juli-Desaguadero
Region 40
Settlement Patterns in the JuU-Pomata In- tensive Survey Area 50
Population Trends in the Juli-Pomata In- tensive Survey Area 59
Major Sites in the JuU-Pomata Intensive
Survey Area 60
Chapter 4. Results from the Reconnais- sance Areas 83
Major Sites in the Ccapia Reconnaissance
Area 84
Major Sites in the Desaguadero Recon- naissance Area 102
Chapter 5. The Settlement History of the
Southwestern Titicaca Basin 113
Charles Stanish
Literature Cited 121
Appendix 1. Contemporary Aymara Agri- cultural Soil Categories 125
Luperio Onofre Mamani Appendix 2. Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period in the South- western Titicaca Basin 129
Kirk Lawrence Frye
1. Habitation site sizes from the Middle Formative to the Early Colonial periods
in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area 19
2. Cemetery sites in the Juli-Pomata area 26
3. Population table 31
4. Diagnostic ceramic types used in the study area 32
5. Site types in the Juli-Pomata area 36
6. Population per habitation site type per period 36
7. Pukaras and other nonhabitation sites in
the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area 65
8. Soil types according to Aymara inform- ants 126
9. Interior structure floor areas for all ma- jor fortified sites (m^) 133
10. Interior structure floor areas of less than
5 m^ for all major fortified sites (m^) .. 133
List of Illustrations
1. South-central Andes 2
2. Titicaca Basin 3
3. Juli-Desaguadero area 4
4. Various chronologies of the Titicaca
Basin 5
5. Major polities in the Titicaca Basin in
the 16th century 6
6. Lupaqa cabeceras in the 16th century .... 7
7. Study area 7
8. North end of survey zone with cut
stone 18
9. Example of site type 2 30
10. Example of site type 3 37
1 1 . Example of site type 4 37
12. Mxnox pukara 38
13. Example of slab-cist tomb 39
14. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts 41
15. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts 42
16. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact .... 46
17. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact .... 47
18. Pucarani oUa/jar rim from 399 48
19. Spindle whorls from Pukara JuU (003) 49
20. Pucarani ceramic vessel 50
21. Pucarani ceramic vessel 50
22. Kelluyo diagnostic ceramic artifacts .... 51
23. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imi-
cate 52
24. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imi-
cate 53
25. Late Horizon diagnostics 54
26. Chucuito diagnostic ceramic artifacts ... 55
27. Pacajes diagnostic ceramics 56
28. Archaic lithic artifacts 57
29. Distribution of Pasiri habitation sites ... 58
30. Site size distribution of Early Sillu-
mocco settlements 59
3 1 . Site size distribution of Late Sillumoc-
co habitation sites 60
32. Site of Tumatumani 61
33. Site of Palermo 62
34. Site of Sillumocco-Huaquina 63
35. Site size distribution of Tiwanaku hab-
itation sites 64
36. Site size distribution of Altiplano Pe-
riod habitation sites 65
37. Hypothetical distribution of Altiplano
Period sites 66
38. Distribution of above-ground tombs in
survey 66
39. Site size distribution of Late Horizon
habitation sites 67
40. Population graph 68
41. Bebedero rock outcrop 69
42. Site of Altarani-Bebedero (457) 69
43. Cut stone "doorway" at Altarani 70
44. Cut stone "doorway" at Altarani 70
45. Site area of Juli with SapacoUa in
background 71
46. Site of Juli 71
47. Fortification wall at site of Pukara Juli 75
48. Tiwanaku projectile points from 158 ... 76
49. Example of typical andesite agricultur-
al implement 77
50. Site of Tumuku from a distance 78
51. Site of Tumuku 79
52. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani
(022) 80
53. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani
with alignment (022) 80
54. Site area of Huancani 81
55. Chulpa in the Huancani area 81
56. Chulpa in the Huancani area 82
57. Sites in the Ccapia reconnaissance area 84
58. Ccapia area — Yunguyu-Zepita area 85
59. Chatuma area sites 86
60. Site of Acero Phatjata 87
61. Site of Caninsaya with two stelae 88
62. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya 89
63. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya 90
64. Site of Ckackachipata 91
65. Site of Ckackachipata 91
66. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut
stone blocks 93
67. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut
stone blocks 93
68. Site of Piiiutaya 95
69. Site of Pucara Chatuma 96
70. Cut stone on Pucara Chatuma 96
71. Cut stone on Pucara Chatuma 97
72. Site of Queiiuani (Fortina Vinto) 98
73. Upper Formative ceramic diagnostics
from Quefiuani 99
74. Probable Upper Formative Period ce-
ramic strap handle — Queiiuani 99
75. Site of Tacapisi 100
76. Site of Yanapata with stela 101
77. Sites in the Desaguadero reconnais-
sance region 103
78. Desaguadero River area 104
79. Desaguadero River area 105
80. Site of La Casilla 105
81. Cut stone at site of La Casilla 106
82. Kelluyu ceramic artifacts from Chon-
tacolla 107
83. Site of Tanka Tanka 107
84. Late Horizon chulpa at Tanka Tanka 108
85. Redressed chulpa at Tanka Tanka 109
86. Fortification wall at Tanka Tanka 110
87. Site of Tintinpujo 110
88. Pw^aras in study area 118
89. Ceramic color key 142
90-
106. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites
143-159
107. Key to map blocks 160
108. Map block A 161
109. Map block B 161
110. Map block C 162
111. Map block D 162
112. Map block E 163
113. Map block F 163
1 14. Map block G 164
115. Map block H 164
116. Map block I 165
117. Map block J 165
118. Map block K 166
119. Map block L 167
120. Map block M 167
121. Map block N 168
122. Map block O 168
123. Map block P 169
124. Map block Q 170
VI
This book reports on a systematic archaeological survey and reconnaissance in the southwestern Titicaca Basin of far southern highland Peru. Our survey covered approxi- mately 360 km^ in the Juli-Pomata region and discovered almost 500 sites. Additional large-site reconnaissance dis- covered several dozen additional major sites in the Ccapia and Desaguadero areas, south of the intensive survey zone. These single- and multicomponent sites represent more than 1,000 occupations that range in date from the Archaic Pe- riod (ca. 5000-2000/ 1500 B.C.) to the Early Spanish Co- lonial Period (a.d. 1532-1700). In this book, we review pre- vious research in the region, describe the overall research design and methodology, describe the study area, and pro- vide a site typology, a ceramic typology, a tomb typology, individual site descriptions, ceramic drawings, photographs, and settlement data. Finally, we interpret these data in light of previous research and assess their importance for un- derstanding the prehistory of the southwestern Titicaca Ba- sin.
This book is dedicated to the memory of John Hyslop, a pioneer of modem Lupaqa area archaeology.
c.s.s.
Vlll
Preface and Acknowledgments
In June of 1988, the Juli Project began intensive archaeological investigations in the south- western Titicaca Basin. The 1988 season was funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for An- thropological Research and the Montgomery Fund of the Field Museum of Natural History as well as by private donations from Ms. Patricia Dodson and Ms. Beveriy Malen. These excavations were conducted in cooperation with, and under the di- rection of, the National Institute of Culture in Lima and Puno. By 1990, the Juli Project had evolved into the much larger Lupaqa Project, funded by the National Science Foundation (BNS 9008181, DBS 9307784) and the John Heinz m Trust of Pittsburgh, Mr. Robert Donnelley, Ms. Patricia Dodson, and Ms. Beverly Malen. Stead- man's research was funded by a grant from the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad program (PO22A90021). Frye and Sed- don were funded by the Scholarship Conmiittee of the Field Museum of Natural History.
We offer a special thanks to officials of the Na- tional Institute of Culture, including Dr. Elias Mu- jica. Lie. Oscar Castillo, Lie. Oscar Ayca, and Dr. Luis Lumbreras. The project was assisted by the anthropological faculty of the Universidad Na- cional del Altiplano, including its director. Lie. FeUx Palacios, Juan Bautista Carpio Torres, and Lie. Abel Torres Comejo. Dr. Percy Che-Piu Sa- lazar. Dean of Social Sciences, Sr. Julio Cesar Gomez Gamona, Director of the Instituto Superior Tecnologico in Juli, and Ec. Luis Salas Arones, Rector of the university, were very supportive of our project. We also gratefully acknowledge the support of Dr. Luis Watanabe M., Dr. Francisco Iriarte B., and Dr. Fernando Cabieses. We fur- thermore thank Lie. Walter G. Tapia Bueno, Lie. Oscar Ayca, and Lie. Oscar Castillo, directors of the National Institute of Culture in Puno; Sr. Be- nedicto Valdez C, Mayor of Juh; Sr. Jorge M. Remond Alvarado, provincial subprefect; and Sr. Alberto Miranda Arenas, Sr. Vicente Quispe Cho- quegonza, and Sr. Manuel Encinas, governors of the Chuquito province from 1988 to 1991. We also thank Sr. Hugo Teodoro Chavez Talavera,
provincial mayor of Yunguyu; Sr. Arturo Arce Terrazas, subprefect of the Yunguyu Province; Sr. Andres Carbajal and family; Sra. Fresia Gandar- illas Sardon; Sr. Moises Sardon Pelags and family; Srta. Zenaida Espezua Bustinza; and the people of Juli, Yacari-Tuntachawi, Sillucani, Huaquina, and Inca Pucara. We thank our friends from the Ma- ryknoU mission of Juli for their friendship and help. Professional help was provided by Edwin Castillo, Lisa CipoUa, Javier Ticona, and Adan Umire Alvarez. Student participants included Al- berto Sosa B., Elsa Chuquimia Paredes, Clemente Caxi Maquera, David Benjamin Antezana Bustin- za, Teodora Atahuachi Chuquimia, Julie Real- muto, Rodolfo Carita Ancco, Jose Castillo Velo, Lisa Shogren, Claudia Rumold, Regan Huff, Zoe Crossland, and Alfredo Curo Chipana.
We also wish to gratefully acknowledge the in- put, help, and advice from several readers, friends, and colleagues. Many thanks to Mark Al- denderfer, Lupe Andrade, Brian Bauer, David Browman, Lisa Cipolla, Sergio Chavez, Patricia Dodson, Clark Erickson, Margaret Goes, Paul Goldstein, John Hyslop, Elizabeth Klarich, Alan Kolata, Joyce Marcus, James Mathews, Karen Mohr-Chavez, Michael Moseley, Jeff Parsons, Don Rice, Prudence Rice, Mario Rivera, Kathar- ina Schreiber, Helaine Silverman, Oswaldo Rivera Sundt, Karen Wise, three anonymous reviewers of Fieldiana, and curators at the Field Museum of Natural History.
This book represents the cooperative efforts of all of the authors. The division of labor was roughly as follows: Charles Stanish, the principal investigator of the project, was responsible for the overall research design. The co-directors were Ce- cilia Chavez Justo and Edmundo de la Vega. Mr. de la Vega was in charge of the survey, and both co-directors were largely responsible for excava- tions in a number of sites in the region. De la Vega excavated at the sites of Pukara Juli and Palermo, and he is completing an intensive study of the Tiwanaku sites in the region. Ms. Chavez has since completed extensive excavations at the site of Sillumocco-Huaquina and is presently
IX
working on a monograph on this work. Ms. Lee Steadman has been a participant in the Lupaqa Project since its inception in conjunction with her independent dissertation project north of the study area. She is largely responsible for working out the tremendously difficult pre-Late Intermediate Period ceramic typology contained in this book. Mr. Kirk Frye is one of the founding members of the Project. He served as field supervisor for the intensive survey, mapped several sites, and found a number of sites outside of the intensive survey zone. He has since completed independent disser- tation research in the Chucuito area. Mr. Matthew Seddon analyzed the lithics at several sites, was a crew member in the survey, and returned in 1994 to work on excavations. He has since begun work on a dissertation project on the Island of the Sun in Bolivia. Mr. Luperio Onofre began as student
participant in 1988, worked as a survey crew member, and has worked with us since that time. He worked on an ethnographic study of Aymara agricultural land categories that is summarized in this monograph. Mr. Percy Calisaya Ch. has been a participant of the project since its inception and served as a crew member on both the survey and reconnaissance. He and Mr. Onofre were also re- sponsible for correcting orthographic and topo- nymic errors, and they are largely responsible for the excellent relations between the Project for- eigners and the communities. We also thank Ms. Marjorie Pannell, managing editor of Fieldiana, for her excellent work and patience, and Ms. Di- ane White for providing photographic services.
Although this book represents the cooperative efforts of all of the authors, any errors in the text ultimately remain the responsibility of the prin- cipal investigator.
An Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey
At 3810 m above sea level. Lake Titicaca is the world's highest major lake. The Titi- caca Basin of the central Andes is also one of the great centers of ancient civilization in the Amer- icas (Figs. 1 and 2). The Titicaca region supported dozens of complex societies prior to the European conquest, including Pucara, Tiwanaku, Chiripa, and many other as yet unknown cultures. This area is in the heartland of the ethnohistorically known Lupaqa "kingdom," one of several pow- erful polities that developed in the Titicaca Basin in the centuries prior to the Inca conquest in the mid- 15th century (Figs. 3-6). The altitude, ge- ography, and severe climate of the area provided a rich and unique ecological setting for the de- velopment of complex pre-industrial societies in the Americas. Because of the richness and diver- sity of cultural development of the southwest Ti- ticaca Basin, the region constitutes a superb lab- oratory for the study of long-term cultural pro- cesses in this center of prehispanic civilization.
Prior to our research there had been no system- atic and intensive archaeological survey of the en- tire region of the western Titicaca Basin. This book presents data from such a regional settle- ment survey and large-site reconnaissance in the southwestern Titicaca Basin. The archaeological sites in the Titicaca Basin have been studied for more than 1(X) years on both the Peruvian and Bolivian sides. These previous investigations pro- vide a chronological and cultural historical frame- work within which to understand the archaeolog- ical data obtained in this project. The previous research has also permitted archaeologists to de- velop models to understand the economic and po- litical evolution of complex society in the region.
It was in this context that we initiated the Lu- paqa Project in 1988. The original purpose of this project was to test models of political economy of the later prehistory of the Lupaqa area. In par- ticular, we were interested in the nature of the Lupaqa polity prior to the Inca conquest and the origins of that polity in the context of Tiwanaku collapse around a.d. 11(X). Our data have provid-
ed substantial insight into these critical problems in this period of Titicaca Basin prehistory.
The data collected were also relevant to a num- ber of other problems beyond those of the primary research goals. For instance, our research has al- lowed us to define new pre-Tiwanaku polities in the Juli area that we have named Early Sillumoc- co and Late Sillumocco (Stanish & Steadman, 1994). We have furthermore discovered contem- porary pre-Tiwanaku polities in the Pomata-Yun- guyu area that we have named Early Ckackachi- pata and Late Ckackachipata. We have also dis- covered a number of early sites that represent the first settled villages in the southwestern Titicaca Basin that we have named the Pasiri culture. In addition, we identified a substantial Tiwanaku set- tlement system that provides insight into the na- ture of Tiwanaku expansion. A substantial Inca and Early Colonial Period settlement system was also discovered in the survey; such data provide insight into the expansion of the Inca state and early Spanish Colonial political and economic or- ganization. Relict raised fields were also located in three areas of the intensive survey area and in a number of areas in the reconnaissance zones. The association of fields and archaeological sites provides a powerful means of assessing models of raised-field agricultural land use dynamics in the Titicaca region (Stanish, 1994).
In this book we introduce the critical anthropo- logical problems of the prehistory of the area. Our research design and methodology are described in detail. Most important, this report contains the bulk of our survey and reconnaissance data, which we present in graphic, tabular, and descriptive form. Finally, we offer as many interpretations of these data as possible to help clarify a number of prob- lems in Titicaca Basin prehistory.
The core of this monograph is descriptive, al- though we offer a number of interpretations in the concluding chapter. The Lupaqa Project is an on- going, multidecade research effort that will contin- ue to expand in the future. This organization pro- vides both strengths and weaknesses. The strength
Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey 1
Fig. 1. South-central Andes.
of a program of continual research is that ideas can be tested, refined, rejected, or confirmed after ev- ery season. The major weakness is that there is, in effect, no definitive end to data collection and therefore no definitive beginning to the "final" in- terpretations of the data. Monographs such as this must therefore be understood in such a research organization context. Interpretations of the data must be couched in a larger framework that antic- ipates future research. We therefore assiduously try to avoid overinterpretation.
Our goal in presenting this work is to follow a strict logic of data interpretation. At present, we can offer certain definitive empirical statements in regard to some key questions about Titicaca Basin archaeology (size and intensity of the various oc- cupations, existence of raised fields, location of major sites, descriptions of pottery types, and so
on). Furthermore, we can use intensive analyses of these data to define empirical patterns useful for assessing specific theoretical questions, as ex- emplified by recent publications and monographs, including de la Vega (1990), Frye (1994), Stanish (1994), Stanish et al. (1993), and Stanish and Steadman (1994). Other questions cannot be ad- equately dealt with, given our current data, and we will merely provide the framework for future research in this monograph.
The Study Area
Our initial work in the Juli area was conducted at the suggestion of John Hyslop, who felt that the area would be the most appropriate place to begin survey of the large fortified sites, or pukar- as, such as Pukara Juli. He also thought that the site of Tumatumani potentially had the entire southwestern Titicaca Basin ceramic sequence represented in its middens. His reconnaissance then provided the basis for our full regional cov- erage survey. On the strength of his interest and knowledge in the region, we have dedicated this book to him.
Our initial work in the Juli area made it clear that many important anthropological questions having to do with Titicaca Basin prehistory could be answered with data from the region. As we mentioned earlier, the 1989 season indicated that the full range of periods was represented in the study area. Furthermore, the vast tracts of raised fields in the Moyopampa area were of particular interest to the principal investigator. At this time, we decided that the Juli area and the region to the south, toward areas of greater Tiwanaku and Chi- ripa influence, would be the most appropriate area for intensive survey.
The study area is divided into three large sec- tions (Fig. 7). The first is the Juli-Pomata inten- sive survey region. This area begins at Santiago Chambilla in the north and continues to the ex- tensive pampa immediately south of Pomata. The other two areas are the Ccapia reconnaissance area and the Desaguadero reconnaissance area (Fig. 7). These reconnaissance areas were not in- tensively surveyed; rather, we conducted large- site reconnaissance in these areas. The intent was to intensively survey as much of the area as pos- sible between Juli and Desaguadero in the 1991 and 1992 seasons. Once our resources were al-
Chapter One
• Qahiyu •Pucara
Huancane
IVllquechlco
<y
Santiago De Huata
0 10 20 30 40
Fig. 2. Titicaca Basin.
most expended, the senior author initiated large- site reconnaissance in the rest of the study zone.
Ecology and Geography
The classic work of Pulgar Vidal (n.d.) divides the Titicaca Basin into two broad agricultural and ecological regions: the sunt, located between 3500 and 4000 meters above sea level (m.a.s.l.) and the puna, located between 4000 and 4800 m.a.s.l. The suni represents the upper limit of plant agricul- ture, while the puna is a grazing zone for the ex- tensive camelid herds owned by many Titicaca Basin peoples.
The suni includes the lake edge and the area a few kilometers away from the lake. It is the area of greatest economic potential. Pulgar Vidal noted the rich variety of agricultural products that grow in the suni. These include many varieties of tu- bers, legumes, and chenopods (Pulgar Vidal, n.d., pp. 95-98). Not surprisingly, the suni is the major
area of human settlement today, especially at the base of the hills below 4100 m.a.s.l. The suni is the region where prehispanic raised fields were located (Smith et al., 1968; Kolata et al., 1987; Erickson, 1988, p. ii). Raised fields are feasible along the lake shore and along rivers where flat topography permits. They are possible only in the low suni zone. Likewise, Flores Ochoa and Paz Flores (1983) have documented the use of qocha in the suni zone. These are small, water-filled de- pressions or lakes in the Titicaca Basin used by modem farmers for the intensive culture altiplano crops. It is likely that they were used by prehis- panic populations as well. The lake itself provides an important additional economic resource base on a scale unique in the Andes.
The puna is defined as that zone between 4(X)0 and 4800 m.a.s.l. (Pulgar Vidal, n.d., p. 104). The major plant agricultural product is the potato, which can be grown throughout the puna. Al- though potatoes can be grown up to the snow line (Pulgar Vidal, n.d., p. Ill), the most optimal
Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey
Fig. 3. Juli-Desaguadero area.
yields occur in the warmer suni zones and in the lower puna. Overall, by far the most important economic product of the puna is the camelid, par- ticularly the llama and the alpaca. Camelids pro- vide wool and meat and serve as pack animals. The virtually unique capacity of the Titicaca Ba- sin to support such large camelid herds has con- tributed to tis position as a major center of civi- lization in the Americas.
Different ecological studies have suggested a more complex mosaic of resource zones than the simple suni/puna distinction (e.g., Troll, 1968). Tosi (1960), for instance, lists eight zones for the Titicaca region, a classification based upon the Holdridge system. Likewise, Bertonio's dictionary provides a rich vocabulary of agricultural terms from the 16th century, suggesting that the indige- nous populations had a much more complex per- ception of their environment than the mere suni/ puna division (Bertonio, 1956[1612]). However, in most cases, Pulgar Vidal's distinction between the
agricultural and pastoral zones is adequate for a number of analytical purposes (e.g., Stanish, 1994). The scientific classifications of Pulgar Vidal, Tosi, and others are useful typologies for under- standing the ecology and geography of the region. However, our research team noted that contem- porary Aymara farmers and herders possess an extremely sophisticated and subtle understanding of their environment that differs in some impor- tant aspects from those of professional agrono- mists and geographers. Appendix 1 is a study of Aymara soil typologies conducted in 1994 by Lu- perio Onofre Mamani.' Mr. Onofre interviewed a
' In retrospect, we made a mistake in not conducting this study prior to the survey and reconnaissance. We should have collected the survey data with these cate- gories. These categories are too subtle to reconstruct from maps and site locations, and a resurvey is not fea- sible. Future research designs will include several per- manent, professional informants who can classify site locations based on this or similar typologies.
Chapter One
Abselule Chronology
Tiwmmtlm Artm
North Titicaea Bosim
|
Pacqies |
Cotta |
|
Tiwanaku V |
Tiwanaku V |
|
Tiwanaku IV |
TiwaiuUm IV |
|
Qeya aivamaktt III) |
f Pucara |
|
Kalasasaya |
|
|
LaU Chiripa |
Cusipata |
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Middle Chiripa |
|
|
Early Chiripa |
Qaluyu |
JuU Region Ccapia Arem Desaguadero
Area
Inea
Inca
Inca
Lupaqa Lupaqa Lupaqa (?)
Tiwanaku V Tiwanaku V Tiwanaku V
Tiwanaku IV Tiwanaku IV Tiwanaku IV
Late Late
Sillumoceo Ckackachipata
Early Early
Sillumoceo Ckackachipata
Pasiri
Pttsiri
RelaHre Chronologj
Expantivt Inea Altiplano
Expansive Tiwanaku
Upper Formative
MiddU Formative
Early Formative
Fig. 4. Various chronologies of the Titicaea Basin.
number of farmers in the Juli region and devel- oped the categorization of contemporary Aymara agricultural land use that begins on p. 125 of this book. Onofre's study of Aymara agricultural terms indicates that there are differences between Western and indigenous concepts of land typolo- gies. These differences merit much more anthro- pological work.
Previous Research
The research presented in this book is based on several years of preliminary work conducted in the Juli area (Onofre, 1989; de la Vega, 1990; Stanish & Steadman, 1994) that, in turn, was based on the previous research of dozens of other scholars for over a century. Upon our arrival in Juli in the summer of 1988, we had available a number of 16th-century documents and various site reports on the prehistoric occupations of the region. John Hyslop's path-breaking dissertation survey research (Hyslop, 1976) was our only comprehensive source of data for the region. His work represents the first systematic and full-re- gional-coverage survey research design carried
out in the region to date. Hyslop (1976, 1977, 1984, 1990) and Elias Mujica (Mujica, 1987, 1990) reconnoitered the area and systematically located sites described in the historical docu- ments, corroborated reports by previous scholars, and developed some broad models to describe and explain the prehistory of the region. The work of both Hyslop and Mujica indicated that a number of site types and cultural periods were well rep- resented in the Juli-Desaguadero region. Hyslop's 1976 dissertation, along with information in some subsequent publications (Hyslop 1977, 1984, 1990; Mujica, 1990:172) provided a very useful chronology, as well as a typology of sites and tomb forms.
There is substantial historical documentation for the Lupaqa area that provides data suitable for the construction of models for the late prehistoric periods. The inspection of the Lupaqa region made by the Spanish crown official Garci Diez de San Miguel (1964[1567]) represents one of the finest Spanish Colonial Period documents in the Andes. In many ways, the Garci Diez Visita rep- resents one of the first comprehensive ethnograph- ic databases on a major ethnic group in the Titi- caea Basin. Arriving in the Titicaea Basin in 1566-1567, Garci Diez sought to document the
Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey
|
_.__ |
||||
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0 50KM |
COLLAS |
\ |
PACAJES |
SORAS \ |
|
CAN AS |
-^ |
''C? 2C |
PACATES |
CARANGAS |
|
CAN AS |
\ COLLAS [^ |
LUPACAS \ |
||
|
\ |
\ |
Fig. 5. Major polities in the Titicaca Basin in the 16th century.
Status of the people in the Lupaqa region, which was one of the principal indigenous senorios- of the southwestern Titicaca area.
The Lupaqa were one of a few indigenous eth- nic groups in the entire Andes not granted to in- dividual Spaniards in encomienda (Murra, 1964: 422). That is, this group was maintained as a crown holding, directly under royal control and protection. Unlike other native populations under the encomienda system, the Lupaqa paid tax di- rectly to the Spanish Crown and therefore main- tained a relatively high degree of autonomy. This economic fact underlies the purpose of the Visita; Garci Diez was sent to record the population of able-bodied tributaries and determine earnings from herding, farming, and other economic activ- ities in order to assess their capacity to pay taxes (Garci Diez, 1964[1567], pp. x, 5, 10).
The Visita is composed of a series of questions and answers from extensive interviews with the heads of the Lupaqa moiety and Spanish residents in the area. Given that Garci Diez was primarily concerned with establishing the tax base of the region, the elicited answers focus on the more mundane economic and political aspects of Lu- paqa life. The result is a comprehensive and sys- tematic document containing information of so- cial, economic, and political value. Furthermore, a careful reading of this document provides in- sight into people other than the Aymara, such as the "Uru," Pukina, Quechua, "Choquela," and a number of other groups in the region.
The pertinent information in the Visita includes declarations of all towns subject to Martin Curi and Martin Cusi, the principales of the Hanansaya and Hurinsaya moieties. Other types of socioeco-
^ The term "senorio" is translated in a variety of ways, including "chiefdom," "feudal estate," "king- dom," and the like.
nomic information include a list of all ayllus in the subject populations, the number of Catholic priests in each town, payments to the church, the nature of tribute during the Inca occupation, the size of camelid holdings, earnings from various economic activities, and the resources controlled by various elite. Garci Diez was careful to repeat questions to different individuals, providing dif- ferent answers and perspectives on critical ques- tions.
The Visita provides an excellent window on the political and economic structure of the Lupaqa re- gion about one generation after the conquest. Of particular value are the differences between the responses of the Spaniards and the local Aymara elite. Any document, including the Visita, is re- plete with subjective biases. Garci Diez was a tax collector, and the Aymara elite were clearly trying to hide their wealth during the Visita and simul- taneously to inflate the resources and influence that they had during the Inca and pre-Inca periods. Furthermore, many of the Spaniards were guilty of theft, battery against Indians, and cheating the Spanish Crown as well. They had a distinct self- interest in representing the indigenous people in a different light.
Like the Visita of Garci Diez, the Tasa of To- ledo (Cook, 1975) provides some systematic data on the indigenous populations of the region. Of particular importance are Toledo's tribute lists from many of the towns in the region. The pub- lished data in the Tasa center on areas outside of the Lupaqa polity.
Another great source of data for Aymara cul- ture in the Early Colonial Period is the dictionary of Ludovico Bertonio, pubhshed in 1612[1956]. Bertonio compiled a general list of Aymara words and Spanish translations. Of particular interest to archaeologists are words relating to agricultural
Chapter One
20 KM
Fig. 6. Lupaqa cabeceras in the 16th century.
Fig. 7. Study area.
Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey 7
and ecological features. The more general histo- ries of Bemabe Cobo (1956[1653]), Garcilaso de la Vega (1961), Ramos Gavilan (1988[1621]), and Cieza de Leon (1959[1553]) make a number of references to the southwestern Titicaca Basin. Cobo, a Jesuit priest who lived and worked in Juli region in the 16th century (Cobo, 1956[1653]), actually provided one of the first descriptions of the major archaeological site of Pukara Juli on the hill that looms above the city.
Some of the first modem archaeological reports in the Lupaqa area include the work of Franco and Gonzalez (1936), who demonstrated that Lu- paqa sites were associated with large stone mor- tuary towers known as chulpas (see Bandelier, 1905^; Hyslop, 1977; Aldunate and Castro, 1981). Curiously, some of these towers had Inca-like ma- sonry. These data, combined with Ryden's work on the Bolivian side (1947, 1957), served to tie in the Lupaqa chulpa sites to the post-Tiwanaku/ pre-Inca periods in the altiplano. Likewise, Vas- quez and Vasquez et al. published brief reports (Vasquez et al., 1935; Vasquez, 1939) on the sites of Cutimbo and Tanka Tanka, both of which are found in the Lupaqa zone.^ The existence of chul- pas, which were said by Cieza de Leon (1959[1553]), Cobo 1956[1653], and Guaman Poma (1980, p. 270), among others, to be burial towers of the elite, suggested that the pre-Inca Lu- paqa maintained a complex society, with social and political hierarchies (Ryden, 1947, p. 407).
In the survey area, Ephraim Squier described and drew some cut stones on the Inca road that are constructed in an Inca style. He described these as "The Inca's Chair" Squier (1877, p. 350). These cut stone monuments are just outside of our survey area in the north and are similar to the Inca cut stone outside of Copacabana that is most likely associated with the Inca shrine com- plex. Near Challapampa, an area in the southern side of our survey zone, Harry Tschopik (1951, p. 506) first described the large. Late Horizon chulpas that are found along the north side of the hill that rings the low pampa zone. Hyslop (1977) also noted some cut stone near the site of Lun- dayani (009) with an associated Inca occupation.
'Bandelier (1905) felt that chulpas were storage structures and not burial towers.
'• Cutimbo has