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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY 11. E. PAGE, c.#., Litt.p. +E. CAPPS, pu.p., LL.D. + W. H. D. ROUSE, tirv.p. L. A. POST, m.a. E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., F.R.HIST.SOC,
DIOS ROMAN HISTORY V
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY EARNEST CARY, Pu.D.
ON THR BASIS OF THE VERSION OF HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER, Pu.D.
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BOOK XLVII.
BOOK XLVIII .
BOOK XLIX .
CONTENTS
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5
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
BOOK XLVI
Τάδε ἔνεστιν ἐν τῷ τετταρακοστῷ ἕκτῳ τῶν Δίωνος Ῥωμαϊκῶν
a. Ὡς Καλῆνος ὑπὲρ ᾿Αντωνίου Κικέρωνι ἀντεῖπεν.
B. ‘Os ᾿Αντώνιος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων περὶ Μούτιναν ἡττήθη.
y. ‘Qs Καῖσαρ ἐς Ῥώμην ἦλθε καὶ ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη.
ὃ. Ὡς Καῖσαρ καὶ ᾿Αντώνιος καὶ Λέπιδος συνώμοσαν.
Χρόνου πλῆθος ἔτος ἕν, ἐν ᾧ ἄρχοντες οἱ ἀριθμούμενοι οἵδε ἐγένοντο T. Οὐίβιος 1 Γ΄. vi. Πάνσας Καπρωνιανός Sa? Αὖλ. “Iptios Αὔλ. υἱ, ;
a an , > « n Τοιαῦτα τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰπόντος ὁ Καλῆνος ὁ «ς Κύιντος ὁ Φούφιος ἀνέστη καὶ ἔλεξεν: “ ἄλλως \ Oe 30” e \ "A / > Ψ μὲν οὐδὲν οὔθ᾽ ὑπὲρ ᾿Αντωνίου τι ἀπολογήσασθαι LA / / > / »>Q\ \ οὔτε Κικέρωνος καθάψασθαι ἐδεόμην. οὐδὲ yap οὐδ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι δεῖν ἐν ταῖς τοιαύταις σκέψεσιν οἵα ἡ παροῦσά ἐστιν οὐδέτερον αὐτῶν ποιεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ n al / a ἁπλῶς ἅ τις φρονεῖ ἀποφαίνεσθαι" ἐκεῖνα μὲν yap / a / δικαστηρίου, ταῦτα δὲ συμβουλίας ἔργα ἐστίν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ οὗτος τόν τε ᾿Αντώνιον κακῶς διὰ τὴν ἔχθραν τὴν ὑπάρχουσάν σφισι λέγειν ἐπεχείρη- σεν, ὃν ἐχρῆν, εἴπερ τι ἠδικήκει, ἐσηγγελκέναι,
1 Οὐίβιος Xyl., λίβιος LM. 2 ὕπ. supplied by Bs, 3 6 supplied by Bk.
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
BOOK XLVI
The following is contained in the Forty-sixth of Dio’s Rome :-— ;
How Calenus replied to Cicero in defence of Antony (chaps. 1-28).
How Antony was defeated at Mutina by Caesar and the consuls (chaps. 29-38).
How Caesar came to Rome and was elected consul (chaps. 39-49).
How Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus formed an alliance (chaps. 50-56).
Duration of time, one year, in which there were the
magistrates (consuls) here enumerated ;:—
B.C.
48 C. Vibius C. F. Pansa Capronianus, A. Hirtius A. F.
Wuen Cicero had finished speaking in this vein, Quintus Fufius Calenus arose and said :—‘ Ordinarily I should not care either to say anything in defence of Antony or to assail Cicero; for I do not think it at all necessary in such discussions as the present to do either of these things, but simply to make known one’s own opinion; the former method belongs to the court-room, whereas this is a matter for delibera- tion. Since, however, this man has undertaken to speak ill of Antony on account of the enmity that exists between them, instead of lodging information against him, as he ought, in case Antony were guilty
3
B.C, 43
2
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
καὶ προσέτι καὶ ἐμοῦ διαβόλως ἐμνημόνευσεν, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἄλλως τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δεινότητα δια- δείξας εἰ μή τινας ἀνέδην προπηλακίσειε, προσήκει καὶ ἐμοὶ τὰ μὲν ἀπολύσασθαι τὰ δὲ ἀνταιτιάσασθαι, ἵνα “μήτε τοῦτον ἥ τε οἰκεία θρασύτης ἀντιλογίας ἁμαρτοῦσα καὶ ἡ ἐμὴ σιωπὴ πονηροῦ. συνειδότος ὑποψίαν λαβοῦσα ὠφελήσῃ, μήθ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἀπατηθέντες ὑφ᾽ ὧν εἶπεν “χεῖρον βου- λεύσησθε, τὴν. ἰδίαν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ὀργὴν ἀντὶ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων ἀντικαταλ.- λαξάμενοι. οὐδὲ “γὰρ ἄλλο ye οὐδὲν διαπρᾶξαι βούλεται ἢ ἵνα ἡμεῖς, τὸ τὰ ἀσφαλέστατα τῷ κοινῷ προϊδεῖν ἀφέντες, στασιάσωμεν αὖθις. τοῦτο γὰρ οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ποιεῖ, ἀλλὰ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, ἀφ᾽ οὗπερ πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν προσῆλθεν, ἄνω καὶ κάτω ταράττων διατετέλεκεν. ἢ γὰρ οὐχ οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τόν τε Καὶ αίσαρα τῷ Πομπηίῳ συγκρούσας καὶ τὸν Πομπήιον τῷ Καίσαρι καταλλαγῆναι κωλύσας; ὁ πείσας μὲν ὑμᾶς ἐκεῖνα κατὰ ᾽ΑΨ- τωνίου ψηφίσασθαι δι’ ὧν παρώξυνε τὸν Καί- σαρα, πείσας δὲ τὸν Πομπήιον τήν τε Ἰταλίαν ἐκλιπεῖν καὶ ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίαν μετοικῆσαι; ὅπερ που αἰτιώτατον πάντων τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συμβάν- των ἡμῖν κακῶν ἐγένετο. οὐχ οὗτός ἐστιν ὃ τόν τε Κλώδιον διὰ Μίλωνος ἀποκτείνας καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα διὰ Βρούτου φονεύσας; ὁ τόν τε Ka- τιλίναν ἐκπολεμώσας ἡμῖν καὶ τὸν Λέντουλον
3 ἄκριτον ἀπολέσας; ὅθεν ἔ eyorye καὶ πάνυ ἂν ὑμῶν
θαυμάσαιμι, εἰ τότε ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις μεταγνόντες καὶ δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ χαβόντες, εἶτα καὶ νῦν ὅμοια
2 ἀνέδην Bk., ἀναίδην LM.
BOOK XLVI
of any wrong-doing, and since, furthermore, he has _..c. 43 made insulting reference to me, as if he could not have exhibited his own cleverness without indulging in unrestrained abuse of people, it behooves me also both to refute his accusations and to bring counter- charges against him. For, in the first place, I would not have him profit either from his own impudence, if allowed to go unchallenged, or from my silence, which might be suspected of coming from a guilty conscience ; nor, again, would I have you be deceived by what he has said and come to an unworthy decision by letting his private grudge against Antony take the place of the public interest. For the purpose he wishes to accomplish is nothing else than that we should give up providing for the greatest safety of the commonwealth and fall into discord once more. Indeed, it is not the first time he has done this, but from the outset, ever since he entered politics, he has been continually turning things topsy-turvy. Is he not the one who embroiled Caesar with Pompey and prevented Pompey from becoming reconciled with Caesar? Or the one, again, who. persuaded you to pass that vote against Antony by which he angered Caesar,and persuaded Pompey to leave Italy and transfer his quarters to Macedonia,—a course which proved the chief cause of all the evils that subsequently befell us? Is he not the one who killed Clodius by the hand of Milo and slew Caesar by the hand of Brutus? The one who made Catiline hostile to us and put Lentulus to death without a trial? Hence I should be very. much surprised at you if, after changing your mind then about his conduct and making him pay the penalty for it, you should now heed him again, when his
5
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
2 αὐτῷ καὶ λέγοντι καὶ πράττοντι πεισθήσεσθε. ἢ οὐχ ὁρᾶτε ὅτι καὶ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ Καίσαρος θάνα- a ὅτε μὲν τὰ πράγμαθ᾽ ἡμῶν δι’ ᾿Αντώνιον
1 μάλιστα, ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀρνήσασθαι δύναται, eartorn, ἀπεδήμησε, καὶ ἀλλότριον καὶ ἐπικίνδυ- vov ἑαυτῷ τὸν τῆς ὁμονοίας ἡμῶν βίον εἶναι νομί- Cov: ἐπεὶ δὲ τεταραγμένα αὐτὰ αὖθις ἤσθετο, μακρὰ χαίρειν τῷ τε υἱεῖ καὶ ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις φρά-
3 σας ἐπανῆλθε; καὶ τὸν μὲν ᾿Αντώνιον, ὃν τέως ἀγαπᾶν ἔλεγεν, ὑβρίξει καὶ λοιδορεῖ, τῷ δὲ δὴ Καίσαρι, οὗ καὶ τὸν πατέρα, ἀπέκτεινε, συναί- ρεταιῦ; κἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, κἀκείνῳ οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν
4 ἐπιθήσεται: ἄπιστός τε γὰρ φύσει καὶ ταραχώδης ἐστί, καὶ οὔτε τι ἕρμα ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ ἔχει καὶ πάντα ἀεὶ κυκᾷ καὶ στρέφει, πλείονας μὲν τροπὰς τρεπό- μενος τοῦ πορθμοῦ πρὸς ὃν ἔφυγεν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧπερ καὶ Hi gates: ἐπωνομάσθη, πάντας δὲ ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶν
φίλον καὶ ἐχθρὸν νομίζειν ὃν ἂν αὐτὸς porn
4 Te? Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα φυλάττεσθε τὸν ἄνθρωπον. γόης γάρ ἐστι καὶ μάγος, καὶ ἐκ μὲν τῶν κακῶν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων καὶ πλουτεῖ καὶ αὔξει, συκοφαν- τῶν ἕλκων σπαράττων τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας ὥσπερ οἱ κύνες, ἐν δὲ δὴ TH, κοινῇ ὁμονοίᾳ ἀπορεῖ καὶ φθίνει" οὔτε γὰρ ἡ φιλία οὔθ᾽ ἡ εὔνοια ἡμῶν ἡ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοιοῦτον δύνανται τρέφειν ῥή-
2 τορα. ἐπεὶ πόθεν ἄλλοθεν πεπλουτηκέναι αὐτὸν οἴεσθε, πόθεν μέγαν γεγονέναι; οὐ γάρ που καὶ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῷ ὁ κναφεύς, ὁ τάς τε σταφυλὰς καὶ
1 ὅτι Xyl., ἔτι LM.
2 συναίρεται Rk., συναίρειν L, συναίρει (corrected from cuvaipev) Μ, δ δ᾿ added by Bk.
6
BOOK XLVI
words and actions are similar. Or do you not sc. 43 observe how also after Caesar's death, when order had been restored in our state chiefly by Antony, as not even Cicero himself can deny, Cicero went abroad, because he considered our life of harmony alien and dangerous to him? And how, when he perceived that turmoil had again arisen, he bade a long farewell to his son and to Athens, and returned ? Or, again, how he insults and abuses Antony, whom he was wont to say he loved, and coéperates with Caesar, whose father he killed? And if chance so favour, he will ere long attack Caesar also. For the fellow is naturally faithless and turbulent, and has no ballast in his soul, but is always stirring up and overturning things, shifting his course oftener than the waters of the strait! to which he fled,—whence his nickname of “turn-coat,” ?—yet demanding of you all that you consider a man as friend or foe according to his bidding.
*‘ For these reasons you must guard against the fellow ; for he is a cheat and an impostor and grows rich and powerful from the ills of others, slandering, mauling, and rending the innocent after the manner of dogs, whereas in the midst of public harmony he is embarrassed and withers away, since love and good-will on our part towards one another cannot support this kind of orator. How else, indeed, do you imagine, has he become rich, and how else has he become great? Certainly neither family nor wealth was bequeathed him by his father, the fuller, who
1 The reference is to the Euripus, the narrow channel between Euboea and the mainland of Greece, 2 Cf. xxxvi. 44, 2; xxxix. 63, 5,
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
Tas ἐλαίας ἀεί ποτε ἐργολαβῶν, ἢ γένος ἢ πλοῦ- τον κατέλιπεν, ἄνθρωπος ἀγαπητῶς ἔκ τὲ τούτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν πλυνῶν διατρεφόμενος, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκά- στην ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα τῶν αἰσχίστων ἀναπιμπλά- μενος. ἐν οἷς αὐτὸς “τραφεὶς οὐκ ἀπεικότως τοὺς κρείσσονας αὐτοῦ καὶ πατεῖ καὶ πλύνει, λοιδορίαις τισὶν ἐξ ἐργαστηρίων καὶ τριόδων ἐπιτετηδευμέ- vals χρώμενος.
«Kita τοιοῦτος αὐτὸς ὦν, καὶ γυμνὸς ἐν γυμνοῖς αὐξηθείς, καὶ οἰσπώτας καὶ ὑσπελέθους καὶ σπατίλας συλλέγων, ἐτόλμησας, ὦ μιαρώτατε, πρῶτον μὲν τὴν τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου ὥραν διαβαλεῖν, ἀνθρώπου. καὶ παιδαγωγοῖς καὶ διδασκάλοις κατὰ τὴν τοῦ γένους ἀξίαν κεχρημένου, ἔπειτα δὲ κατη- γορῆσαι ὅτι τὰ Λυκαῖα τὴν πάτριον ἑ ἑορτὴν ποιῶν γυμνὸς ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐσῆλθεν; ἀλλὰ τί, ὧ πάσαις μὲν ταῖς ἀλλοτρίαις ἐσθῆσι διὰ τὴν πατρῴαν τέχνην ἀεὶ χρησάμενος, ὑφ᾽ ἁπάντων δὲ τῶν ἀπ- αντώντων καὶ γνωριζόντων. αὐτὰς ,ἀποδυθείς, ἐχρῆν ποιῆσαι ἄνθρωπον μὴ μόνον ἱερέα ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡγεμόνα τῶν ,συνιερέων " ὄντα; "μὴ πέμψ 1A τὴν πομπήν, μὴ ἑορτάσαι τὴν ἑορτήν, μὴ θῦσαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, μὴ γυμνωθῆναι, μὴ ἀλείψα- σθαι; “ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ, φησίν, ‘ ἐγκαλῶ, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τε γυμνὸς ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ ὅτι τοιαῦτα ἐδημη- γόρησε. πάνυ γὰρ πάντα τὰ “προσήκοντα ἀκριβῶς ἐν τῷ κναφείῳ μεμάθηκεν, ἵνα καὶ ἁμαρτήματός τινος ἀληθινοῦ αἰσθάνηται καὶ ἐπιτιμᾶν αὐτῷ δικαίως δύνηται.
1 οἰσπώτας Lambert Bos, οἰσπότας LM,
2 συνιερέων R. Steph., συνερέων LM, ὃ ἀλείψασθαι Rk., ἀλεῖψαι LM.
ΓΝ
BOOK XLVI
was always trading in grapes and olives, a fellow who s.c. 48
was glad enough to support himself by this and by his wash-tubs, who every day and every night defiled himself with the foulest filth. The son, reared amid these surroundings, not unnaturally tramples and souses his superiors, using a species of abuse prac- tised in the workshops and on the street corners.
“ Now when you yourself are of such a sort, and have grown up naked among naked companions, collecting clothes stained with sheep dung, pig manure, and human excrement, have you dared, most vile wretch, first to slander the youth of Antony, who had the advantage of attendants and teachers, as his rank demanded, and then to reproach him because in celebrating the Lupercalia, that ancient festival, he came naked into the Forum? But I ask you, you who always wore nothing but the clothes of others on account of your father’s business and were stripped by whoever met you and recognized them, what ought a man who was not only priest but also leader of his fellow-priests to have done? Not conduct the procession, not celebrate the festival, not sacrifice according to the custom of our fathers, not appear naked, not anoint himself? ‘But it is not for this that I censure him, he answers, ‘but because he delivered a speech, and that kind of speech, naked in the Forum.’ Of course this fellow has become acquainted in the fuller’s shop with all the nice proprieties, so that he may detect a real mistake and may be able to rebuke it properly !
6
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
cc? \ δὲ e \ \ b] / \ a ἃ ᾿ / Eyo δὲ ὑπὲρ μὲν ἐκείνων μετὰ ταῦτα ἃ πρῥοσή- A la) a / κει πάντα ἐρῶ, τοῦτον δὲ ἐν TO παρόντι ἀνερέσθαι ΄ » \ / »” a b) / τι βούλομαι. ov σὺ μέντοι ἔν τε τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις κακοῖς ἐντέθραψαι καὶ ἐν ταῖς τῶν πέλας συμ- φοραῖς ἐκπεπαίδευσαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐλευθέριον , μὲν μάθημα οὐδὲν ἐπίστασαι, συνέδριον δέ τι a , κατασκευάσας ἐνταῦθα ὥσπερ αἱ πόρναι τὸν δώ- σοντά τι ἀεὶ ἀναμένεις, καὶ Tpocaywyéas! τῶν λημμάτων πολλοὺς ἔχων πολυπραγμονεῖς τίς τίνα -“ / / a ἠδίκηκεν ἢ δοκεῖ γε ἠδικηκέναι, Tis τίνα μισεῖ, τίς / / τίνι ἐπιβουλεύει; Kal τούτοις συναίρῃ, Kal διὰ fal “- \ \ na τούτων τρέφῃ, πωλῶν μὲν αὐτοῖς τὰς παρὰ THs ΄ > / > a \ \ \ a τύχης ἐλπίδας, ἐργολαβῶν δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν δικα- a > ΄ \ / \ , Ν Ν / στῶν ἀποφάσεις, καὶ φίλον μὲν μόνον TOV TO πλέον > \ ὃ ὃ 4 »] θ \ δὲ δ} ΄, \ >? 7 ἀεὶ διδόντα, ἐχθροὺς δὲ δὴ πάντας τοὺς ἀπρά- \ li \ U / γμονας ἢ Kal ἄλλῳ τινὶ συνηγόορῳ χρωμένους νομίζων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν χερσὶν ἤδη ὄντας οὐδ᾽ 507 a + \ \ > ΟΣ , ; εἰδέναι δοκῶν, ἀλλὰ Kal δι ὄχλου ποιούμενος, / / lal τοὺς δ᾽ ἄρτι προσιόντας caivey καὶ γελῶν ὥσπερ αἱ πανδοκεύτριαι. ld a “Kal πόσῳ κρεῖττον ἣν καὶ σὲ Βαμβαλίωνα " ΤΣ ς ΄, 20} Uy x γεγονέναι, εἴ γέ τις ὁ Βαμβαλίων οὗτός ἐστιν, ἢ τοιοῦτον ἐπανῃρῆσθαι βίον ἐν ᾧ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη “ , Lal ἤτοι τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου λόγον πωλεῖν ἢ Kal a / / lel τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας σώζειν; καίτοι σύγε οὐδὲ ταῦτα A - , ,ὔ 3 καλῶς ποιεῖν, καίπερ τρία ἐν ᾿Αθήναις ἔτη κατα- fa) / Ὁ τρίψας, δύνασαι. ποῦ; πόθεν; ὅστις ὑποτρέμων
1 προσαγωγέας Naber, προαγωγέας LM, Io
BOOK XLVI
«With regard to these matters, however, I will say nc. 43 later all that need be said, but just now I want to ask this fellow a question or two. Is it not true, then, that. you have been reared amid the ills of others and been educated in the midst of your neighbours’ misfortunes, and hence are acquainted with no liberal branch of knowledge, but have established here a kind of council where you are always waiting, like the harlots, for a man who will give something, and with many agents always to attract profits to you, you pry into people's affairs to find out who has wronged, or seems to have wronged, another, who hates another, and who is plotting against another? With these men you make common cause, and through them you support yourself, selling them the hopes that depend upon the turn of fortune, trading in the decisions of the jurors, considering him alone as a friend who gives the most at any particular time, and all those as enemies who are peaceably inclined or employ some other advocate, while you even pretend not to know those who are already in your clutches, and even find them a nuisance, but fawn and smile upon those who at the moment approach you, just as the women do who keep inns ἢ
“Yet how much better it would be for you, too, to have been born Bambalio!—if this Bambalio really exists—than to have taken up such a livelihood, in which it is absolutely inevitable that you should either sell your speech on behalf of the innocent, or else save the guilty also! Yet you cannot do even this effectively, though you spent three years in Athens. When, then, did you ever do so? Or how could you? Why, you always come to the courts trembling,
1 See xlv. 47, 4, 11
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ἀεὶ πρὸς τὰ δικαστήρια προσέρχῃ καθάπερ ὁπλο- μαχεῖν μέλλων, καὶ φθεγξάμενος ταπεινόν τι καὶ τεθνηκὸς ἀπαλλάττῃ, μήθ᾽ ὧν οἴκοθεν ἐσκεμμένος ἥκεις μνημονεύων, μήτε ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμά τι 3 εἰπεῖν εὑρίσκων. ἐς μὲν γὰρ τὸ φῆσαι καὶ ὑποσχέσθαι τι θρασύτητι πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπερβάλλεις, ἐν δὲ δὴ τοῖς ἀγῶσιν. αὐτοῖς, ἔξω τοῦ λοιδορῆσαί τίνα καὶ κακῶς εἰπεῖν, καὶ ἀσθε- νέστατος Kal δειλότατος εἶ. ἢ οἴει τινὰ ἀγνοεῖν ὅτι μηδένα τῶν θαυμαστῶν σου τούτων λόγων ods ἐκδέδωκας εἴρηκας, ἀλλὰ πάντας, αὐτοὺς μετὰ ταῦτα συγγέγραφας, ὥσπερ οἱ τούς τε στρατη- γοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἱππάρχους τοὺς πηλίνους πλάτ- 4 τοντες; εἰ δ᾽ ἀπιστεῖς, ἀναμνήσθητι πῶς μὲν τοῦ Οὐέρρου" κατηγόρησας, καίπερ καὶ ἐκ. τῆς τέχνης τι τῆς πατρῴας αὐτῷ παρασχών, ὅτε ἐνούρησας. “᾿Αλλὰ yap ὀκνῷ μὴ τὰ προσήκοντά * σοι ἀκριβῶς λέγων αὐτὸς οὐ προσήκοντας ἐμαυτῷ 8 λόγους ποιεῖσθαι δόξω. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐάσω, καὶ νὴ Δία καὶ Τὸν Ραβίνιον, ᾧ τοὺς κατηγόρους παρασκευάσας ὃ ἔπειτα οὕτω συνεῖπες. ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν καταδικασθῆναι, τά τε συγγράμματα. a κατὰ TOV φίλων συγγράφεις, ἐφ᾽ οἷς οὕτω σαυτῷ * ἀδικοῦντι σύνοισθα ὥστε μηδὲ δημοσιεύειν αὐτὰ τολμᾶν. καίτοι καὶ TXETMOTATOV καὶ ἐλεεινότατόν ἐστι μὴ δύνασθαι ταῦτα ἀρνήσασθαι ἃ ἃ πάντων ° αἴ- 2 σχιστόν ἐστιν ὁμολογῆσαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ ταῦτα μὲν παραλείψω, τὰ δὲ δὴ λοιπὰ ἐπεξάξω.
1 Οὐέρρου R. Steph., ἔρρου LM.
2 προσήκοντά Reim., προσόντα LM.
3 παρασκευάσας R. Steph., παρεσκεύασας LM. 4 οὕτω σαυτῷ Bk., οὕτως ἑαυτῶι LM.
5 ἃ πάντων M, ἁπάντων L,
12
BOOK XLVI
as if you were going to fight as a gladiator, and after a.c. 43
uttering a few words in a meek and half-dead voice you take your departure, without having remembered a word of the speech you thought out at home before you came, and without having found anything to say on the spur of the moment. In making assertions and promises you surpass all mankind in audacity, but in the trials themselves, apart from reviling and abusing people, you are most weak and cowardly. Or do you think any orie is ignorant of the fact that you never delivered one of those wonderful speeches of yours that you have published, but wrote them all out afterwards, like persons who fashion generals and cavalry leaders out of clay? If you doubt my word, remember how you accused Verres, though, to be sure, you did give him an example of your father’s trade—when you wetted your clothes.
“But I hesitate, for fear that in saying precisely what suits your case. I may seem to be uttering words that are unbecoming to myself.! These matters I will therefore pass over; yes, by Jupiter, and the case of Gabinius also, against whom you prepared accusers and then pleaded his cause in such a way that he was condemned; also the pamphlets which you compose against your friends, in regard to which you feel yourself so guilty that you do not even dare to make them public.2 Yet it is a most miserable and pitiable state to be in, not to be able to deny these charges which are the most disgraceful conceivable to admit. But I will pass by all this and proceed to
1 Dio in this sentence imitates closely the words of De- mosthenes against Aeschines, in the De Corona (129). 2 Cf. xxxix. 10, ῤ
13
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ἡμεῖς μὲν yap, καίπερ δισχίλια τῷ διδασκάλῳ πλέθρα τῆς Λεοντίνων γῆς, ὡς dys, δεδωκότες, οὐδὲν ἄξιον αὐτῶν ἐμάθομεν' τὰ δὲ δὴ σὰ παιδεύ- ματα τίς οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσειεν; τίνα δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα; φθονεῖς ἀεὶ τῷ κρείττονι, βασκαίνεις ἀεὶ τὸν προήκοντα, διαβάλλεις τὸν προτετιμημένον, συκοφαντεῖς τὸν δεδυνημένον, καὶ μισεῖς μὲν τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ὁμοίως πάντας, προσποιῇ δὲ δὴ φιλεῖν ἐκείνους μόνους δι’ ὧν ἂν κακουργήσειν τε προσ- δοκήσῃς. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο TOUS τε νεωτέρους ἐπὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἀεὶ παροξύνεις, καὶ τοὺς πι- στεύοντάς σοι καὶ ὁτιοῦν ἐς κινδύνους προαγαγὼν" προλείπεις.
“Τεκμήριον δέ, πρᾶξιν μὲν οὐδεμίαν πώποτε ἐλλογίμου ἀνδρὸς ἀξίαν, οὔτ᾽ ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, πέπραχας: ποίους μὲν γὰρ πολέμους ἐνικήσαμεν σοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ποίαν δὲ χώραν ἐκτησάμεθα σοῦ ὑπατεύοντος; ἐξαπατῶν δὲ ἀεί τίνας τῶν πρώτων καὶ σφετεριζόμενος ἰδίᾳ μὲν διὰ τούτων πολιτεύῃ καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα βούλει διοικεῖς, δημοσίᾳ δὲ βοᾷς ἄλλως, κεκραγὼς τοὺς μιαροὺς ἐκείνους λόγους “ἐγὼ μόνος ὑμᾶς Piro,
Αὐδι. .γχες. , ἥδ spn, Btn. n © ον ὃν καὶ εἰ οὕτω τύχοι," “καὶ ὁ δεῖνα, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες μισοῦσι, καὶ “ἐγὼ μόνος ὑμῖν εὐνοῶ, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες ἐπιβουλεύουσι, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐξ ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐπαίρων καὶ φυσῶν προ- δίδως, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐκπλήττων προστίθεσαι. κἂν μέν τι χρηστὸν ὑφ᾽ ὁτουδὴ τῶν πάντων γένηται, ἀντιποιῇ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ σεαυτὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ ἐπιγράφεις,
¥ προήκοντα cod. Coisl. (Bekk. Anecd.), προσήκοντα LM.
ὦ προαγαγὼν Dind., προάγων LM. 8 τύχοι R. Steph., τύχηι LM.
14
BOOK XLVI
the rest. Well, then, though we gave the professor, 2.c. 48 as you admit, two thousand plethra of the Leontine lands, yet we learned nothing worth while in return for 1.1 But as to you, who would not admire your system of instruction? And what is that? Why, you always envy the man who is your superior, you always malign the prominent man, you slander him who has attained distinction, you blackmail the one who has become powerful, and, though you hate impartially all good men, yet you pretend to love only those of them whom you expect to make the agents of some villainy. This is why you are always inciting the younger men against their elders. and leading those who trust you, even in the slightest degree, into dangers, and then deserting them.
* A proof of all this is that you have never accom- plished any achievement worthy of a distinguished man either in war or in peace. What wars, for instance, did we win when you were praetor, or what territory did we acquire when you were consul? Nay, but you are continually deceiving some of the foremost men and winning them to your side, and then you privately use them as agents to carry out your policies and to pass what measures you choose, while publicly you indulge in vain rantings, bawling out those detestable phrases, ‘I am the only one who loves you,’ or, perchance, ‘I and so-and-so; but all the rest hate you,’ or “1 alone am your friend, but all the rest are plotting against you, and other such stuff by which you fill some with elation and conceit and then betray them, and frighten the rest and thus bring them to your side. And if any service is ren- dered by any one in the world, you lay claim to it and
1 Cf. xiv. 30, 2. 15
10
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
θρυλῶν “ ἐγὼ γὰρ εἶπον, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἔγραψα," καὶ δι᾿ ἐμὲ ταῦτα οὕτω πέπρακται" ἂν δέ τί συμβῇ οἷον οὐκ ἔδει, σαυτὸν μὲν ἐξαιρεῖς," τοὺς δὲ δὴ ἄλλους πάντας αἰτιᾷ, λέγων “ μὴ γὰρ ἐστρατήγουν ἐγώ; μὴ γὰρ ἐπρέσβευον; μὴ γὰρ ὑπάτευον;" καὶ λοιδορεῖς μὲν ἀεὶ πάντας πανταχοῦ, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θρασέως παρρησιάξεσθαι δοκεῖν δύναμιν περὶ πλείονος τοῦ ὃ TL τῶν δεόντων εἰπεῖν ποιούμενος, ἔργον δὲ δὴ p ῥήτορος οὐδὲν ἄξιον λόγου παρέχῃ. τί μὲν γὰρ τῶν κοινῶν ἢ σέσωσται ἢ ἐπηνώρθωται διὰ σέ; τίνα δὲ ἀδικοῦντα ὄντως τὴν πόλιν ἐσήγ- γελκας, τίνα ἐπιβουλεύοντα ἀληθῶς ἡμῖν ἐπι- δέδειχας; ἵνα γὰρ τἄλλα ἐάσω, αὐτὰ ταῦθ᾽ ἃ τῷ ᾿Αντωνίῳ νῦν ἐγκαλεῖς, τοιαῦτα καὶ τοσαῦτά ἐστιν ὥστε μηδένα a ἂν δίκην ἀξίαν αὐτῶν ὑποσχεῖν. τί ποτ᾽ οὖν, ὁρῶν ἡμᾶς ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὥς γε καὶ 7s, ἀδικουμένους, οὐδέποτε ἐπεξῆλθες αὐτῷ παραχρῆμα οὐδὲ κατηγόρησας, ἀλλὰ νῦν ἡμῖν λέγεις ὅσα δημαρχήσας παρενόμησεζ καὶ ὅσα ἱππαρχήσας ἐπλημμέλησε καὶ ὅσα ὑπατεύσας ἐκακούργησεν, ἐξόν σοι τότε εὐθὺς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν τὴν προσήκουσαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δίκην εἰλη- φέναι, ἵνα αὐτός. τε φιλόπολις ὡς ἀληθῶς ὧν ἐπεφήνεις καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ἀβλαβῆ καὶ ἀσφαλῆ τὴν τιμωρίαν παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ ἀδικήματα ἐπεποιήμεθα. καὶ μὴν ἀνάγκη δυοῖν θάτερον, ἢ πεπιστευκότα σε τότε ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχειν καθυφεικέναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἀγῶνας, ἢ μὴ δυνηθέντα τινὰ αὐτῶν ἐξε- λέγξαι μάτην νῦν συκοφαντεῖν.
1 ἔγραψα Rk., ἐπέγραψα LM. * ἐξαιρεῖς St., ἐξαίρεις LM. 3 σοῦ supplied by Reim.
4 παρενόμησε Cobet, παρηνόμησε LM.
16
BOOK XLVI
attach your own name to it, prating: ‘I moved it, I sc. 48 proposed it, all this was done as it was through me.’ But if anything turns out unfortunately, you clear your own skirts of it and lay the blame on all the rest, saying: ‘Look you, was I the praetor, or the envoy, or the consul?’ And you abuse everybody everywhere all the time, setting more store by the influence which comes from appearing to speak your mind boldly than by saying what duty demands ; but as to the function of an orator, you exemplify it in no respect worth speaking of. What public interest has been preserved or restored by you? Whom have you indicted that was really harming the city, and whom have you brought to light that was in truth plotting against us? Why (to pass over the other cases), these very charges which you now bring against Antony are of such a nature and so numerous that no one could ever suffer any adequate punish- ment for them. Why, then, if you saw that we were being wronged by him from the very outset, as you assert, did you never prosecute or even accuse him at the time, instead of relating to us now all his illegal acts as tribune, all his irregularities as master of the horse, all his crimes as consul? You might imme- diately at the time in each specific instance have inflicted the appropriate penalty upon him, and thus have yourself stood revealed as a patriot in very deed, while we should then have imposed the punishment in security and safety at the time of the offences themselves. Indeed, one of two conclusions is in- evitable,— either that you believed these things were so at the time and yet shirked the struggle on our behalf, or else that you were unable to prove any of your charges and are now indulging in idle slanders.
17
11
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
7 \ ap? «“"Ore yap τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ὑμῖν, * tf, \ 2 / BY , b a ὦ πατέρες, διεξιὼν ἐπιδείξω. ἔλεγέ τινα ἐν TH ᾽ Ν a δημαρχίᾳ ᾿Αντώνιος ὑπὲρ τοῦ ΚΚαίσαρος" καὶ yap \ a ᾿ Κικέρων καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἸΤομπηίου. τί ῖ a \ lal TOT οὖν τοῦτον μὲν αἰτιᾶται ὅτι THY φιλίαν τὴν 3° , ς δὼ \ \ oo» \ ἐκείνου προείλετο, EAUTOV OE καὶ TOUS ἄλλους TOUS τἀναντία αὐτῷ σπουδάσαντας ἀφίησιν; ἐκώλυσέ b] al Ὁ X [ον / τινα ἐκεῖνος ψηφισθῆναι τότε κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος" καὶ γὰρ οὗτος πάνθ᾽ ὡς εἰπεῖν ὅσα ὑπὲρ τοῦ 2 7 Καίσαρος ἐγυιγνώσκετο. “ἀλλ᾽ ἐμποδών, φησίν, ’ fol fol [9] na > “ἐγίγνετο TH κοινῇ τῆς βουλῆς γνώμῃ. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν πῶς ἂν εἷς ἀνὴρ τοσοῦτον ἴσχυσεν; Μ δέ > \ / θ ὃ Ν Nee “ ἔπειτα δέ, εἰ καὶ κατεψηφίσθη διὰ τοῦθ᾽, ὥσπερ λέγει, πῶς οὐκ ἂν καὶ ἐκολάσθη; “ ἔφυγε γάρ, " \ ᾿ , > , 9 > a \ ἔφυγε πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ἀπελθών. οὐκοῦν καὶ ΄ > / > > / ia) >’ > ὦν ᾿ σύ, ὦ Κικέρων, οὐκ ἀπεδήμησας νῦν ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγες, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον. ἀλλὰ μήτι ye’ καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας ἡμᾶς τὰ σεαυτοῦ ὀνείδη προπετῶς οὕτως dye: φυγεῖν μὲν γάρ ἐστι τοῦτο ὃ σὺ πεποίηκας, \ \ τό τε δικαστήριον φοβηθεὶς καὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν a A αὐτὸς σαυτοῦ" προκαταγνούς. ἀμέλει καὶ ἐγράφη σοι κάθοδος: πῶς μὲν καὶ διὰ τίνα, οὐ λέγω, , / “ ᾽ / ἐγράφη δ᾽ οὖν, καὶ οὐ πρίν γε ἐπέβης τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας πρὶν ἐκείνην σοι δοθῆναι. ᾿Αντώνιος δὲ καὶ ἀπῆλθε πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα μηνύσων αὐτῷ τὰ a , , πεπραγμένα, καὶ ἐπανῆλθε μηδενὸς ψηφίσματος / \ , / ? va / / δεηθείς, καὶ τέλος THY τε εἰρήνην τήν τε φιλίαν “ al ΨΥ “ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιταλίᾳ τότε 1 μήτι γε Cobet, μήτοι γε LM 2 σαυτοῦ Bk., ἑαυτοῦ LM. 18
BOOK XLVI
* That all this is true, Conscript Fathers, I shall 5.0. 48 show you by going over each point in detail. Antony did have something to say during his tribuneship on Caesar’s behalf, as indeed did Cicero and some others on behalf of Pompey. Why, now, does he blame him for having preferred Caesar's friendship, but acquit himself and the rest who supported the opposite cause? Antony prevented some measures from being passed against Caesar at that time; and this was all right, since Cicero pre- vented practically everything that was to be decreed in his favour. ‘But Antony,’ he replies, * thwarted the united will of the senate.’ Well, now,in the first place, how could one man have had so much power? And, secondly, if he had really been condemned for — it, as this fellow says, how could he have escaped punishment? ‘Oh, he fled, he fled to Caesar and got out of the way.’ Well, then, Cicero, what you also did a while ago was not ‘ taking a trip abroad,’ _ but taking flight, as on the former occasion. Come now, do not be so ready to apply your own shame to us all; for flee you did, fearing the court and condemn- ing yourself beforehand. To be sure, a measure was passed for your recall,—how and for what reasons I do not say,—but at any rate it was passed, and you did not set foot in Italy until the recall was granted to you. But Antony not only went away to Caesar to inform him what had been done, but also returned, without asking for any decree, and finally ought - about peace and friendship with him for all those who were at the time found in Italy; and the rest,
19
ι2
19
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
εὑρεθεῖσιν ἐπρυτάνευσεν' ἧς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἂν μετεσχήκεσαν, εἰ μὴ σοὶ πεισθέντες ἐπεφεύγεσαν.
“ Kita τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων τολμῆς λέγειν ὅτι τόν τε Καίσαρα ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἐπήγαγε καὶ τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον ἐκίνησε καὶ τῶν “μετὰ ταῦτα κακῶν αἰτιώτατος ἡμῖν ἐγένετο; οὐ μὲν οὖν, ἀλλὰ σύ, ὅστις ἸΤομπηίῳ μὲν καὶ στρα- τεύματα ἀλλότρια καὶ ἡγεμονίαν ἔδωκας, Καίσαρα δὲ καὶ τῶν δεδομένων ἀποστερῆσαι ἐπεχείρησας" ὅστις τῷ τε ἸΙομπηίῳ καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις συνε- βούλευσας τὰ μὲν προτεινόμενα ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ προσίεσθαι, τὴν δὲ δὴ πόλιν τήν τε Ἰταλίαν ὅλην ἐκλιπεῖν: ὅστις Καίσαρα μὲν οὐδὲ ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλθόντα εἶδες, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Πομπήιον καὶ ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἀπέδρας. καὶ οὐδὲ ἐ ἐκείνῳ μέν- τοῦ οὐδὲν συνήρω, ἀλλὰ περιιδὼν τὰ γιγνόμενα ἔπειτ᾽, ἐπειδὴ ἐδυστύχησεν, ἐγκατέλιπες αὐτόν. οὕτως οὐδὲ ἀπ᾽’ ἀρχῆς ὡς δικαιότερα αὐτῷ πράτ- τοντι ᾿ἐβοήθησας, ἀλλὰ τήν τε στάσιν κινήσας καὶ τὰ πράγματα ταράξας εἶτ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς αὐτοῖς ἐφήδρευσας, καὶ τοῦ μὲν πταίσαντος ὡς καὶ ἀδικοῦντός τι διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀπέστης, πρὸς δὲ τὸν κρατήσαντα ὡς καὶ δικαιότερον ἀπέκλινας. καὶ οὕτω γε, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς, καὶ ἀχάριστος. εἶ ὥστε οὐ “μόνον οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς ὅτι ἐσῳθής t ὑπ᾿" αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀγανακτεῖς ὅτι μὴ καὶ ὁ ἱππάρχησας.
“Kita ταῦτα σαυτῷ συνειδὼς τολμᾷς λέγειν ὅτι οὐκ ἐχρῆν τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον δι᾽ ἔτους ἱππαρχῆσαι; οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸν Καίσαρα δι᾿ ἔτους δικτατορεῦσαι.
1 συνήρω Μ, συνηιρει L. 2 ὑπ’ Xyl., ἀπ᾽ LM. 3 μὴ καὶ R. Steph., καὶ μὴ LM.
20
BOOK XLVI
too, would have had a share in it, if they had not 5.0. 43 taken your advice and fled after Pompey.
“Then, when this is the case, do you dare to say he led Caesar against his country and stirred up the civil war and became, far more than any one else, responsible for the subsequent evils that befell us? No, indeed, but it was you yourself, you who gave Pompey legions that belonged to others, and the command also, and undertook to deprive Caesar even of those that had been given him ; you, who advised Pompey and the consuls not to accept the offers made by Caesar, but to abandon the city and all Italy; you, who did not see Caesar even when he entered Rome, but ran off to Pompey and Macedonia. Yet not even to him did you prove of any assistance, but you allowed matters to take their course, and then, when he met with misfortune, left him in the lurch. Thus even at the outset you did not aid him as the one whose course was the more just, but after stirring up the strife and embroiling affairs you kept watch on events from a safe distance, and then promptly deserted the man who failed, as if that somehow proved him in the wrong, and went over to the victor, as if he were more in the right. And thus, in addition to your other base deeds, you are so ungrateful that you not only are not satisfied to have been spared by Caesar, but are actually dis- pleased because you were not made his master of horse.
“ Then, with this on your conscience, do you dare to say that Antony ought not to have been master of the horse for a whole year, because Caesar himself ought not to have been dictator for a whole
21
14
2
3
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε καλῶς εἴτε καὶ ἀναγκαίως ταῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο, ἐψηφίσθη τε ὁμοίως ἀμφότερα καὶ , ἤρεσε καὶ ἡμῖν" καὶ τῷ ήμῳ. τούτοις οὖν, ὦ Κικέρων, ἐγκάλει, εἴ τι παρενόμησαν, μὴ “μὰ Δία μὴ τοῖς ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν πετιμημένοις ὅτι ἀξίους ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τῶν τηλικούτων τυχεῖν παρέσχον' ὡς εἴγε ὑπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων τῶν τότε ἡμᾶς περιστάντων ἠναγκάσθημεν 2 αὐτὰ οὕτω καὶ παρὰ τὸ “προσῆκον ποιῆσαι, τί τοῦτο ᾿Αντωνίῳ νῦν ἐπιφέρεις, an, ov τότε ἀντέλεγες, εἴπερ ἐδύμασο; ὅτι ἐφοβοῦ νὴ 4 Δία. εἶτα σὺ μὲν τότε σιωπήσας συγγνώμης διὰ τὴν δείλίαν τεύξῃ, οὗτος δὲ StL σοῦ προετιμήθη, δίκην διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὑφέξει; καὶ ποῦ ταῦτα τὰ δίκαια ἔμαθες, ἢ που ταῦτα τὰ aa: πρὶ ἀνέγνως;
nak “AND οὐκ ὀρθῶς τῇ ἱππαρχίᾳ ἐχρήσατο: διὰ τί; ὅτι τὰ ὑπάρχοντα, φησί, “τὰ τοῦ Πομπηίου ἠγόρασε. πόσοι δὲ ἄλλοι πόσα ἄλλα ἐπρίαντο, ὧν οὐδεὶς αἰτίαν ἔχει; καὶ γάρ που διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἐδημεύθη τινὰ καὶ ἐς τὸ πρατήριον ἐξετέθη καὶ τῇ τοῦ κοινοῦ κήρυκος φωνῇ͵ ἀπε- κηρύχθη, ἵνα τις αὐτὰ ἀγοράσῃ. “ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐχρῆν τὰ τοῦ Πομπηίου κτήματα ὃ πεπρᾶσθαι. οὐκοῦν ἡμεῖς ἡμάρτομεν καὶ κακῶς ἐποιήσαμεν δημεύσαντες αὐτά: ἤ, | ἵνα σὲ καὶ ἡμᾶς τις ἀπο- λύσῃ, πάντως που ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπλημμέλησεν ὁ τοῦτο γενέσθαι κελεύσας" ᾧ οὐδὲν ἐπεκάλεσας. = ἐν μὲν τούτῳ Kal πάνυ μωραίνων ἐξελέγχεται.
1 ἡμῖν Bk., ὑμῖν LM. 3 ἢναγκάσθημεν Rk., ἠναγκάσθητε LM. 3 σοῦτο R. Steph., τούτωι LM. 4 νὴ Cobet, μὰ LM. δ᾽ κτήμοτα L, χρήματα M (but corrected in margin to κτήματα).
22
BOOK XLVI
year? But whether or not it was wise or necessary ..0. 43 for this to be done, at any rate both measures alike were passed, and they suited both us and the people. Therefore censure these men, Cicero, if they have transgressed in any particular, but not, by Jupiter, those whom they have chosen to honour for showing themselves worthy of rewards so great. For if we were forced by the circumstances which then surrounded us to act in this way, even contrary to what was was fitting, why do you now lay this upon Antony’s shoulders, instead of having opposed it at the time, if you were able? Because, by Jupiter, you were afraid. Shall you, then, who were silent at the time, obtain pardon for your cowardice, and shall he, because he was preferred before you, submit to punishment for his virtue? Where have you learned this kind of justice, or where have you read this kind of law?
*<¢ But he made an improper use of his position as master of the horse... Why? ‘ Because,’ he answers, ‘he bought Pompey’s possessions.’ But how many others are there who purchased countless articles, no one of whom is blamed! Why, that was the purpose, naturally, in confiscating goods and putting them up at auction and proclaiming them by the voice of the public crier, namely, that somebody should buy them. ‘But Pompey’s goods ought not to have been 5014. Then it was we who erred and did wrong in confiscating them; or—to clear us both of blame—it was Caesar anyhow, I suppose, who acted irregularly, since he ordered this to be done; yet you did not censure him at all. But in making this
charge Cicero stands convicted of playing the utter
23
15
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
, fal δύο γοῦν ἐναντιώτατα τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου KaTnyopn«Ker, ἕν μὲν ὅτι πλεῖστα τῷ Καίσαρι συμπράξας καὶ πάμπολλα διὰ τοῦτο Tap αὐτοῦ λαβὼν ἔπειτα τὴν τιμὴν αὐτῶν βιαίως ἀπῃτήθη, ἕτερον δὲ ὅτι nx \ μήτε τοῦ πατρὸς κληρονομήσας, Kal πάνθ᾽ ὅσα 2 la / ο΄ ς / >? ἐκτήσατο καταναλώσας ὥσπερ ἡ Χάρυβδις (ἀεὶ γάρ τι ἡμῖν ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας, καθάπερ ἐπιλε- \ λησμένοις ὅτι ἐς αὐτὴν ἔφυγε, παραφέρει), τὴν τιμὴν πάντων ὧν ἐπρίατο ἀπέδωκεν. : 4 “Ἔν μὲν οὖν τούτοις οὕτω τὰ ἐναντιώτατα aN e n / ς \ a > / αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ λέγων ὁ θαυμαστὸς οὗτος ἐξελέγ- χεται, καὶ νὴ Δία καὶ ἐν ἐκείνοις, ὅτι τοτὲ μὲν \ fol / πάντα αὐτὸν τὰ τῷ Καίσαρι πραχθέντα συνά- \ a a ρασθαιὶ καὶ πάντων διὰ τοῦτο τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν αἰτιώτατον γεγονέναι λέγει, τοτὲ δὲ ἐγκαλεῖ > a / 3 / Ὁ \ » \ αὐτῷ, δειλίαν ὀνειδίζων, ὅτε μηδενὸς ἄλλου πλὴν a a 4 τῶν ἐν τῇ Θεσσαλίᾳ πραχθέντων μετέσχε. καὶ ἔγκλημά τεξ αὐτοῦ ποιεῖται λέγων OTL τῶν φευγόντων τινὰς κατήγαγε, καὶ μέμφεται αὐτὸν fel \ ὅτι μὴ Kal τῷ θείῳ τὴν κάθοδον ἔδωκεν, ὥσπερ τινὸς πιστεύοντος ὅτι οὐκ ἂν ἐκεῖνον πρῶτον, « “ ΄“ εἴπερ γε καὶ ὁντινοῦν ἠδυνήθη " καταγαγεῖν, a a / ἐπανήγαγε, μήτε TL ἐγκαλῶν αὐτῷ μήτε ἐγ- . 5 καλούμενος, ὡς Kal αὐτὸς οὗτος οἶδεν: ἀμέλει \ \4 / > a , πολλὰ καὶ σχέτλια αὐτοῦ καταψευσάμενος οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον εἰπεῖν ἐτόλμησεν. οὕτω μὲν οὖν 50) ¢ “ > n κα “ Ψ Ψ om > οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν αὐτῷ διαφέρει πᾶν 6 TL TOT ἂν ἐπὶ fal a / 4 4 τὴν γλῶτταν αὐτοῦ ἐπέλθῃ, καθάπερ τι πλύμα, ἐκχέαι. 1 συνάρασθαι R. Steph., συναίρασθαι LM.
2 ἔγκλημά τε Bk., ἔγκλήματι L, ἐγκλήματι M, 8 ἠδυνήθη St., ἐδυνήθη LM.
24
BOOK XLVI
fool. Inany event he has brought against Antony two 5.6. 48 utterly contradictory charges—first, that after help- ing Caesar in very many ways and receiving in return vast gifts from him, he was then required under compulsion to surrender the price of them, and, second, that, although he inherited naught from his father and swallowed up all that he had acquired ‘like Charybdis’ (the speaker is always offering us some comparison from Sicily, as if we had forgotten that he had gone into exile there), he nevertheless paid the price of all he had purchased.
“80 in these charges this remarkable fellow stands convicted of violently contradicting himself—yes, by Jupiter, and in the following statements also. At one time he says that Antony aided Caesar in every- thing he did and by this means became more than any one else responsible for all our internal evils, and then he reproaches him with cowardice, charging him with having shared in no other exploits than those performed in Thessaly. And he brings a complaint against him to the effect that he restored some of the exiles, and finds fault with him because he did not secure the recall of his uncle as well—as if any one believes that he would not have restored him first of all, if he had been able to recall whom- soever he pleased, since there was no grievance on either side between them, as this man himself knows; at any rate, he did not dare to say anything of that sort, although he told many brazen. lies about Antony. So utterly reckless is he about pour- ing out anything that comes to his tongue’s end, as if it were mere soapsuds.
4 πολλὰ καὶ Bk., πολλάκις LM. 5 πλύμα Naber, πνεῦμα LM.
25
VOL. V. B
10
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
a \ f a “᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν τί av τις ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐπεξίοι; ἐπεὶ δὲ τρωγῳδεῖ περιιών, καὶ νῦν γε εἶπέ που , μή ΄ \ a ς , ” λέγων ὅτι βαρυτάτην τὴν τῆς ἱππαρχίας ὄψεν παρέσχετο, πανταχοῦ καὶ διὰ πάντων τῷ τε ξίφει ἅμα καὶ τῇ πορφύρᾳ τοῖς τε ῥαβδού ὶ ἰφει ἅμα καὶ τῇ πορφύρᾳ 5. TE Re OO OES αὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις χρώμενος, εἰπάτω μοι σαφῶς, “ 1 \ phage. , ro 7 θ » ’ »>O\ Xx mas! καὶ τί ἐκ τούτων ἠδικήμεθα. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ἂν a \ εἰπεῖν ἔχοι" εἰ γὰρ εἶχεν, οὐδὲν ἂν τούτου πρότερον ἐξελάλησεν. πᾶν γὰρ τοὐναντίον οἱ μὲν στασιά- σαντες τότε καὶ πάντα τὰ κακὰ ἐργασάμενοι / / Τρεβέλλιός te καὶ Δολοβέλλας ἦσαν, ᾿Αντώνιος / “ δὲ καὶ οὕτως οὔτε τι ἠδίκησε καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ” cf ΟῚ \ a ; ἔπραττεν ὥστε καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως παρ a / i4 ὑμῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους, οὐχ ὅπως ἀντιλέγοντος “- a 4 e /¢ Ἂ / > τοῦ θαυμαστοῦ τούτου ῥήτορος (παρῆν γάρ) ἀλλὰ καὶ συναινοῦντος, ἐπετράπη. ἢ δειξάτω, τίνα € a \ nr φωνὴν ἔρρηξεν ὁρῶν τὸν ἀσελγῆ καὶ μιαρόν, ws -“ Ἂ, a \ οἷ αὐτὸς λοιδορεῖ, πρὸς τῷ μηδὲν αὐτὸν τῶν δεόντων ποιεῖν καὶ ἐξουσίαν τοσαύτην παρ᾽ ὑμῶν προσ- λαμβάνοντα. arr οὐκ ἂν ἔχοι δεῖξαι. οὕτω Ν , e που ὁ μέγας οὗτος Kal φιλόπολις ῥήτωρ, ὁ Tav- n “ , \ , ταχοῦ καὶ ἀεὶ θρυλῶν Kal λέγων “ἐγὼ μόνος “- / / \ / \ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας aywvifouat, ἐγὼ μόνος ὑπὲρ fel \ Uy τῆς δημοκρατίας παρρησιάζξομαι" ἐμὲ οὔτε χάρις 7 7 r 5 a > / nr \ > \ φίλων οὔτε φόβος ἐχθρῶν ἀπείργει τοῦ μὴ οὐ τὰ συμφέροντα ὑμῖν προσκοπεῖν" ἐγώ, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν > a ct \ ς n , / \ 4~? id , ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν λόγοις δεήσῃ, Kal μάλ᾽ ἡδέως a) Φ fal “ 4 τελευτήσω᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν τούτων ὧν νῦν βοᾷ τότε 1 πῶς supplied by Cobet. 26
BOOK XLVI
“ But why should one pursue this subject further? ΒΟ. 43 Still, inasmuch as he goes about declaiming tragically, and has but this moment said, in the course of his remarks, that Antony rendered the sight of the master of the horse most odious, by using everywhere and always the sword and the purple, the lictors and the soldiers at one and the same time, let him tell me clearly how and in what respect we have been wronged by this. But he will have nothing to say ; for if he had, he would have blurted it out before anything else. In fact, the very reverse is true: those who were quarrelling at that time and causing all the trouble were Trebellius and Dolabella, where- as Antony was so far from doing any wrong and was so active in every way in your behalf that he was even entrusted by you with the guarding of the city against those very men, and that, too, without any opposition on the part of this remarkable orator (for he was present), but actually with his approval. Else let him show what word he uttered when he saw that ‘the licentious and accursed fellow’ (to quote from his abuse) not only performed none of the duties of his office but also secured from you all that additional authority. But he will have nothing to show. So it looks as if not a word of what he now shouts so loud was ventured at that time by this great and patriotic orator, who is everywhere and always saying and repeating: ‘1 alone am fighting for freedom, I alone speak out boldly for the republic ; I cannot be restrained by favour of friends or fear of enemies from looking out for your advantage ; I, even if it should be my lot to die in speaking on your behalf, will perish very gladly.’ And_ his
27
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
lal \ ld : ᾿ δ εἰπεῖν ἐτόλμησεν. καὶ πάνυ εἰκότως" λογίζεσθαι
17
yap αὐτῷ ἐπήει. τοῦτο, ὅτι τοὺς μὲν ῥαβδούχους καὶ τὸ ἔσθημα τὸ περιπόρφυρον κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τὰ περὶ τῶν ἱππάρχων νενομισμένα εἶχε, τῷ δὲ δὴ ξίφει καὶ τοῖς , στρατιώταις κατὰ τῶν στασιά- ζόντων ἀναγκαίως ἐχρῆτο. τί γὰρ οὐκ ἂν τῶν δεινοτάτων ἐποίησαν εἰ μὴ τούτοις ἐκεῖνος ἐπέ- φρακτο, ὁπότε καὶ οὕτως αὐτοῦ κατεφρόνησάν τινες;
6.0 Or τοίνυν καὶ ταῦτα καὶ τᾶλλα πάντα ὀρθῶς καὶ κατὰ τὴν γνώμην ὅτι μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ Καί- σαρος ἐγένετο, δηλοῖ τὰ ἔργα: ἥ τε γὰρ στάσις οὐ περαιτέρω προεχώρησε, καὶ ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ὀὐχ ὅσον οὐ δίκην ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν ἀλλὰ καὶ ὕπατος μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπεδείχθη. καί pot καὶ ταύτην αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν θεάσασθε ὡς διέθετο" εὑρήσετε γὰρ αὐτῆν, ἂν τἀκριβὲς σκοπῆτε, πάνυ πολλοῦ
ἀξίαν ΤῊ" πόλει γεγενημένην. ὅπερ που καὶ αὐτὸς εἰδὼς οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὸν φθόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτόλμη- σεν ἐπὶ τούτοις αὐτὸν διαβαλεῖν ἃ ἃ καὶ αὐτὸς ἂν πεποιηκέναι. εὔξατο. καὶ διὰ τοῦτό γε καὶ τὴν γύμνωσιν αὐτοῦ τήν τε ἀλοιφὴν τούς τε μύθους τοὺς παλαιοὺς ἐκείνους ἐπεσήγαγεν, οὐχ ὅτι τι προσέδει νῦν αὐτῶν," ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα τήν. τε περι- τέχνησιν ὃ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν καπόρθωσων τοῖς ἔξωθεν ψόφοις συσκιάσῃ. ὅστις, ὦ γῆ καὶ θεοί. (μεῖ- fov yap σοῦ βοήσομαι καὶ δικαιότερον αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλέσομαι), τυραννουμένην ἤδη τῷ ἔργῳ τὴν πόλιν ἰδὼν τῷ πάντα μὲν τὰ στρατόπεδα a ἀκούειν
1 χῇ Xyl., ἐν τῇ LM. 2 αὐτῶν Leuncl., αὐτῶι LM.
8 περιτέχνησὶν Bk., _emirexynow LM.
4 ὅστις R. Steph., ἅσ τις LM. 2ὃ
BOOK XLVI
silence at that time was very natural, for it occurred 5.6. 43 to him to. reflect. that Antony possessed the lictors and the purple-bordered clothing in accordance with the custom of our ancestors in regard to the masters of the horse, and that he was using the sword and the soldiers perforce against the rebels. For what outrages would have been too terrible for them to commit, had he not been hedged about with these protections, when some showed such scorn of him as it was?
“That these and all his other acts, then, were correct and most thoroughly in accord with Caesar's intention, the facts themselves show. for the re- bellion went no farther, and Antony, far from suffering punishment for his course, was subsequently appointed consul. Notice also, now, I beg of you, how he administered this office of his; for you will find, if you examine the matter carefully, that his tenure of it proved of great value to the city. His traducer, of course, knows this, but not being able to - control his jealousy, has dared to slander him for those deeds which he would have longed to do himself. That is why he introduced the matter of his stripping and anointing and those ancient fables, not because any of them was called for on the present occasion, but in order to drown out by irrelevant noise Antony's consummate skill and success. Yet this same Antony; witness earth and gods! (I shall eall louder than you and invoke them with greater justice), when he saw that the city was already in reality under a tyranny, inasmuch as all the legions
29
18
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
tod Καίσαρος, πάντα δὲ αὐτῷ τὸν δῆμον pera τῆς βουλῆς εἴκειν, οὕτως ὥστε τά τε ἄλλα καὶ δικτάτορα αὐτὸν διὰ βίου εἶναι τῇ τε σκευῇ τῇ τῶν βασιλέων χρῆσθαι ψηφίσασθαι, καὶ ἐξή. λεγξε σοφώτατα καὶ ἐπέσχεν ἀσφαλέστατα, ὥστε καὶ αἰδεσθέντα καὶ φοβηθέντα μήτε τὸ ὄνομα τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτε τὸ διάδημα, ἃ καὶ ἀκόντων ἡμῶν αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ δώσειν ἔμελλε, ad » \ \ 7 1 ς > 7
λαβεῖν. ἄλλος μὲν YAP ἂν" τις. ὑπὸ TE ἐκείνου ταῦτ᾽ ἔφη ποιῆσαι κεκελεῦσθαι, καὶ τήν τε ἀνάγκην ἂν προυτείνατο καὶ συγγνώμης ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ ἔτυχε, πῶς γὰρ οὔ, τοιαῦτά τε ἡμῶν τότε Σ ἐψηφισμένων καὶ τοσοῦτο τῶν στρατιωτῶν δε- υνημένων; ᾿Αντώνιος δέ, ἅτε καὶ τῆς διανοίας τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος διαπεφυκὼς 5 καὶ πάντα ἀκρι- βῶς ὅσα παρεσκευάξετο, συννοῶν, φρονιμώτατα αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπέτρεψεν * ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπέσπευσε. τεκμήριον δὲ OTL οὐδὲν ἔτι τὸ παράπαν ὡς καὶ δυναστεύων ἔπραξε, καὶ προσέτι καὶ κοινῶς καὶ ἀφυλάκτως πᾶσιν ἡμῖν συνῆν: ἀφ᾽ οὗπερ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἠδυνήθη παθεῖν ἃ ἔπαθε. ε
ps Tad?’ οὕτως, ὦ Κικέρων ἢ Κικέρκουλε ἢ Κικε- ράκιε ἢ Κικερίσκε ® ἢ Γραίκουλε, ἢ ὅ τι ποτὲ καὶ χαίρεις ὀνομαζόμενος, ἔπραξεν ὁ ἀπαίδευτος, ὁ γυμνός, ὁ μεμυρισμένος" ὧν οὐδὲν σὺ ἐποίησας ὁ δεινός, ὁ σοφὸς, 0 TONY πλείονι TO ἐλαίῳ τοῦ οἴνου χρώμενος, ὁ καὶ μέχρι τῶν σφυρῶν τὴν ἐσθῆτα σύρων, οὐ μὰ Δία οὐχ ὥσπερ οἱ ὀρχησταὶ οἱ τὰς ποικιλίας τῶν a han tare al διδάσκοντές
1 ἂν supplied by Rk. 2 τότε M, τότ᾽ L
id διαπεφυκὼς Pflugk, διαπεφοιτηκὼς M, διαπεφοιτηκῶς L. 4 ἀπέτρεψεν Reim., ἀπέστρεψεν LM.
5 Kixeploxe Cobet, 'Κικέριθε LM.
30
BOOK XLVI
obeyed Caesar and all the peop!e together with sc. 43
the senate submitted to him to such an extent that _ they voted, among other measures, that he should be dictator for life and use the trappings of the kings-— this Antony, | say, convinced Caesar of his error most cleverly and restrained him most prudently, until Caesar, abashed and afraid, would not accept either the name of king or the diadem, which he had in mind to bestow upon himself even against our will. Any other man, now, would have declared that he had been ordered by his superior to do all this, and putting forward the compulsion as an excuse, would have obtained pardon for it—and why not, considering that we had passed such votes at that time and that the so!diers had gained such power? Antony, however, because he was thoroughly ac- quainted with Caesar's intentions and perfectly aware of all he was preparing to do, by great good judgment succeeded in turning him aside from his course and dissuaded him, The proof is that Caesar afterwards no longer behaved in any way like a monarch, but mingled publicly and unprotected with us all; and for this reason more than for any other it became possible that he should meet the fate he did.
“This is what was accomplished, O Cicero,—or Cicerculus, or Ciceracius, or Ciceriscus, or Graeculus,! or whatever you delight in being called,—by the un- educated, the naked, the anointed man; and none of it was done by you, so clever, so wise, you who use much more oil than wine,” who let your clothing drag about your ankles—not, by Jupiter, as the dancers do, who teach you intricacies of reasoning
1 Various diminutive forms, expressing contempt.
2 A reference to his abstemiousness and to his burning of the midnight oil.
31
DIO’S ROMAN: HISTORY
σε τοῖς σχήμασιν, ἀλλ᾽ iva τὰ αἴσχη σου τῶν σκελῶν συγκρύπτῃς. οὐ γάρ που καὶ ὑπὸ σωφροσύνης τοῦτο ποιεῖς ὁ τὰ πολλὰ ἐκεῖνα περὶ τῆς τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου διαίτης εἰρηκώς. τίς μὲν γὰρ οὐχ ὁρᾷ cov τὰ λεπτὰ ταῦτα χλανίδια; τίς δ᾽ οὐκ ὀσφραίνεται" τῶν πολιῶν σου τῶν κατεκτενισ- μένων; τίς δ᾽ οὐκ οἶδεν ὅ ὅτι τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα τὴν προτέραν τὴν τεκοῦσάν σοι δύο τέκνα ἐξέβαλες, ἑτέραν δὲ ἐπεσηγάγου παρθένον ὑπεργήρως ὦν, iy ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτῆς τὰ δανείσματα ἀποτίσῃς; καὶ οὐδὲ ἐκείνην έντοι κατέσχες, ἵνα Καιρελ- λίαν 2 ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ἔχῃς, ἣν τοσούτῳ πρεσβυτέραν σαυτοῦ οὖσαν ἐμοίχευσας ὅσῳ νεωτέραν τὴν κόρην ἔγημας, πρὸς ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν τοιαύτας ἐπι- στολὰς γράφεις οἵας ἂν γράψειεν ἀνὴρ σκωπτό- Ans ἀθυρόγλωσσος πρὸς γυναῖκα ἑβδομηκοντοῦτιν πληκτιζόμενος. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἄλλως ἐξήχθην, ὦ πατέρες, εἰπεῖν, ἵνα μηδὲ ἐν τούτοις ἔλαττον ὃ
ἔχων ἀπέλθῃ. καίτοι καὶ συμπόσιόν᾽ τι ἐτόλμησε τῷ ᾿Αντωνίῳ ,“προενεγκεῖν, αὐτὸς μὲν ὕδωρ, ὥς gnaw, πίνων, wa τοὺς καθ᾽ ἡμῶν λόγους νυκτε- ρεύων συγγράφῃ, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν ἐν τοσαύτῃ μέθῃ τρέφων ὥστε μήτε νύκτωρ μήτε μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν σω- φρονεῖν. καὶ προσέτι καὶ τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ διαβάλ- New ἐπεχείρησε, τοσαύτῃ ἀσελγείᾳ, καὶ ἀκαθαρ- σίᾳ παρὰ πάντα τὸν βίον χρώμενος ὥστε μηδὲ τῶν συγγενεστώτων ἀπέχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τήν τε γυναῖκα προαγωγεύειν * καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα potyeverv.
ὀσφραίνεται R. Steph., ὄσφρεται LM.
Καιρελλίαν Bs., κερεαλίαν LM.
ἔλαττον Bs., ἔλαττόν τι LM.
προαγωγεύειν M (corrected from προσαγωγείειν), προσαγω- γεύειν L.
22
ν
΄Ψ-ὩΦ-- ὦ τῷ»
BOOK XLVI
by their poses, but in order to hide the ugliness of 2.c. 43 your legs, Oh no, it is not through modesty that you do this, you who delivered that long screed about Antony’s habits. Who is there that does not see these delicate mantles of yours? Who does not scent your carefully combed gray locks? Who does not know that you put away your first wife who had borne you two children, and in your extreme old age married another,a mere girl, in order that you might pay your debts: out of her property? And yet you did not keep her either, since you wished to be free to have, with you Caerellia, whom you debauched though she was as much older than yourself as the maiden you married was younger, and to whom, old as she is, you write such letters as a jester and babbler might write if he were trying to get up an amour with a woman of seventy. I have been led to make this digression, Conscript Fathers, in order that he might not get off on this score, either, without receiving as good as he gave to me. And yet he had the effrontery to find fault with Antony because of a mere drinking party, himself a drinker of water, as he claims,—his purpose being to sit up at night and compose his speeches against us,—even though
he brings up his son amid such debauchery that the
- son is sober neither night or day. Furthermore, he _ undertook to make derogatory remarks about Antony’s mouth—this man who has shown so great licentious- ness and impurity throughout his entire life that. he would not spare even his closest kin, but let out his wife for hire and was his daughter’s lover.
33
19
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
“Tatra μὲν οὖν ἐάσω, ἐπάνειμι δὲ ὅθεν ἐξέβην. ὃ γὰρ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐκεῖνος, ὃν οὗτος καταδεδρά- γον Ν , c \ \ 7 μῆκεν, ἰδὼν tov Καίσαρα ὑπὲρ τὴν πολιτείαν “ ’» ἡμῶν αἰρόμενον, ἐποίησεν αὐτὸν μηδὲν ὧν ἐνενόει n > > a} e , > lel 0. "7 πρᾶξαι, δι’ αὐτῶν ὧν χαρίζεσθαι αὐτῷ ἐδόκει. \ οὐδὲν γὰρ οὕτως ἀποτρέπει τινὰς ὧν ἂν μὴ ὀρθῶς ἐπιθυμοῦντες τυχεῖν διαπράσσωνται, ὡς \ \ / ? \ \ / > \ τὸ τοὺς φοβουμένους αὐτὰ μὴ πάθωσιν ἐθελοντὰς δὴ δοκεῖν ὑπομένειν. τοῦτο μὲν γάρ, ἐξ ὧν a a / ἀδικοῦσιν ἑαυτοῖς συνίσασιν, οὐ πιστεύουσι, n / 7 πεφωρᾶσθαι δὲ νομίζοντες καὶ αἰσχύνονται καὶ n \ \ 7 »ἢ᾿ id \ φοβοῦνται, Ta μὲν λεγόμενα ἄλλως, WS Kal / » ᾽ὔ κολακείαν, μετ᾽ ἐλέγχου λαμβάνοντες, τὰ δ᾽ ἐ > lal > , «ς > / » > αὐτῶν ἀποβησόμενα, ὡς καὶ ἐπιβουλήν, μετ᾽ ai- 7 Ὁ Fa x σχύνης ὑποπτεύοντες. ἅπερ που Kal ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἀκριβῶς εἰδὼς πρῶτον μὲν τά τε Λυκαῖα καὶ \ \ > / > £ 79 e fal τὴν πομπὴν ἐκείνην ἐπελέξατο, ἵν᾿ ὁ Καῖσαρ ΝΜ ΜΑΣ / n , \ 12 n ΄ ἔν τε τῷ ἀνειμένῳ τῆς γνώμης καὶ ἐν τῷ παιγνιώ- lal 7 > n a ΕΝ dex τῶν γιγνομένων ἀσφαλῶς σωφρονισθῇ, ἔπειτα Ν n (4 a na δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν Kal τὸ βῆμα, ἵνα ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν a \ a χωρίων αἰσχυνθῇ' τάς τε ἐντολὰς τὰς παρὰ τοῦ ᾿ δ ,ὔ δήμου συνέπλάσεν, ἵν αὐτὰς ἀκούσας λογίσηται > “ / eg , Ψ > >, ο΄ XN e οὐχ ὅσα τότε ὁ Αντώνιος ἔλεγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ἂν ὁ fa na / δῆμος ὁ Ῥωμαίων εἰπεῖν tive ἐνετείλατο. πόθεν γὰρ ἂν ἐπίστευσε τὸν δῆμον ταῦτ᾽ ἐπεσταλκέναι τῳ, μήτε ἐψηφισμένον τι τοιοῦτον αὐτὸν εἰδὼς μήτε
1 ἑαυτοῖς R. Steph , ἑαυτοὺς LM. 2 καὶ supplied by Rk.
34
_ BOOK XLVI
“41 propose, now, to leave. this subject. and to Bc. 43 return to the point where I started. Well then, when Antony, against whom he has inveighed, saw that Caesar was becoming exalted above our government, caused him, by means of the very proposals which were supposed to gratify him, not to put into effect any of the projects he had in mind. For nothing so diverts persons from purposes which they cherish a wrongful desire to achieve and can put into effect, as for those who fear that they may have to submit to such things to pretend that they endure them of ‘their own choice. For these persons in authority, being conscious of their own wrongful purposes, do not trust the sincerity of the others, and believing that they have been detected, are ashamed and afraid, construing to the opposite effect, in their distrust, what is said to them, counting it mere flattery, and regarding with suspicion, in their shame, the possible outcome of what is said, as if it were a plot. It was of course because Antony knew this thoroughly that he first of all selected the Lupercalia and its pro- cession, in order that Caesar in the relaxation of his spirit and merriment of the occasion might with safety be rebuked, and that, in the next place, he selected the Forum and the rostra, that Caesar might be made ashamed by the very places. And he fabricated the commands from the populace, in order that Caesar, hearing them, might reflect, not on all that Antony was saying at the time, but on all that the Roman people would order a man to say. For how could he have believed that this injunction had been laid upon any one, when he neither knew of the people’s having voted anything of the kind nor
35
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
A Ν 6 ἐπιβοῶντα αἰσθόμενος; ἀλλ᾽ ἔδει γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ
20
an a an ¢ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ τῇ Ῥωμαίᾳ, ἐν ἣ πολλὰ πολλάκις a , an ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐβουλευσάμεθα, Kal παρὰ τῷ / , “ βήματι, ἀφ᾽ οὗ μυρία ἐπὶ μυρίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς δη- μοκρατίας ἐπολιτευσάμεθα, ἔν τε τῇ ἑορτῇ τῶν Λυκαίων, ἵνα ἀναμνησθῇ τοῦ Ῥωμύλου, καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑπάτου, ἵν᾽ ἐννοήσῃ τὰ τῶν ἀρχαίων ὑπάτων ἔργα, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ δήμου ὀνόματι ταῦτα ἀκοῦσαι, ¢ a n al iy ἐνθυμηθῇ τοῦθ᾽, ὅτι ove” Adpav οὐδὲ Γαλατῶν > \ > / > ? 3 a ¢ , a οὐδὲ Αἰγυπτίων ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῶν Ῥωμαίων τυραννεῖν , “ \ ἐπεχείρει. ταῦτα αὐτὸν τὰ ῥήματα ἐπέστρεψεν, ταῦτ᾽ ἐταπείνωσε' καὶ τάχα ἂν τὸ διάδημα, εἴπερ » > a / ΄ » ᾽ τις ἄλλος αὐτῷ προσήνεγκε, λαβών, ἔπειτα δι 5 a Δ. ΕΖ ’ δ ΒΔ A / ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἐκοχλούσθη καὶ ἔφριξε καὶ κατέδεισε. «Ta μὲν οὖν ᾿Αντωνίου ἔργα σοι ταῦτά ἐστιν, > , A / “ > \ , οὐ σκέλος ἄλλως κατάξαντος ἵνα αὐτὸς φύγῃ, οὐδὲ χεῖρα κατακαύσαντος ἵνα Πορσένναν φο- 7 ᾽ \ A / \ an / Bnon, ἀλλὰ τὴν τυραννίδα τὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος / \ / \ ς \ \ , \ σοφίᾳ καὶ περιτεχνήσει, καὶ ὑπὲρ τὸ δόρυ τὸ , AL ¢ \ 4 y Δεκίου καὶ ὑπὲρ τὸ ξίφος τὸ Βρούτου, παύσαντος. 1, Ὁ, 4 , , > ine , > “ σὺ δ᾽, ὦ Κικέρων, τί ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ σου οὐχ ὅτι \ ON > , > > > \ / n ᾽ὔ σοφὸν ἢ ἀγαθόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ καὶ τιμωρίας τῆς μεγί- ΕΝ στης ἄξιον ἔπραξας; οὐχ ἡσυχάζουσαν μὲν καὶ ὁμονοοῦσαν τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν καὶ ἐξετάραξας καὶ ἐστασίασας, τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἄλλων τέ τινων καὶ δούλων παρακλήτων πληρώ- \ / / σας; ov tov Κατιλίναν σπουδαρχήσαντα μόνον, », \ \ \ / a > , ἄλλο δὲ μηδὲν δεινὸν ποιήσαντα κακῶς ἀπώ- 26
BOOK XLVI
heard them shouting their applause? But, in fact, it sc. 43
wasnecessary for him to hear this in the Roman Forum, where we have often joined in many deliberations for freedom, and beside the rostra, from which we have sent forth thousands upon thousands of measures on behalf of the republic, and at the festival of the Lupercalia, in order that he might be reminded of Romulus, and ftom the lips of the consul, that he might call to mind the deeds of the early consuls, and in the name of the people, that he might ponder the fact that he was undertaking to be tyrant, not over Africans or Gauls or Egyptians, but over very Romans. ‘These words brought him to himself, they humiliated him; and whereas, if any one else had offered him the diadem, he might perhaps have taken it, as it was, through the influence of all these associations, he cheeked himself; he shuddered and felt afraid.
“« Here, then, you have the deeds of Antony; he did not break a leg in a yain attempt to make his own escape, nor burn off a hand in order to frighten Porsenna, but by his cleverness and consummate skill, which were of more avail than the spear of - Decius or the sword of Brutus, he put an end to the tyranny of Caesar. But as for you, Cicero, what did you accomplish in your consulship, I will not say that was wise and good, but that was not deserving of the greatest punishment? Did you not throw our city into confusion and party strife when it was quiet and harmonious, and fill the Forum and the Capitol with slaves, among others, whom you had summoned to help you? Did you not basely destroy _ Catiline, who had merely canvassed for office but had otherwise done nothing dreadful? Did you not
37
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
λεσας; οὐ τὸν Λέντουλον καὶ τοὺς per’ αὐτοῦ μήτ᾽ ἀδικήσαντάς τι μήτε κριθέντας μήτε ἐλεγ- χθέντας οἰκτρῶς διέφθειρας, καίτοι πολλὰ μὲν περὶ τῶν νόμων πολλὰ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν δικαστη- ῥίων ἀεὶ καὶ πανταχοῦ θρυχῶν; ἃ εἴ τις ἀφέλοιτο τῶν σῶν λόγων, τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδέν ἐστι. Πομπηίῳ μὲν γὰρ ἐνεκάλεις ὅτι τῷ Μίλωνι παρὰ τὰ νενο- μισμένα τὴν κρίσιν ἐποίησε". σὺ δὲ οὔτε μικρὸν οὔτε μεῖζον οὐδὲν ἐκ τῶν περὶ ταῦτα τεταγμένων Λεντούλῳ παρέσχες, ἀλλὰ ἄνευ λόγου καὶ κρί- σεως ἐνέβαλες ἐς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἄνδ α ἐπιεικῆ γέροντα, πολλὰ μὲν καὶ μεγάλα 7 πρὸς τὴν πατρίδα ἐκ προγόνων ἐνέχυρα φιλίας ἔχοντα, μηδὲν δὲ μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν τρόπων vew- τερίσαι δυνάμενον. τί μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ κακὸν παρῆν, ὃ τῇ μεταβολῇ ἂν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐξιά- σατο; τί δ᾽ οὐκ ἀγαθὸν εἶχε, περὶ οὗ πάντως ἂν νεοχμώσας τὶ ἐκινδύνευσε; ποῖα ὅπλα ἠθροίκει, ποίους συμμάχους παρεσκεύαστο," ἵν᾽’ οὕτως οἰκτρῶς καὶ ἀνοσίως ἀνὴρ ὑπατευκώς, στρατή- γῶν, μήτε TL εἰπὼν μήτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἔς τε τὸ οἴκημα ἐμπέσῃ καὶ ἐ ἐκεῖ ὥσπερ οἱ κακουργότατοι φθαρῇ; τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν ὃ μάλιστα ὁ καλὸς οὗτος Τούλ- duos. ἐπεθύμησεν, iy ἐν τῷ ὁμωνύμῳ αὐτοῦ χω- ρίῳ ὃ τὸν ἔγγονον τοῦ Λεντούλου ἐκείνου τοῦ προκρίτου ποτὲ τῆς βουλῆς γενομένου ἀποκτείνῃ. καίτοι τί ποτ᾽ ἂν ἐποίησεν ἐνοπλίου ἐξουσίας λαβόμενος ὁ τοιαῦτα καὶ τοσαῦτα ἐκ μόνων τῶν
1 ἡνμταρέσκεύαστο Bk., παρεσκευάσατο LM. 2 μήτε τι Ly μήτε ἔτι M, 8 After νῶν LM have τῷ Τουλλιείῳ͵, (‘the Tullianum ”) ; Naber deleted.
38
BOOK XLVI
pitilessly slay Lentulus and his followers, who were 5.6. 43 not only guilty of no wrong, but had neither been tried nor convicted, and that, too, though you are always and everywhere prating much about the laws and about the courts? Indeed, if one should take these phrases from your speeches, there is nothing left. You censured Pompey because he conducted the trial of Milo contrary to the established pro- cedure; yet you yourself afforded Lentulus no privilege great or small that is prescribed in such eases, but without defence or trial you cast into prison a man respectable and aged, who could furnish in his ancestors abundant and weighty guarantees of his devotion to his country, and by reason of his age and his character had no power to incite a revolution. What evil was his that he could have cured by the change in the government ? And what blessing did he not enjoy that he would certainly have jeopardized by beginning a rebellion? What arms had he collected, what allies had he equipped, that a man who had been consul and was then praetor should be so pitilessly and impiously cast into prison without being allowed to say a word in defence or to hear a single charge, and should there be put to death as are the basest criminals? For this is what our excellent Tullius here parti- cularly desired, namely, that in the place that bears his name,! he might put to death the grandson of that Lentulus who once had been the leader of the senate. What would he have done now if he had laid hold of the power afforded by arms, seeing that he accomplished so much mischief by his words
1 2,6. the Tullianum, later known as the Mamertine prison.
39
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DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
λόγων εἰργασμένος; ταῦτα γάρ σου τὰ λαμπρὰ ἔργα ἐστί, ταῦτα τὰ μεγάλα στρατηγήματα" ἐφ᾽ οἷς οὕτως οὐχ ὅπως vito τῶν ἄλλων κατεγνώσθης, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς σαυτοῦ ᾿ κατεψηφίσω, ὥστε πρὶν καὶ κριθῆναι φυγεῖν. καΐτοι τίς ἂν ἑτέρα “μείζων ἀπόδειξις τῆς σῆς μιαιφονίας γένοιτο ἢ ὅτι καὶ ἐκινδύνευσας ἀπολέσθαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐσκήπτου ταῦτα πεποιηκέναι, καὶ ἐφοβήθης αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ods ἔλεγες. ἐκ τούτων ,εὐηργετη- κέναι," καὶ οὐχ ὑπέμεινας οὔτ᾽ ἀκοῦσαί τι αὐτῶν οὔτ᾽ εἰπεῖν τι αὐτοῖς ὁ δεινός, ὁ περιττός, ὁ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις βοηθῶν, ἀλλὰ φυγῇ τὴν σωτηρίαν ὥσπερ ἐκ μάχης ἐπορίσω: καὶ οὕτω γε avat- σχυντος εἶ ὥστε καὶ συγγράψαι ταῦτα τοιαῦ- τα ὄντα ἐπεχείρησα" ὃν ἐχρῆν εὔχεσθαι μηδὲ τῶν ἄλλων τινὰ αὐτὰ συνθεῖναι, ἵνα ἀλχὰ τοῦτό ye κερδάνῃς, τὸ συναπολέσθαι σοι τὰ πεπρά- γμένα καὶ μηδεμίαν αὐτῶν μνήμην. τοῖς ἔπει- τὰ παραδοθῆναι. καὶ ὅπως γε καὶ γελάσητε, ἀκούσατε τὴν σοφίαν αὐτοῦ. προθέμενος γὰρ πάντα τὰ τῇ πόλει πεπραγμένα “συγγράψαι (καὶ γὰρ σοφιστὴς καὶ ποιητὴς καὶ φιλόσοφος. καὶ ῥήτωρ καὶ συγγραφεὺς εἶναι πλάττεται) ἔπειτ᾽ οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς κτίσεως αὐτῆς, ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες, ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπατείας τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἤρξατο, ἵνα ἀνάπαλιν προχωρῶν ἀρχὴν μὲν τοῦ λόγου ἐκείνην, τελευτὴν δὲ τὴν τοῦ Ῥω- μύλου βασιλείαν ποιήσηται.
“Λέγε τοίνυν, τοιαῦτα γράφων καὶ τοιαῦτα πράττων, οἷα δεῖ τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λόγῳ
1 σαυτοῦ Bk., ἑαυτοῦ LM. 2 εὐηργετηκέναι Bk., εὐεργετηκέναι LM.
40
PHATE >
BOOK XLVI
alone? These are your brilliant achievements, these 5.6. 43
are your great exhibitions of generalship ; and not only were you condemned for them by your associates, but you also cast your own vote against yourself by fleeing even before your trial came on. Yet what greater proof could there be that you were guilty of his blood than that you came within an ace of perishing at the hands of those very persons on whose behalf you. pretended you had. done all this, that you were afraid of the very men whom you claimed to have benefited by these acts, and that you did not wait to hear what they had to say or to say a word to them, you clever, you extraordinary man, you who can aid others, but had to secure your own safety by flight.as from a battle? And you are
so shameless that. you undertook to write ἃ history
of these events, disgraceful as they are, whereas you ought to have prayed that no one else should so much as record them, in order that you might derive at least this advantage, that your deeds should die with you and no memory of them be handed down to posterity.. And to give you, sirs, something: to make you eyen laugh, I beg you listen to ἃ piece of his cleverness. He set himself the task of writing a history of all the achievements of the city (for he pre- tends to be a rhetorician and poet and philosopher and orator and historian), and then began, not with its founding, like the other historians: of Rome, but with his own consulship, so that he might proceed backwards, making that the beginning of his account and the reign of Romulus the end.
© Tell. me now, you whose writings and whose deeds are such as I have described, what a good man
41
ΠΙΟ5 ROMAN HISTORY
δημηγορεῖν καὶ ἔργῳ ποιεῖν: ἀμείνων yap εἶ ἑτέροις τισὶν ὁτιοῦν παραινεῖν ἢ αὐτὸς τὰ προσ- ἤκοντα πράττειν, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτιμᾶν ἢ σεαυτὸν ἐπανορθοῦν. καίτοι πόσῳ σε κρεῖττον ἦν, ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς δειλίας ἣν ᾿Αντωνίῳ ὀνειδίζεις, αὐτὸν τὴν μαλακίαν καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τοῦ σώ- ματος ἀποθέσθαι, ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς ἀπιστίας ἣν ἐκείνῳ προφέρεις, αὐτὸν μήτ᾽ ἄπιστόν τι ποιεῖν μήτ᾽ αὐτομολεῖν, ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς ἀχαριστίας hs! ἐκείνου κατηγορεῖς, αὐτὸν μὴ ἀδικεῖν τοὺς εὐεργέτας; ν γάρ Tot καὶ τοῦτο τῶν κακῶν τῶν ἐμφύτων αὐτῷ ἐστιν, ὅτι μισεῖ μάλιστα πάντων τούς τι αὐτὸν εὖ πεποιηκότας, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἀεί τινας θεραπεύει, τούτοις δὲ ἐπιβουλεύει. ἵνα ποῦν τἄλλα ἐάσω, ἐλεηθεὶξς ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ σωθεὶς ἔς τε τοὺς εὐπατρίδας ἐγγραφεὶς ἀπ- ἔκτεινεν, οὐκ αὐτοχειρίᾳ (πόθεν, δειλός τε οὕτω καὶ γύννις ὦν;) ἀλλ᾽ ἀναπείσας καὶ παρασκευάσας τοὺς τοῦτο ποιήσαντας. καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ἀληθῆ λέγω, αὐτοὶ ἐκεῖνοι ἐδήλωσαν" ὅτε γοῦν γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐσέδραμον, ὀνομαστὶ αὐτὸν ἀνεκάλεσαν συνεχῶς εἰπόντες, “ὦ Κικέρων, ὥσπερ που πάντες ἠκούσατε. ἐκεῖνόν τε οὖν εὐεργέτην ὄντα ἐφόνευσε, καὶ map αὐτοῦ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου καὶ τῆς ἱερωσύνης καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας, ὅτ᾽ ἀπολέσθαι ἐν τῷ Βρεντεσίῳ ὑπὸ τῶν στρα- τιωτῶν ἐκινδύνευσε, τυχὼν τοιαύτας αὐτῷ χάριτας ἀνταποδίδωσι, κακηγορῶν τε αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἃ
1 ἧς Dind., τῆς LM. 42
BOOK XLVI
ought to say in addressing the people and to do in sc. 43 action; for you are better at advising others about any matter in the world than at doing your duty yourself, and better at rebuking others than at reforming yourself, Yet how much better it would be for you, instead of reproaching Antony with cowardice, yourself to lay aside your effeminacy both of spirit and of body; instead of bringing a charge of disloyalty against him, yourself to cease from doing anything disloyal against him and playing the deserter ; and instead of accusing him of ingratitude, yourself to cease from wronging your benefactors ! For this, I must tell you, is one of Cicero’s inherent defects, that he hates above all others those who have done him any kindness, and that. while he is always fawning upon men of the other kind, yet he keeps plotting against these. At any rate (to omit other instances), after being pitied and spared by Caesar and enrolled among the patricians, he then killed him, not with his own hand, of course—how could he, cowardly and effeminate as he is >—but by persuading and bribing those who did it. That I am speaking the truth in this matter was made plain by the murderers themselves; at any rate, when they ran out into the Forum with their naked blades, they called for him by name, crying ‘Cicero!’ repeatedly, as you, no doubt, all heard them, Therefore, 1 say, he slew Caesar, his benefactor, and as for Antony, the very man from whom he had obtained not only his priesthood but also his life, when he was in danger of perishing at the hands of the soldiers in Brundisium, he repays him with this sort of thanks, accusing him of deeds with which neither he himself nor any one else ever
43
23
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
μήτ᾽ αὐτὸς μήτ᾽ ἄλλος τις πώποτε ἐμέμψατο, καὶ κατατρέχων ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἄλλους ἐπαινεῖ. τὸν γοῦν Καίσαρα τοῦτον, pn? ἡλικίαν ἄρχειν 7) Te TOV πολιτικῶν πράττειν ἔχοντα μήθ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν προ- κεχειρισμένον, “ὁρῶν καὶ δύναμιν ,πεπορισμένον καὶ πόλεμον μήτε ἐψηφισμένων ἡ ἡμῶν pyre προσ- τεταχότων αὐτῷ ἀνῃρημένον, οὐ μόνον οὐκ αἰτιᾶταί τι ἀλλὰ. καὶ ἐγκωμιάξει. οὕτως οὔτε τὰ δίκαια πρὸς τοὺς νόμους οὔτε τὰ συμφέροντα πρὸς τὸ τῷ κοινῷ χρήσιμον ἐξετάζει, ἀλλὰ πάντα ἁπλῶς πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βούλησιν. διάγει, καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἄλλους ἀποσεμνύνει, ταῦθ᾽ ἑτέροις ἐγκαλεῖ, καὶ καταψευδόμενος ὑμῶν καὶ προσδιαβάλλων ὑμᾶς. σύμπαντα γὰρ τὰ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος τελευτὴν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου πεπραγμένα εὑρήσετε ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν κεκελευσμένα. καὶ τὸ μὲν περί τε τῆς τῶν χρημάτων διοικήσεως καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν γραμ- μάτων ἐξετάσεως λέγειν περιττὸν εἶναι νομίξω. διὰ τί; ὅτι. τὸ μὲν τῷ κληρονομοῦντι αὐτοῦ τῆς οὐσίας προσῆκον ἂν εἴη πολυπραγμονεῖν, τὸ 6é,! εἴπερ τινὰ ἀλήθειαν κακουργίας εἶχε, τότε ἐχρῆν παραχρῆμα κεκωλῦσθαι. οὔτε γὰρ ὑπὸ μάλης τι αὐτῶν, ὦ Κικέρων, ἐπράχθη, ἀλλ᾽ es στήλας, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς φής, πάντα. ἀνεγράφη" εἰ δὲ ἐκεῖνος φανερῶς οὕτω καὶ ἀναισχύντως τά τε ἄλλα ἐκακούργησεν ὡς λέγεις, καὶ τὴν Κρήτην ὅλην ἥρπασεν ὡς καὶ ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Καίσαρος γραμμάτων ἐλευθέραν μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Βρούτου ἀ ἀρχὴν ἀφειμένην, ἣν ὕστερον ἐκεῖνος παρ᾽ ἡμῶν “ἐπετράπη, πῶς μὲν ἂν σὺ ἐσιώπησας, πῶς δ᾽ ἂν τῶν ἄλλων τις
1 At this point ἃ quaternion has been lost from M; ' resumes in the middle of clap. 43, 2,"
44
BOOK XLVI
found any fault and hounding him for conduct which 5.6. 48 he praises in others. At all events, when he sees that this young Caesar, who, although he has not attained the age yet to hold office or take any part in politics and has not been elected by you to office, has nevertheless equipped himself with an armed foree and has undertaken a war which we have neither voted nor committed to his hands, he not only has no blame to bestow, but actually eulogizes him. Thus, you will perceive, he estimates neither justice by the standard of the laws nor expediency by the standard of the public weal, but manages everything simply to suit his own will, and what he extols in some he censures in others, spreading false reports against you and slandering you besides. For you will find that all Antony’s acts after Caesar's death were ordered by you. Now to speak about Antony’s disposition of Caesar's funds and_ his examination of his papers I regard as superfluous. Why so? Because, in the first place, it would be the business of the one who inherited Caesar’s property to busy himself with it, and, in the second place, if there were any truth in the charge of malfeasance, it ought to have been stopped immediately at the time. For none of these transactions was carried out in secret, Cicero, but they were all recorded on tablets, as you yourself admit. But as to Antony’s other acts, if he committed these villainies as openly and shamelessly as you allege, if he seized upon all Crete on the pretext that in Caesar's papers it had been left free after the governorship of Brutus,— _ although it was only later that Brutus was given charge of it by us—how could you have kept silent, und how could any one else have tolerated such
45
4
Q4
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ἠνέσχετο; ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μέν, ὥσπερ εἶπον, ma pa- λείψω: οὔτε γὰρ ὀνομαστὶ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν εἴρηται, οὔτ᾽ ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ ὁ δυνάμενος ὑ ὑμᾶς ἀκριβῶς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ὧν πεποίηκε διδάξαι πάρεστι" περὶ δὲ δὴ τῆς Μακεδονίας τῆς τε Παλατίας καὶ τῶν ἄχλων ἐθνῶν τῶν τε στρατοπέδων. ὑμέτερα ἔστιν, ὧ πατέρες, ψηφίσματα, καθ᾽ ἃ Τοῖς τε ἄλλοις ὡς ἕκαστα “προσετάξατε καὶ ἐκείνῳ τὴν Dadariay μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐνεχειρίσατε. καὶ τοῦτο καὶ Κικέρων οἶδεν" παρῆν γάρ, καὶ πάντα γε αὐτὰ ὁμοίως ὑμῖν -ἐψηφίξετο. καΐτοι πόσῳ κρεῖττον ἣν τότε αὐτὸν ἀντειπεῖν, εἴπερ τί αὐτῶν μὴ δεόντως ἐγίγνετο, καὶ διδάξαι ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἃ νῦν προΐσχεται, ἢ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιωπῆσαι καὶ * περιϊδεῖν ὑμᾶς ἁμαρτάνοντας, νῦν δὲ λόγῳ μὲν ᾿Αντωνίῳ ἐγκαλεῖν ἔργῳ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς κατη- γορεῖν;
? Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ τοῦτο δύναιτ᾽ ἄν τις σωφρονῶν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ἐκεῖνος ταῦθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ψηφίσασθαι ἐβιά- σατο. οὔτε γὰρ αὐτὸς ἰσχύν TWA στρατιωτῶν εἶχεν ὥστε παρὰ γνώμην ὑμᾶς ποιῆσαί Tt καταν- αγκάσαι, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως πέ- πρακται. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ προυπέπεμπτο" μὲν τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ συνειστήκει, δέος δὲ ἦν μὴ πυθόμενα τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος σφαγῆς στασιάσῃ καί τινα φλαῦρον προστησάμενα αὖθις πολεμήσῃ, ἔδοξεν ὑμῖν, ὀρθῶς καὶ καλῶς ποιοῦσι, τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ ἐπιστῆσαι, τὸν ὕπατον, τὸν τὴν ὁμόνοιαν πρυτανεύσαντα, τὸν τὴν δικτατορίαν παντελῶς ἐκ τῆς πολιτείας ἐκκόψαντα. καὶ διὰ
1 καὶ added by R. Steph. 2 προυπέπεμπτο Phlugk, προύπεμπε Li
46
BOOK XLVI
acts? But, as I said, I will pass over these matters; x. 48
for the majority of them have not been specifically mentioned, and Antony, who could inform you exactly of what he has done in each instance, is not present. But as regards Macedonia and Gaul and the remaining provinces and as regards the legions, there are your decrees, Conscript Fathers, according to which you assigned to the various governors their several charges and entrusted Gaul, together with the troops, to Antony. And this is known also to Cicero, for he was present and voted for them all just as you did. Yet how much better it would have been for him to speak against it at the time, if any of these matters were not being done properly, and to instruct you in these matters that he now brings forward, than to be silent at the time and allow you to make mistakes, and now nominally to censure Antony but really to accuse the senate !
« And no sensible person could assert, either, that Antony forced you to vote these measures. For he himself had no band of soldiers, so as to compel you to do anything contrary to your judgment, and, furthermore, the business was done for the good of the city. For since the legions had been sent ahead and united, and there was fear that when they heard of Caesar’s assassination they might revolt and, putting some worthless man at their head, go to war once more, you decided, rightly and properly, to place in command of them Antony, the consul, who had brought about harmony and had banished the dictatorship entirely from our system of govern-
47
25
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
: nf \ / 3 n ὙΦ ἃ n τοῦτό γε καὶ τὴν Taratiav αὐτῷ ἀντὶ τῆς Μακεδονίας ἀντεδώκατε, ἵν᾽ ἐνταῦθα ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιταλίᾳ ὧν μήτε τι κακουργήσῃ καὶ τὸ προσταχθὲν εὐθὺς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ποιήσῃ. Πὰς χ toon > 7) ae Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἶπον, ἵν᾽ εἰδῆτε ὀρθῶς βεβουλευμένοι" πρὸς δὲ δὴ Κικέρωνα καὶ ἐκεῖνός μοι ὁ “λόγος ἐξήρκει, ὅ ὅτι καὶ παρῆν πᾶσι τούτοις ὅτε ἐγίγνετο, καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτὰ ἐψη- φίσατο, μήτε στρατιώτην τινὰ ᾿Αντωνίου ἔχοντος, μήθ᾽ ὅλως ἐνδείξασθαί τι φοβερὸν ἡ ἡμῖν δυναμένου, δ ὃ καὶ τῶν συμφερόντων ἄν τι παρείδομεν. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ τότε ἐσιώπησας, νῦν γε εἰπέ, τί ἐχρῆν a na / fal ἡμᾶς ποιῆσαν τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων; ἀφεῖναι τὰ στρατεύματα ἄναρχα; καὶ πῶς οὐκ ἂν μυρίων na / κακῶν καὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ. τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ieee ᾽ ae oy \ ΄ \ , ἐνέπλησεν; ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρῳ τινὶ πτροστάξαι; καὶ τίνα / . n ‘ ἂν ἀναγκαιότερον καὶ ἐπιτηδειότερον τοῦ ᾿Αντώ- νίου εὕρομεν, τοῦ ὑπάτου, τοῦ πάντα τὰ τῆς πόλεως διοικοῦντος, τοῦ τοσαύτην φυλακὴν τῆς ὁμονοίας ἡμῶν πεποιημένου, τοῦ ᾿ μυρία ἐπι- δείγματα τῆς πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν εὐνοίας παρξσχῆ- atts \ nm 7 ᾿ ΣΌΥ » i uA μένου; τινὰ τῶν σφαγέων; ois οὐδ᾽ ἄχλως ἐν τῇ , , > \ » 7 a1) 234 πόλει διατρίβειν ἀσφαλὲς ἐγίγνετο. τινὰ τῶν - ’ τἀναντία αὐτοῖς φρονούντων; ods πάντες ὑπώ- , 5) ΄ ῇ / > , [TTEVOV. τίς ἀξιώσει προέχων, τίς ἐμπειρίᾳ / Ὁ > > 3 ’ προφέρων παρὰ τοῦτον ἄλλος ἣν; ἀλλ aya- a \ Ud νακτεῖς ὅτι μὴ σὲ προειλόμεθα... Kal τίνα μὲν > \ 3 7 δ᾽ > Ba ὮΝ A \ ἀρχὴν εἶχες, τί οὐκ ἂν ἔδρασας ὅπλα καὶ e a n στρατιώτας λαβὼν ὁ τοσαῦτα Kal τηλικαῦτα ’ an δ ’ / > fal ᾽ / ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ ταράξας ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτετηδευμένων 48
BOOK XLVI
ment.. And. this is the reason you gave him Gaul in 5.0. 43 place of Macedonia, namely, that remaining here in Italy, he should have no chance to do mischief and might promptly carry out your orders.
“To you I have said these things, that you may know that you have decided rightly. As for Cicero, that other point of mine was sufficient, namely, that he was present during all these proceedings and voted ~ with us for the measures, although Antony had not a soldier at the time and was quite unable to bring to bear on us any intimidation that would have made us neglect any of our interests. But even though you were then silent, tell us now, at least, what we ought | to have done in the circumstances? Leave the legions leaderless?. Would they not have filled both Macedonia and ltaly with countless evils? Entrust - them, then, to another? . And whom could we have found more closely related and suited to the business than Antony, the consul, the official who was direct- ing all the city’s affairs, who had kept so close a watch over our harmony, who had given countless examples of his loyalty to the common weal? Ap- point one of the assassins, then? Why, it was not _ even safe for them as it was to live in the city.
_ Appoint, then, a man of the party opposed to them ?
Why, everybody suspected the members of that party.
᾿ς What other man was there who ‘surpassed him in
public esteem or excelled him in experience? Nay,
_ you are vexed that we did. not choose you. What
_ office, now, were you holding? And what act would you not have committed if you had obtained arms and _ soldiers, seeing that you succeeded in stirring up so _ much serious turmoil during your consulship when _ armed with only those antitheses of yours, the result
49
26
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
got) τούτων ἀντιθέτων, ὧν μόνων ἧς κύριος; ἀλλ᾽
ἐκεῖσε ἐπάνειμι, ὅτι καὶ παρῆς τούτοις ὅτε ἐψηφί- ζετο, καὶ οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπες, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγκατέθου πᾶσιν αὐτοῖς ὡς καὶ ἀρίστοις καὶ ἀναγκαίοις δῆλον ὅτι οὖσιν. οὐ γάρ που καὶ παρρησίας ἐνδεὴς ἦσθα: πολλὰ γοῦν καὶ μάτην ὑλάκτεις. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐφοβήθης τινά; πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἔδεισας τὸν γυμνὸν ὁ μὴ φοβούμενος τὸν ὡπλισμένον; πῶς τὸν μόνον ὁ μὴ" τὸν τοσούτους στρατιώτας ἔχοντα; καίτοι σύγε καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ σεμνύνῃ, ὅτι πάνυ τοῦ θανάτου, ὥ ὡς γε καὶ φής, καταφρονεῖς.
“ Οὕτω δὴ τούτων ἐχόντων πότερος ὑμῖν ἀδικεῖν δοκεῖ, ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ τὰς δυνάμεις τὰς δοθείσας αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν διοικῶν, ἢ Καῖσαρ ὁ τόσαὐτὴν ἰσχὺν ἰδίαν περιβεβλημένος; ᾿ ᾿Αντώνιος" ὁ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιτραπεῖσαν αὐτῷ παρ ἡμῶν " ἀρχὴν ἀπε- ληλυθώς, ἢ Βροῦτος ὁ κωλύων αὐτὸν τῆς χώρας ἐπιβῆναι; ᾿Αντώνιος ὃ τοὺς συμμάχους ἡμῶν ἀναγκάσαι ἐθέλων ® τοῖς ψηφίσμασιν ἡμῶν πει- σθῆναι, ἢ ἢ ἐκεῖνοι οἱ τὸν μὲν TROT S ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἄρχοντα μὴ προσδεδεγμένοι, τῷ δὲ ἀπεψηφισμένῳ προστεθειμένοι; ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς ἡμετέρους συνέχων, ἢ οἱ στρατιῶται οἱ τὸν ἄρχοντα αὑτῶν ἐγκαταλελοιπότες;; ᾿Αντώνιος ὁ μηδένα τούτων τῶν στρατιωτῶν τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ὃ αὐτῷ δοθέντων ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσαγαγών, ἢ Καῖσαρ ὁ τοὺς πάλαι ἐστρατευμένους ἀναπείσας χρήμασι δεῦρο ἐλθεῖν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ χόγου τινὸς ἔτι δεῖν ἡγοῦμαι πρὸς τὸ μὴ οὐκ ἐκεῖνον μὲν πάντα
1 σοι Leuncl., σου L, 2 ὁ μὴ Bk., ὁ μὴ φοβούμενος L,
5. λαντώνιος supplied by Bk. 4 ἡμῶν Bs., ὑμῶν Li
5 ἐθέλων Bk., θέλων 1). 8 ἡμῶν Bs., ὑμῶν L.
50
BOOK XLVI
of your constant practice, of which alone you were .e.<. 43 master? But I return to my point that you were present when these measures. were being voted and said nothing against them, but even assented to them all, obviously because you thought them excel- lent and necessary. For certainly you were not deprived of full freedom of speech; at any rate, you indulged in a great deal of barking, and to no pur- pose. And certainly you were not afraid of anybody, either. How could you have feared Antony unarmed when you do not dread him armed? How could you have feared him alone when you do not dread him with all these soldiers? Why, you are the man who actually pride yourself that you feel,—or at least say you feel,—nothing but contempt for death !
“ς Since all this is so, which of the two seems to be in the wrong—Antony, who is directing the forces granted him by us, or Caesar, who has surrounded himself with so large a band of his own? Antony, who has departed to assume the office committed to him by us, or Brutus, who is trying to prevent him from setting foot in the country? Antony, who wishes to compel our allies to obey our decrees, or the allies, who have not received the ruler sent them by us but have attached themselves to the man who was rejected by our vote? Antony, who keeps our soldiers together, or the soldiers, who have abandoned their commander? Antony, who has not brought into the city a single one of the soldiers who were granted him by us, or Caesar, who has bribed to come here the veterans who were long ago dis-
' charged from service? For my part, I do not think
there is any further need of argument to answer the imputation that he is not properly performing all the
51
αὶ
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
τὰ προσταχθέντα αὐτῷ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ὀρθῶς δοκεῖν διοικεῖν, τούτους δὲ καὶ δίκην ὧν αὐτοὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐτόλμησαν ὑποσχεῖν ὀφείλειν. διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο καὶ τὴν παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν φυλακὴν ἐλάβετε, ἵν᾽ ἀσφαλῶς ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων, οὐκ ᾿Αντωνίου ἕνεκα τοῦ μήτε ἰδίᾳ τι πεποιηκότος μήτ᾽ ἔν τινι ὑμᾶς πεφοβηκότος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείψου τοῦ καὶ δύναμιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν" συνειλοχότος © καὶ πολ- λοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει πολλάκις ἐσχηκότος, βουλεύσησθε.
“Ῥαῦτα μὲν οὖν διὰ Κικέρωνα εἶπον, ἐπειδήπερ ἀδίκων. ἐς ἡμᾶς λόγων ὑπῆρξεν: οὔτε γὰρ ἄλλως φιλαπεχθήμων εἰμὶ ὥσπερ οὗτος, οὔτ᾽ ἐμοὶ μέλει τὰ ἀλλότρια κακὰ πολυπραγμονεῖν, ὅπερ οὗτος ἀεὶ ποιῶν σεμνύνεται. ἃ δ᾽ ὑμῖν παραινῶ μήτ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίῳ τι χαριζόμενος μήτε Καίσαρα ἢ Βροῦτον διαβάχλων, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῇ. συμφερόντων, ὥσπερ που προσήκει, βουλεύων, νῦν ἤδη φράσω. φημὶ γὰρ δεῖν μήτε ἐχθρόν πω μηδένα τούτων τῶν τὰ ὅπλα ἐχόντων ποιήσασθαι, μήτ᾽ ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάζειν τί, καὶ πῶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν πέπρακται. οὔτε γὰρ ὁ παρὼν καιρὸς ἐπιτήδειός ἐστι πρὸς τοῦτο, καὶ πολιτῶν αὐτῶν ἡμετέρων πάντων ὁμοίως ὄντων, ἄν τέ τις πταίσῃ σφῶν, ἡμῖν ἀπολεῖται, ἄν τε καὶ κατορθώσῃ, ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς αὐξηθήσεται. δι’ οὖν ταῦτα καὶ πολιτικῶς καὶ φιλικῶς αὐτοὺς ἡγοῦμαι χρῆναι “μεταχειρίσασθαι, καὶ πέμψαι μὲν πρὸς πάντας ὁμοίως κελεύοντας αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε τῶν ὅπλων ἀπαλλαγῆναι καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν καὶ éav-
1 αὐτὸν R. Steph., αὐτοῦ L. 2 συνειλοχότος Reim., συνειλεχότος Li
8 ἡμῖν H. Steph., ὑμῖν L. 52
BOOK XLVI
duties laid upon him by us, and to show that these s.c. 43 other men ought to suffer punishment for what they have ventured on their own responsibility. For it is on this very account that you also have secured the protection of the soldiers, that you might discuss in safety the present situation, not because of Antony, who has done nothing on his private responsibility and has not intimidated you in any way, but be- cause of his rival, who not only has gathered a force against him but has often kept many soldiers in the city itself.
“So much I have said for Cicero’s benefit, since it was he who began by making unjust accusations against us; for I am not generally quarrelsome, as he is, nor do I care to pry into others’ misdeeds, as _ he prides himself in doing always. But 1 will now state the advice I have to give you, without either favouring Antony or calumniating Caesar or Brutus, but simply consulting the general good, as is proper. For I declare that we ought not yet to make an enemy of either of these men in arms nor to enquire too closely into what they have been doing or in what way. For the present is not a suitable occasion for such action, and as they are all alike our fellow citizens, if any one of them fails the loss will be ours, and if any one of them succeeds his advance- ment will be.a menace to us. Wherefore I believe that we ought to treat them. as citizens and friends _ and send messengers to all of them alike, bidding them lay down their arms and put themselves and
Ram
53
28
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
τοὺς Kal τὰ στρατόπεδα “ποιήσασθαι, πόλεμον δὲ μηδέπω πρὸς μηδένα αὐτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἀπαγγελθησομένων. τοὺς μὲν ἐθελήσαντας ἡμῖν πειθαρχῆσαι ἐπαινέσαι, τοῖς δ᾽ ἀπειθήσασι πολεμῆσαι, τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ δίκαιον καὶ συμφέρον ἡμῖν 1 ἐστι, μήτε ἐπειχθῆναι μήτε προπετῶς τι πρᾶξαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπισχεῖν, καὶ καιρόν τινα καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐς τὸ μετανοῆσαι. δόντας ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως, ἂν τοῦ πολέμου δεήσῃ, τοῖς ὑπάτοις αὐτὸν προστάξαι.
“Kal σοὶ δέ, ὦ Κικέρων, παραινῶ μήτε γυναι-, κείως θρασύνεσθαι μήτε τὸν Βαμβαλίωνα μιμεῖ- σθαι, μηδὲ πολεμοποιεῖν, μήτε διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἔχθραν δημοσίᾳ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν ἐς κίνδυνον. αὖθις καθιστάναι." καλῶς μὲν γὰρ ποιήσεις, ἂν καὶ ἐκείνῳ συναλλαγῇς ped οὗ πολλὰ δὴ πολλάκις φιλικὰ ἔπραξας: εἰ δ᾽ οὖν ἀκαταλλάκτως αὐτῷ ἔχεις, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῶν γε φεῖσαι, μηδὲ ἐσηγητὴς ἡμῖν τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλίας γεγονὼς νῦν αὐτὴν καταλύσῃς, ἀλλὰ ἀναμνησθεὶς τῆς τε ἡμέρας ἐκείνης καὶ τῶν λόγων ὧν ἐν τῷ τῆς Τῆς τεμένει ἐποιήσω, χάρισαί TL καὶ τῇ ‘Opovoig ταύτῃ παρ᾽ ἧ νῦν βουλευόμεθα, ἵ ἵνα μὴ καὶ ἐκεῖνα διαβάλῃς ὡς οὐκ ἀπ᾽ ὀρθῆς διανοίας ἀλλ᾽ ἀπό τινος ἄλλου τότε λεχθέντα: τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τῇ πόλει συμφέρει καὶ “σοὶ πλείστην δόξαν οἴσει. μὴ γάρ, τοι νομίσῃς ὅτι τὸ θρασύνεσθαι ἢ ἢ εὐκλεές ἐστιν ἢ ἀσφαλές, μηδ᾽ ἂν εἴπῃς ὅτι τοῦ θανάτου καταφρονεῖς, καὶ ἐπαινεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τούτῳ
1 ἡμῖν H. Steph., ὑμῖν L.
2 καθιστάναι R. Steph., καθεστάναι L, 3 ἀπό Polak, ὑπό L.
54
BOOK XLVI
_ their legions in our hands, and that we ought not yet ».c. 43 to wage war on any one of them, but in accordance
with the reports brought back to approve those who
are willing to obey us and to make war upon the disobedient. This course is just and expedient for us—not to be in a hurry or to do anything rashly,
but to wait, and after giving the leaders themselves
and their soldiers an opportunity to change their minds, then, if in such case there be need of war, to
give the consuls charge of it.
“ And you, Cicero, I advise not to wax bold with the boldness of a woman, nor to imitate Bambalio,! nor yet to make war nor to satisfy your private grudge against Antony at the expense of the public and thus, plunge the whole city into danger again, _ Indeed, it would be well if you actually became _ reconciled with him, with whom. you have often enjoyed many friendly dealings ; but even if you are irreconcilably opposed to him, at least spare us, and do not, after acting in the past as the promoter of mutual friendship among us, now destroy _ it. Remember that day and the speech which you _ delivered in the precinct of Tellus,? and concede also _ a little to this goddess of Concord in whose precinct we are now deliberating, lest you discredit what you _ said then and make it appear to have been uttered on that occasion from some other motive than an upright purpose; for such a course is not only to the advantage of the state but will also bring you most renown. Do not think that audacity is either _ glorious or safe, and do not assert that you despise death and expect to be praised for saying this. For
1 Cf. xlv. 47, 4. 2 Cf. xliv. 22, 3. 55
29
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
πιστεύσῃς. TOUS μὲν γὰρ τοιούτους ὡς καὶ κακὸν ἄν τι ὑπ’ ἀπονοίας ' τολμήσαντας καὶ ὕὑπο- πτεύουσι πάντες καὶ μισοῦσιν" ods δ᾽ ἂν idwot περὶ πλείστου τὴν ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίαν ποιουμένους, καὶ ἐπαινοῦσι καὶ ἐγκωμιάζουσιν ὡς μηδὲν ἂν ἑκόντας ἄξιον θανάτου ποιήσαντας. καὶ σὺ οὗν, εἴπερ ὄντως σώξεσθαι τὴν πατρίδα ἐθέλεις ἢ τοιαῦτα καὶ λέγε, καὶ ,«πρᾷττε ἐξ ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς σωθήσῃ, μὴ μὰ Δί᾽ ἐξ ὧν καὶ ἡμᾶς συναπολεῖς." ὃ
Τοιαῦτα τοῦ Καλήνου εἰπόντος ὁ Κικέρων οὐκ ἤνεγκεν" αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἀκράτῳ καὶ κατακορεῖ τῇ παρρησίᾳ ἀεὶ πρὸς πάντας ὁμοίως ἐχρῆτο, παρὰ δὲ δὴ τῶν ἄλλων οὐκ ἠξίου τὴν ὁμοίαν ἀντιλαμβάνειν. καὶ τότε οὖν ἀφεὶς τὸ τὰ δη- μόσια διασκοπεῖν ἐς λοιδορίας αὐτῷ κατέστη, ὥστε τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐχ ἥκιστα μάτην κατατριβῆναι. τῇ δ᾽ οὖν ὑστεραίᾳ καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ πολλῶν καὶ ἄλλων ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα λεχθέντων ἐκράτησαν οἱ τὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος πράττοντες, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ καὶ εἰκόνα καὶ τὸ βου- λεύειν ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι, τό τε τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς δέκα ἔτεσι θᾶσσον παρὰ τὸ νενομισμένον αἰτῆσαι, καὶ τὸ τὰ “χρήματα ἃ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀναλώκει, παρὰ, τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι δὴ καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς δὴ παρεσκεύασέ σφας, λαβεῖν, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις, καὶ «ἐκείνοις καὶ τοῖς τὸν Avrwviov ἐγκαταλιποῦσι," τὸ μήτ᾽ ἄλλον τινὰ πόλεμον πολεμῆσαι καὶ χώραν εὐθὺς δοθῆναι
ἀπονοίας Bk., ἀνοίας L. } ἐθέλεις Bk., θέλεις L.
συναπολεῖς Bs., συναπολέσηις IL,
ἐγκαταλιποῦσι H. Steph., ἐγκαταλείπουσι Ly
eae ΟΣ Ne
56
BOOK XLVI
all suspect and hate such men, as being likely to be x, 43 influenced by desperation to venture some evil deed. Those, however, whom they see paying the greatest
heed to their own safety they praise and laud, as
men who would not willingly do anything that merited death. Do you, therefore, if you honestly
wish your country to be saved, speak and act in such
a way that you yourself will be saved and not, by Jupiter, in such a way as to bring destruction upon
us as well as upon yourself! ”’
Such language from Calenus Cicero could not endure; for»while he himself always spoke out his mind intemperately and immoderately to all alike, he could not bring himself to accept similar frank- ness from others. So on this occasion, too, he dismissed the consideration of the public interests and set himself to abusing his opponent, with the result that that day was wasted, largely on this ac- count. And on the next day and the day following many other arguments were presented on both sides, but Caesar’s adherents prevailed. So they voted, first, a statue to Caesar himself and the right not only to sit in the senate among the ex-quaestors! but also to be a candidate for the other offices ten years ‘sooner than custom allowed, and that he should receive from the city the money which he had spent Pa on his soldiers, because he had equipped them at his _ own cost in its defence, naturally ; and, second, they _ voted that both his soldiers and those that had ~ abandoned Antony should have the privilege of not _ fighting in any other war and that land should be ᾽ _ } Inasmuch as the quaestorship was the regular stepping- _ stone to the senate, they conferred upon him the rank of
_ an ex-quaestor in order that he might be eligible to member- ΝΣ in that body.
an 7
we ὩΣ
00g τω FOS
ini
57
VOL. V Cc
cy
30
3
DIO’S ROMAN’ HISTORY
ἐψηφίσαντο. πρός τε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον πρεσβείαν ἔπεμψαν κελεύσουσάν οἱ τά τε στρατόπεδα καὶ τὴν Γαλατίαν ἀφεῖναι καὶ ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἀπελθεῖν. καὶ τοῖς συστρατευομένοις αὐτῷ προεῖ- πον οἴκαδε ἐντὸς ῥητῆς ἡμέρας ἀναχωρῆσαι, ἢ εἰδέναι ὅτι ἐν πολεμίου μοίρᾳ γενήσονται. καὶ προσέτι καὶ τοὺς βουλευτὰς τοὺς ἀρχὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβόντας καταλύσαντες ἑ ἑτέρους ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀντιπεμφθῆναι ἔγνωσαν. τότε μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἐκυρώθη" ὕστερον δὲ οὐ πολλῷ, πρὶν καὶ τὴν γνώμην αὐτοῦ μαθεῖν, ταραχήν τε εἶναι ἐψη- φίσαντο καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα τὴν βουλευτικὴν ἀπε- δύσαντο, τόν τε πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις καὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, στρατηγοῦ τινα ἀρχὴν δόντες, προσέταξαν, καί σφισι καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον Λούκιόν τε Μουνάτιον Ἰ]λάγκον ἐν μέρει τῆς ὑπὲρ τὰς Αλπεις Γαλατίας ἄρχοντα βοηθῆσαι ἐκέλευσαν.
Οὕτω μὲν τῷ ᾿Αντωνίῳ καὶ ἄλλως πολεμησείοντι αὐτοὶ τὴν πρόφασιν τῆς ἔχθρας παρέσχον. ,“ἄσμε- νος γὰρ τῶν ἐψηφισμένων λαβόμενος αὐτίκα Te τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐξωνείδισεν ὡς οὔτ ᾿ ὀρθῶς οὔτ᾽ ἴσως οἱ πρὸς τὸ μειράκιον, τὸν Καίσαρα λέγων, ἐχρή- σαντο, καὶ ἀντιπέμψας ἑτέρους, ὅπως ἐς ἐκείνους τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ πολέμου περιστήσῃ, ἀντιπροετεί- νατό τινα, ἃ αὐτῷ “μὲν εὐπρέπειαν ἔφερεν, ἀδύνατα δ᾽ ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν συναιρομένων οἱ πραχθῆναι. ἔμελλε μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν τῶν προσταχθέντων ποιήσειν, εὖ δὲ ἐπι- στάώμενος ὅτι οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνοί τε τῶν προβλχηθέντων
58
BOOK XLVI
given them at once. To Antony they sent an ac. 43 embassy to order him to give up the legions, leave Gaul, and go back to Macedonia; and to his followers they issued a proclamation commanding them to return home before a given day or to know that they would be regarded in the light of enemies. More- over, they removed from office the senators who had received from him governorships over the provinces and decided that others should be sent in their place. These were the measures ratified at that time ; and not long afterwards, even before learning his decision, they voted that a state of disorder existed, laid aside their senatorial garb, entrusted the war against Antony to the consuls and to Caesar, granting the latter the authority of a praetor,! and they ordered Lepidus and also Lucius Munatius Plancus, who was governor of a part of Transalpine Gaul,? to render assistance.
In this way they themselves provided Antony with his excuse for hostility, although he was eager to make war in any case. He was glad to seize upon the pretext of the decrees, and straightway reproached the envoys with not treating him rightly or fairly as compared with the lad (meaning Caesar). And in order to place the blame for the war upon the senators, he sent an embassy in his turn, and made some counter-propositions which saved his face but were impossible of performance either by Caesar or by his supporters. For while he had no intention of carrying out any of the senate’s commands and was well aware that the senators, too, would not do any-
1 He was technically propraetor ; cf. Cicero, Philipp. v. 17, xiv. 8. * Gallia Narbonensis and Belgica were governed by others.
59
91
ὧν
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πράξουσιν, ὑπισχνεῖτο, δῆθεν πάντε τὰ δεδογμένα σφίσι ποιήσειν, ὅπως αὐτός τε ἀναφυγὴν ὡς κἂν πράξας αὐτὰ ἔχῃ, καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἀρνησαμένων ἃ ἐπήγγελλεν, αἴτια τοῦ πολέμου φθάσῃ γενόμενα. τήν τε γὰρ Γαλατίαν ἐκλείψειν καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα ἀφήσειν ἔλεγεν, ἂν τούτοις τε τὰ αὐτὰ ἅπερ τοῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐψη- φίσαντο δῶσιν, καὶ τὸν Κάσσιον τόν τε Βροῦτον τὸν Μᾶρκον ὑπάτους ἕλωνται. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτ᾽ ἤτησε προσποιούμενος τοὺς ἄνδρας, i ἵνα μηδεμίαν αὐτῷ ὀργὴν τῶν πρὸς τὸν Δέκιμον τὸν συνωμότην σφῶν πραττομένων ἔχοιεν.
᾿Αντώνιος μὲν ταῦτα προΐσχετο, σαφῶς εἰδὼς μηδέτερον. αὐτῶν ἐσόμενον" ὁ γὰρ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ὑπέμεινεν οὔτε τοὺς σφαγέας τοὺς τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπατεῦσαι, οὔτε τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου τὰ αὐτὰ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λαβόντας προσφιλεστέρους αὐτῷ ) μᾶλλον γενέσθαι. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἐκυρώθη τι αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ τῷ τε ᾿Αντωνί τὸν πόλεμον πάλιν ἐπήγγειλαν, καὶ τοῖς συνοῦσίν οἱ προηγόύρευσαν αὖθις ἐγκαταλιπεῖν αὐτόν, ἑτέραν τινὰ ἡμέραν τάξαντες. τάς τε χλαμύδας τὰς στρατιωτικὰς πάντες, καὶ οἱ μὴ ἐκστρατεύσοντες," ἠμπέσχοντο, καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ἐπέτρεψαν, ἐκεῖνο δὴ τὸ εἰθισμένον τῷ δόγματι προσγράψαντες, τὸ μηδὲν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀποτριβῆναι. ἐπειδή τε πολλῶν χρημάτων ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐδέοντο, πάντες μὲν τὸ πέμπτον καὶ εἰκοστὸν τῆς ὑπαρχούσης σφίσιν οὐσίας ἐπέδω- καν, οἱ δὲ δὴ βουλευταὶ καὶ τέσσαρας ὀβολοὺς
1 ὑπισχνεῖτο Rk., ὑπισχνεῖτε L. 2 ἐκστρατεύσοντες Rk., ἐκστρατεύσαντες Ly
60
BOOK XLVI
thing that he proposed, he pretended to promise 5.0. 43 that he would carry out all their decrees, in order not only that he himself might take refuge in _ asserting that he would have done so, but also that his opponents’ action, in refusing his proposals, might appear to have given the first occasion for war. For he said he would abandon Gaul and
disband his legions, if they would grant these
soldiers the same rewards as they had voted to
Caesar’ s and would elect Cassius and Marcus Brutus
consuls. His purpose in making this last demand _ was to win over these two men, so that they should not harbour any resentment against him for his
_aataara against their fellow-conspirator Decimus.
Antony made these offers knowing well that 4 δ τοὶ of them would be accepted. For Caesar _ would never have endured that the murderers of his x father should become consuls or that Antony’s soldiers
_ by receiving the same rewards as his own should feel _ still more kindly toward his rival. Accordingly, not one of Antony’s proposals was ratified, but the senate again declared war on him and once more gave “notice to his associates to leave him, setting another time limit. All, even such as were not to take _ the field, arrayed themselves in their military cloaks, _and they committed to the consuls the care of the city, attaching to the decree the customary clause _ “that it suffer no harm.”’ And since there was need οὗ much money for the war, they all contributed the twenty-fifth part of the wealth they possessed and _the senators also four obols! for each roof-tile of all
τς Σ Probably ten asses, inasmuch as Dio regularly takes the _ drachma (six obols) as the equivalent of the denarius (sixteen asses in his time).
61
32
33
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
καθ᾽ ἑκάστην κεραμίδα τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει οἰκιῶν, ὅσας ἢ αὐτοὶ ἐκέκτηντο ἢ ἄλλων οὔσας ὥκουν. καὶ χωρὶς ἕτερα οὐκ ὀλίγα οἱ πάνυ πλούσιοι συνετέλεσαν, τά Té ὅπλα καὶ Ta ἄλλα τὰ πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν ἀναγκαῖα. συχναὶ μὲν πόλεις συχνοὶ δὲ καὶ ἰδιῶται προῖκα ἐξεποίησαν" τοσαύ- ™ yap ἀχρηματία τὸ δημόσιον τότε ἔσχεν. ὥστε μηδὲ τὰς πανηγύρεις τὰς ἐν τῷ καιρῷ ἐκείνῳ γενέσθαι, ὀφειλούσας ἐπιτελεσθῆναι, ἔξω" Bpa- χέων τινῶν ὁσίας ἕνεκα. ταῦτα δὲ ὅσοι μὲν τῷ τε Καίσαρι ἐχαρίξοντο καὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐμίσουν προθύμως ἔπραττον" οἱ δὲ δὴ πλείους, ἅτε καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις ἅμα καὶ ταῖς ἐσφοραῖς βαρού- μενοῦ, ἐδυσχέραινον, καὶ μάλισθ' ὅτι ἄδηλον μὲν ἦν ὁπότερος αὐτῶν κρατήσει, πρόδηλον δὲ ὅτι τῷ νικήσαντι δουλεύσουσι. συχνοὶ δ᾽ οὖν καὶ τὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου βουλόμενοι, οἱ μὲν ἄντικρυς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἄλλοι τε" καὶ δήμαρχοι στρατηγοί τέ τινες, ἀπῆλθον, οἱ δὲ καὶ κατὰ χώραν μείναντες, ὧ ὧν καὶ ὁ Καλῆνος ἦν, ἔπραττον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐδύναντο, τὰ μὲν ἐπικρυπτόμενοι, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ διαδικαιοῦντες. οὔκουν οὐδὲ τὴν ἐσθῆτα εὐθὺς ἠλλάξαντο, ἀχλὰ καὶ ἔπεισαν αὖθις τὴν γερουσίαν πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἄλ- λους τε καὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα, πέμψαι, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς καὶ πείσοντα αὐτὸν ὁμολογῆσαι, ἔργῳ δὲ ἵν᾽ ὑπεξαιρεθῇ σφισι. συννοήσας οὖν τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐφοβήθη καὶ οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν ἑαυτὸν ἐς τὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου ὅπλα ἐκδοῦναι. κἀκ τούτου οὐδ᾽ ἄλλος τις τῶν “πρεσβευτῶν a ἀπῆρεν.
Ἔν ὅσῳ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράττετο, τέρατα αὖθις οὐ
1 ἔξω ΧΥ]., ἐξ ὧν L. 2 re Reim., δὲ 1,
62
BOOK XLVI
the houses in the city that they either owned them- .. 43 selves or occupied as tenants. Besides this, the very wealthy contributed not a little in addition, while many cities and many individuals manufactured the weapons and other necessary accoutrements for the campaign free of charge; for the public treasury was at the time so empty that not even the festivals which were due to fall during that season were celebrated, except some minor ones for form’s sake. These contributions were given readily by those who favoured Caesar and hated Antony; but the majority, being burdened alike by the campaigns and the taxes, were irritated, particularly because it was doubtful which of the two would conquer, and yet quite evident that they would be slaves of the conqueror. Many of those, therefore, who favoured Antony’s cause, went straight to him, among them a few tribunes and praetors ; others remained where they were, including Calenus, and did all they could for him, sometimes acting in secret and sometimes openly justifying their conduct. Hence they did not even change their raiment immediately, but per- suaded the senate to send envoys again to Antony, among them Cicero; in doing this they pretended _ that the latter might persuade him to make terms, but their real purpose was that he should be removed from their path. He perceived this, however, and became alarmed, and did not venture to expose himself in the camp of Antony. Consequently none of the other envoys set out, either.
While all this was going on, portents of no small
63
μ».
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
σμικρὰ Kal τῇ πόλει καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ ὑπάτῳ τῷ Οὐιβίῳ᾽ ἐγένετο. ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἐσχάτῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ, μεθ᾽ ἣν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον᾽ ἐξώρμησεν, ἄνθρωπός τις τὴν νόσον που τὴν ἱερὰν καλουμένην ἔχων δημη- γοροῦντός τι αὐτοῦ κατέπεσεν" καὶ ἀνδριὰς αὐτοῦ χαλκοῦς ἐν τῷ τῆς οἰκίας προθύρῳ ἑστὼς ἀνε- τράπη αὐτόματος τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τε ὥρᾳ ἡ ἡ ἐξεστρά- τευσεν. τά TE ἱερὰ τὰ προπολέμια οἱ μάντεις οὐκ ἠδυνήθησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ αἵματος διαγνῶναι" καί τις ἐν τούτῳ φοίνικα αὐτῷ προσ- φέρων ἔν τε τῷ αἵματι τῷ προκεχυμένῳ ara Oe καὶ πεσὼν τὸν φοίνικα ἐμίανεν. ἐκείνῳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο. GAN εἰ μὲν ἐἰδιωτεύοντί οἱ συνενή-
Φ 7 x > \ 4 Φ \ > ig / VEKTO, ἐς μόνον ἂν αὐτὸν ετείνεν, ETTEL ὃ ὑπάτευε,
καὶ ἐς πάντας ὁμοίως ἤνεγκεν, ὥσπερ TO TE τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ἄγαλμα, τὸ ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ ov (πρὸς γάρ τοι τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς πρότερον βλέπον πρὸς δυσμὰς ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου μετε- στράφη) καὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τὸ “πρὸς τῇ Μουτίνῃ, παρ᾽ ἣ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἐμαχέσαντο, τιμώμενον (αἷμά τε γὰρ πολὺ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ γάλα ἀνῆκε), καὶ προσέτι καὶ τὸ τοὺς ὑπάτους τὴν ἔξοδον πρὸ τῶν Λατίνων ἀνοχῶν ποιήσασθαι" οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ὁπότε τούτου γενομένου καλῶς ἀπήλ- λαξαν. ἀμέλει καὶ τότε οἱ ὕπατοι ἀμφότεροι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ὁμίλου πάμπολυ πλῆθος, τὸ μὲν ἐν τῷ παρόντι τὸ δὲ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα, τῶν TE ἱππέων
καὶ τῶν βουλευτῶν πολλοί, καὶ οἱ μάλιστα ἀνὰ
πρώτους ὄντες, ἀπώλοντο. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ αἱ μάχαι, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ οἱ οἴκοι σφαγαὶ τὸν Σύλλειον
1 Οὐιβίῳ Bk., οὐιονίωι L; before this word L has βιβίῳ, omitted by Xyl.
64
——————— ὁ πὰ σν υ χδ
—_— ΟΝ
BOOK XLVI
moment again occurred, significant both for the city 5.0. 43 _and for the consul himself, who was Vibius. ‘Thus, in the last assembly before he set out for the war a man _ with the disease called the sacred disease! fell down while Vibius was speaking. Also a bronze statue of him which stood in the vestibule of his house turned _ around of itself on the day and at the hour that he _ set out on the campaign, and the sacrifices customary before war could not be interpreted by the seers by reason of the quantity of blood. Likewise a man who was-just then bringing him a palm slipped in the blood which had been shed, fell, and defiled the palm. These were the portents in his case. Now if they had befallen him when a private citizen, they would have pertained to him alone, but since he was consul, they had a bearing on all alike. So, too, these portents: the statue of the Mother of the Gods on the Palatine, whiclehad formerly faced the east, turned around of itself toward the west; that of Minerva worshipped near Mutina, where the heaviest fighting occurred, sent forth a quantity of blood and after- wards of milk also; furthermore, the consuls took their departure just before the Feriae Latinae, and there is no instance where this has happened and the Romans have fared well. At any rate, on this occasion also, a vast multitude of the people, in- cluding the two consuls, perished, some immediately and some later, and also many of the knights and senators, including the most prominent. For in the first place the battles, and in the second place the murders at home which occurred again as in the
1 δ. epilepsy, called also morbus comitialis, inasmuch as ‘its occurrence was sufficient to postpone a meeting of the comitia.
δὲ
34
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
τρόπον αὖθις γενόμεναι πᾶν 6 τι περ Hv ἄνθος αὐτῶν, ἔξω τῶν δρώντων σφᾶς, ἔφθειραν.
Αἴτιοι δὲ τῶν κακῶν τούτων αὐτοὶ ἑαυτοῖς οἱ βουλευταὶ ἐγένοντο. δέον γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἕνα τινὰ τὸν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονοῦντα προστήσασθαι καὶ ἐκείνῳ διὰ παντὸς συνάρασθαι,2 τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησαν, ὑπολαβόντες δὲ δή τινας καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐπαυξήσαντες ἔπειτα καὶ ἐκείνους ἀντι- καθελεῖν ἐπεχείρησαν, κἀκ τούτου φίλον μὲν οὐδένα, ἐχθροὺς δὲ πάντας ἔσχον. οὐ γὰρ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον πρός" τε τοὺς λυπήσαντάς τινες καὶ πρὸς τοὺς εὐεργετήσαντας διατίθενται, ἀλλὰ τῆς μὲν ὀργῆς καὶ ἄκοντες μνημονεύουσι, τῆς δὲ δὴ χάριτος καὶ ἑκόντες ἐπιλανθάνονται, τὸ μέν τι ἀπαξιοῦντες εὖ πεπονθέναι δοκεῖν ὑπό τινων, ὡς καὶ ἀσθενέστεροί opov δόξοντες ὃ εἶναι, τὸ δὲ ἀγανακτοῦντες. εἴπερ ἀνατὶ κεκακῶσθαι * νομι- σθήσονται πρός τινὸς, ὡς καὶ ἀνανδρίαν ὀφλή- σοντες. καὶ ἐκεῖνοι οὖν ἕνα μὲν μηδένα προσ- δεξάμενοι, ἄχλῳ δὲ καὶ ἄλλῳ ἐν μέρει προσθέμενοι, καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τὰ δὲ καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ψηφισάμενοι καὶ πράξαντες, πολλὰ μὲν δι᾿ αὐτοὺς πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔπαθον. ἡ μὲν γὰρ ὑπόθεσις τοῦ πολέμου μία πᾶσί σφισιν ἦν, τόν τε δῆμον καταλυθῆναι καὶ δυναστείαν τινὰ γενέσθαι" μαχόμενοι δὲ οἱ μὲν ὅτῳ δουλεύσουσιν, οἱ δὲ ὅστις αὐτῶν δεσπόσει, τὰ μὲν πράγματα ἀμφότεροι. ὁμοίως ἔφθειρον, πρὸς δὲ δὴ τὴν τύχην διάφορον ἑκάτεροι δόξαν ἐκτήσαντο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ
1 ὅ τι περ ἦν Hemsterhuis, ὅτι περιῆν L. 2 συνάρασθαι Bs., συναίρασθαι L
8 δόξοντες flor., δόξαντες L.
4 ἀνατὶ κεκακῶσϑαι flor., ἀντικεκακῶσθαι L,
66
BOOK XLVI
Sullan régime, destroyed all the flower of the citizens xc. 43 except those who perpetrated the murders.
The responsibility for these evils rested on the senators themselves. For whereas they ought to have set at their head some one man who had their best interests at heart and to have coéperated with him continually, they failed to do this, but took certain men into their favour, strengthened them against the rest, and later undertook to overthrow these favourites as well, and in consequence gained _no friend but made everybody enemies. For men do μοῦ feel the same way toward those who have injured them and toward their benefactors, but whereas they remember their anger even against their will, yet they willingly forget their gratitude. This is because, on the one hand, they deprecate giving the impres- sion that they have received benefits from others, since they will seem to be weaker than they, and, on the other hand, they are annoyed to have it thought that they have been injured by anybody with impunity, since that will imply cowardice on their part. So the senators, by not taking up with any _ one person, but attaching themselves first to one and then to another, and voting and doing, now some- thing for them, now something against them, suffered much because of them and much also at their hands. For all the leaders had a single purpose in the war— the abolition of the popular government and the setting up of a sovereignty; and since the people were fighting to see whose slaves they should be, and the leaders to see who should be the people’s master, both alike were ruining the state, and each side gained a reputation which varied with its fortune.
67
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εὖ πράξαντες καὶ εὔβουλοι καὶ φιλοπόλιδες ἐνομίσθησαν, οἱ δὲ δὴ πταίσαντες καὶ πολέμιοι τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀλιτήριοι ὠνομάσθησαν.
"Es τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τότε τὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πράγματα προήχθη, λέξω ¢ δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν γενομένων" καὶ γὰρ καὶ παίδευσις ἐν τούτῳ τὰ μάλιστα͵ εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ, ὅ ὅταν τις τὰ ἔργα τοῖς λογισμοῖς ὑπολέγων τήν τε ἐκείνων φύσιν ἐκ τούτων ἐλέγχῃ καὶ τούτους ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνων ὁμολο- γίας τεκμηριοῖ.
᾿Επολιόρκει μὲν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος τὸν Δέκιμον. ἐν τῇ Μουτίνῃ ὄντα, ὡς μὲν τἀκριβὲς εἰπεῖν, ὅτι οὐ παρῆκεν αὐτῷ τὴν Γαλατίαν, ὡς δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπλάτ- τετο, ὅτι τῶν τοῦ Καίσαρος σφαγέων ἐγεγόνει. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οὔτε κόσμον οἱ ἡ ἀληθὴς τοῦ πολέμου αἰτία ἔφερε, καὶ ἅμα καὶ τὰ τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ πατρὸς “αὐτοῦ τιμωρίᾳ ἀπο- βλέποντα é ἑώρα, τοῦτο τὸ “πρόσχημα τοῦ πολέμου προεβάλετο. ὅτι γὰρ ἐσκήπτετο αὐτὸ ἵνα τὴν Γαλατίαν κατάσχῃ, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐδήλωσε τόν τε Κάσσιον καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον τὸν Μᾶρκον ὑπάτους ἀποδειχθῆναι αἰτήσας" πρὸς γάρ TOL Ta ἑαυτοῦ συμφέροντα ἑκάτερον ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντιωτάτου προσε- ποιεῖτο. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἐστράτευτο μὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν πρὶν καὶ ψΨηφισθῆναί οἱ τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ μὴν καὶ ἐπεποιήκει λόγου ἄξιον οὐδέν. μαθὼν δὲ δὴ τὰ δεδογμένα τὰς μὲν τιμὰς ἀπεδέχετο καὶ ἔχαιρεν, ἄχλως τε καὶ ὅτι θύοντι αὐτῷ, ὅτε τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν. τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἀνέλαβε, διττὰ τὰ ἥπατα ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἱερείοις δώδεκα οὖσιν
εὑρέθη: τῷ δὲ δὴ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ
πρέσβεις καὶ λόγους πεμφθῆναι, ἀλλὰ μὴ οὐκ 68
BOOK XLVI
For those who were successful were considered πιο 43 _ shrewd and patriotic, while the defeated were called enemies of their country and accursed.
This was the pass to which the fortunes of Rome had at that time come. I shall now go on to describe the separate events. For it seems to me to be particularly instructive, when one takes facts as the basis of his reasoning, investigates the nature of the former by the latter, and thus proves his reasoning true hy its correspondence with the facts.
- The reason for Antony’s besieging Decimus in Mutina, to be exact, was that Decimus would not give up Gaul to him, but he pretended that it was because Decimus had been one of Caesar’s assassins. For since the true cause of the war brought him no credit, and at the same time he saw that the feelings of the people were turning toward Caesar to help him avenge his father, he put forward this excuse for the war. For that it was a mere pretext for getting control of Gaul he himself made plain when he _ demanded that Cassius and Marcus Brutus should be appointed consuls, Each of these two pretences, ut- terly inconsistent as they were, he made with an eye to his own advantage. Caesar, now, had beguna cam- paign against his rival before the command of the war _ was voted to him, though he had achieved nothing _ worthy of mention. When, however, he learned of _ the decrees passed, he accepted the honours and _ rejoiced, the more so, since, when he was sacrificing at the time of receiving the distinction and the _ authority of praetor, the livers of all the victims, ‘twelve in number, were found to be double. But he _ was vexed that envoys and proposals had been sent to Antony, also, by the senate instead of their de-
69
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DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ἀκήρυκτον εὐθὺς αὐτῷ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπαγγελθῆναι, ἤσχαλλε, καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐκείνῳ τε ἰδίᾳ τι περὶ τῆς ὁμονοίας ἐπεσταλκότας, καὶ γράμματα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρός τινας τῶν βουλευτῶν πεμφθέντα καὶ ἁλόντα τούτοις τε ἀποδόντας καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἀποκρυψαμένους, τόν τε πόλεμον μήτε σπουδῇ μήτε παραχρῆμα τῇ τοῦ χειμῶνος προφάσει ποιουμένους ἤσθετο. οὐ μέντοι ἔχων ὅπως ἐκφήνειεν αὐτά (οὔτε γὰρ ἀλλοτριῶσαί σφας ἤθελεν οὔτ᾽ αὖ πεῖσαί τι ἢ καὶ βιάσασθαι ἐδύνατο) ἡ ἡσυχίαν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Κορνηλίου ἀγορᾷ χειμάζων ἢ γε, μέχρις οὗ περὶ τῷ Δεκίμῳ ἐφοβήθη. ᾿Εκεῖνος γὰρ πρότερον μὲν ὦ ἰσχυρῶς τὸν ᾿Αντώ- νίον ἠμύνετο, καί ποτε ὑποτοπήσας τινὰς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐσπεπέμφθαι συνεκάλεσε πάντας τοὺς παρόντας, καὶ βραχέα ἄττα ὑπειπὼν ἐκήρυξε, δείξας τι χωρίον, τοὺς μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπὶ τάδε τοὺς δὲ ἰδιώτας ἐπὶ θάτερα αὐτοῦ ἀπελθεῖν, καὶ οὕτως ἀπορήσαντας τοὺς τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου ὅπῃ τράπωνται καὶ μονωθέντας κατεφώρασε καὶ συνέλαβεν" ἔπειτα παντελῶς ἀπετειχίσθη. δείσας οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ μὴ βίᾳ ἁλῷ ἢ καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπι- τηδείων. ὁμολογήσῃ, ἠνάγκασε τὸν Ἵρτιον συνεπι- στρατεῦσαι" ὁ γὰρ Οὐΐβιος ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἔτι τούς τε καταλόγους ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τοὺς, νόμους τῶν ᾿Αντωνίων κατέλυεν. ὁρμήσαντες οὖν Βονωνίαν μὲν ἐκλειφθεῖσαν ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν φρουρῶν ἀμαχεὶ παρέ- λαβον, καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας τοὺς μετὰ τοῦτο ἀπαντή- σαντάς σφισιν ἐτρέψαντο, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ πρὸς τῇ
70
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claring against him at once a war to the finish, and sc. 43 most of all because he ascertained that the consuls had forwarded to Antony some private message about harmony, also that when some letters sent by the latter to certain senators had been captured, these officials had handed them to the persons addressed, concealing the matter from him, and that, with the winter as an excuse, they were not carrying on the war zealously or promptly. However, as he could not publish these facts, because he did not wish to _ alienate them and on the other hand was unable to use any persuasion or force upon them, he also remained quiet in winter quarters in Forum Cornelii, until he became alarmed about Decimus.
Decimus, it seems, had previously been defending himself vigorously against Antony. On one occasion, suspecting that some men had been sent into the city to corrupt the soldiers, he called together all those present and after a few preliminary remarks pro- claimed through a herald that all the men under arms should go to one side of a certain place that he pointed out and the private citizens to the other side of it; in this way he detected and arrested Antony’s spies, who did not know which way to turn, and were thus left by themselves. Later he was entirely shut
_ in by a wall; and Caesar, fearing he might be cap-
tured by storm or might capitulate through lack of provisions, compelled Hirtius to join him in an expedition; for Vibius was still in Rome making the levies and abolishing the laws of the Antonii.4 Accordingly, they set out and without a blow took possession of Bononia, which had been abandoned by its garrison, and routed the cavalry which later con-
1 Cf. xlv. 9.
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
Movtivy ποταμοῦ τῆς τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ φυλακῆς οὐχ
4 οἷοί τε ἐγένοντο περαιτέρω προχωρῆσαι. βουλό-
37
μενοι obv! καὶ ὡς τήν γε παρουσίαν σφῶν τῷ
Δεκίμῳ, μὴ καὶ φθάσῃ TL συμβάς, δηλῶσαι, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν. ὑψηλοτάτων δένδρων ἐφρυκτώρουν, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐ συνίει, ἐς cha pop μολύβδου λεπτὸν ἐγγράψαντές τινα συνείλιξαν " αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τι χαρτίον, καὶ κολυμβητῇ νυκτὸς ὑφύδρῳ διενεγκεῖν ἔδωκαν. καὶ οὕτως ὁ Δέκεμος τήν τε παρουσίαν ἅμα αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν τῆς ἐπικουρίας μαθὼν ἀντεπέστειλέ σφισι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, κἀκ τούτου συνεχῶς ἤδη πάντα ἀχλήλοις διεδήλουν.
Ὁ οὖν ᾿Αντώνιος ἰδὼν ὅτι ὁ Δέκιμος οὐκ ἐνδωσείει, ἐ ἐκείνῳ μὲν Λούκιον τὸν ἀδελφὸν παρα- κατέλιπεν," αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπί τε τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν “Iptvov ἐχώρησε. καὶ. αὐτῶν ἀντιστρα- τοπεδευομένων ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἱππομαχίαι
ΝΠ ES Seen ne aaa
τινὲς βραχεῖαι καὶ ἰσοπαλεῖς ἐγίγνοντο, μέχρις 4
οὗ οἱ Κελτοὶ ἱππῆς, οὺς μετὰ τῶν ἐλεφάντων ὁ ὃ Καῖσαρ προσεπεποίητο, πρός τε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον αὖθις ἀπέκλιναν, κἀκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐξελθόντες προεξώρμησαν ° μὲν ὡς καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς τοῖς ἀντιπροσελάσουσι τρρίαμεξαντεαι ὑπέστρεψαν δὲ δι’ ὀλίγου, καὶ παρὰ δόξαν μὴ προσδεχομένοις τοῖς ᾿ἐφεπομένοις σφίσι προσ- πεσόντες συχνοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα “προνομεύοντές τινες ἀπ᾿ ἀμφοτέρων és
1 οὖν R. Steph., γοῦν L.
2 συνείλιξαν Rk,, ἀπείλιξαν LM.
8 ἐνδωσείει Dind., ἐνδώσει ἐν Li,
5 παρακατέλιπεν i. Steph., παρακατέλειπεν L. 5 προεξώρμησαν H. Steph., προσεξώρμησαν 1).
72
BOOK XLVI
fronted them; but on account of the river near 8c. 43 Mutina and the guard placed over it they found themselves unable to proceed farther. But even so, wishing at least to make their presence known to - Decimus, that he might not make terms too soon, they at first tried sending beacon signals from the tallest trees; and when he did not understand, they scratched a few words on a thin sheet of lead, rolled up the lead like a piece of paper and gave it to a diver to carry across under water by night. Thus Decimus learned at one and the same time of their presence and of their promise of assistance, and sent them a reply in the same fashion, after which they continued uninterruptedly to reveal all their plans to each other.
Antony, therefore, seeing that Decimus was not inclined to yield, left him to the charge of his brother Lucius, and himself proceeded against Caesar and Hirtius. The two armies faced each other for many days and a few insignificant cavalry skirmishes occurred, with honours even. Finally the German _ cavalry, whom Caesar had won to his side along with the elephants they had,! went over to Antony again. _ They had issued from the camp with the rest and had _ gone on ahead as if intending to engage by them- selves those of the enemy who came to meet them; but after a little they turned about and unexpectedly attacked the men who followed behind, who were looking for nothing of the sort, and killed many of them. After this some foraging parties on both
1 Cf. xly. 13. 73
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
χεῖρας ἦλθον, κἀκ τούτου Kal τῶν λοιπῶν ἐπιβοηθησάντων ἑκατέροις μάχη τέ σῴφων ὀξεῖα ἐγένετο καὶ ἐκράτησεν ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος. τούτοις τε οὖν ἐπαιρόμενος, καὶ τὸν Οὐίβιον πλησιάξοντα αἰσθόμενος, προσέβαλε πρὸς τὸ ἔρυμα τῶν ἀντι- καθεστηκότων, εἴ πως προεξελὼν αὐτὸ ῥᾷον τοῦ λοιποῦ πολεμήσειεν. καὶ ἐπειδὴ τά τε ἄλλα πρός τε τὰς συμ ορὰς καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τὴν παρὰ τοῦ Οὐιβίου διὰ φυλακῆς ἐποιοῦντο καὶ οὐκ ἀντεπεξῆγον, κατέλιπε καὶ ἐκεῖ μέρος TL τοῦ στρατοῦ, προσμιγνύναι τέ σφισι κελεύσας, ὅπως καὶ αὐτὸς ὅτε μάλιστα παρεῖναι δοκοίη, καὶ ἐπι- φυλάττειν ἅμα μή τινες κατὰ νώτου οἱ προσπέ- σωσι. διατάξας τε ταῦτα ἀπῆρε νυκτὸς λαθὼν ἐπὶ τὸν Οὐίβιον ἀπὸ Βονωνίας προσιόντα, καὶ αὐτόν τε ἐνεδρεύσας κατέτρωσε καὶ τοὺς πλείους 5 τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπέκτεινε, τούς τε λοιποὺς ἐς τὰ ταφρεύματα κατέκλεισεν. κἂν ὃ ἐξεῖλεν αὐτούς, εἰ καὶ ἐφ᾽ ὁποσονοῦν προσηδρεύκει σφίσι. νῦν δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τῇ πρώτῃ προσβολῇ οὐδὲν ἐπέρανεν, ἐφοβήθη μὴ καὶ χρονίσῃ καί τι ἐν τούτῳ πρὸς τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἄλλων πλεονεκτηθῇ,
WES τλρλνῖν δὴν 50 ᾽ ΄ \ 5 lia Pere 7 Kab ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνους αὖυσις Ετράαπετο. καὶ AVT@ O
38
Ἵρτιος ἔκ τε THs πορείας ἑκατέρας Kal ἐκ τῆς μάχης πεπονηκότι, καὶ προσέτι καὶ ἐν ἀνελπίστῳ ὄντι μή TOT ἂν πολέμιόν τινα νενικηκότι οἱ προσμῖξαι, ἀπαντήσας πολὺ ἐκράτησεν: ὡς γὰρ ἔγνωσαν τὸ γιγνόμενον, Καῖσαρ μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ στρατοπέδου φυλακῇ κατέμεινεν, ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ὥρμησεν. ἡττηθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ
1 κατέλιπε Η. Steph., κατέλειπε Li. 2 πλείους Zon., λοιποὺς L, 3 κἂν Bk., καὶ ἂν 1,
74
BOOK XLVI
sides came to blows, and then, when the remainder of 5.0. 43
each party came to the rescue, a sharp battle ensued between the two forces, in which Antony was vic- torious. Elated by this success and learning that Vibius was approaching, he assailed his opponents’ camp to see if he could capture it before Vibius’ arrival and thus make the war easier for the future. And when the others, besides being on their guard in other ways, in view of their reverses and the hope they placed in Vibius, would not come out to meet him, he left a portion of his army behind there also with orders to engage them and thus make it appear so far as possible that he himself was present, and at the same time to take good eare that no one should fall upon his rear. After issuing these injunctions he set out secretly by night against Vibius, who was approaching from Bononia, and by means of an ambush he succeeded in wounding Vibius himself severely, in killing the majority of his soldiers and in shutting up the rest within their ramparts. Indeed, he would have anni- hilated them if he had gone on and besieged them for any considerable time. As it was, after accom- plishing nothing by the first assault, he began to be alarmed lest while he was delaying he should receive some setback from Caesar and the others; so he again turned against them. But while he was still wearied by the journey both ways and by the battle and was not looking for any hostile force to attack him after his victory, Hirtius met him and defeated him decisively. For when Hirtius and Caesar had perceived what was going on, Caesar had remained to keep watch over the camp and Hirtius had set out against Antony. Upon the defeat of Antony not
75
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
> , > 4 © fl 3 a \ e αὐτοκράτορες ov μόνον ὁ “Iptios ἀλλὰ καὶ o Οὐίβιος, καίπερ κακῶς ἀπαλλάξας, 6 τε Καῖσαρ,
» Ἅ -“ καίτοι μηδὲ μαχεσάμενος, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν oTpa-
τιωτῶν καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ὠνομάσθησαν. τοῖς τε συναγωνισαμένοις σφίσι καὶ τελευτήσασι ταφή τε δημοσία καὶ τὸ τοῖς παισὶ τοῖς τε πατράσιν αὐτῶν πάντα τὰ γέρα, ὅσα ἂν αὐτοὶ ἐκεῖνοι ζήσαντες ἔλαβον, ἀποδοθῆναι ἐψηφίσθη.
Ὥς οὖν ταῦτα ἐγένετο, καὶ Lovtios ᾿Ακύλας, ἔκ τε τῶν σφαγέων ὧν καὶ τῷ Δεκίμῳ ὑποστρα- τηγῶν, Τίτον Μουνάτιον Πλάγκον ἀντιυπολεμοῦν- τα αὐτῷ μάχαις ἐνίκησεν, ὅ τε Δέκιμος βουλευ- τοῦ τινος αὐτομολήσαντος πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ὀργὴν αὐτῷ ἔσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σκεύη τά τε ἄλλα ὅσα ἐν τῇ Μουτίνῃ ὑπελέ- λείπτο πάντα ἀπέπεμψε, κἀκ τούτου οἵ τε στρα- τιῶται οἱ ᾿Αντωνίου ἠλλοιοῦντο καὶ τῶν δήμων τινὲς τῶν ὁμοφρονούντων οἱ πρότερον ἐστασίαζον, ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ὅ τε Ἵρτιος ἐπήροντό τε ἐπὶ τού- τοις, καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἔρυμα τὸ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου προσ- ἰόντες προεκαλοῦντο αὐτὸν ἐς χεῖρας, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τέως μὲν κατεπέπληκτο καὶ ἡσύχαζεν, ἔπειτ᾽ ἐπειδὴ δύναμίς Tis! αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Λεπίδου πεμφθεῖσα ἦλθεν, ἀνεθάρσησεν. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ
ε 7ὔ 3 > ΄, « 7, \ 7 | ὁ Λέπιδος οὐκ ἀπεσάφησεν ὁποτέροις TO στρά- —
τευμα πέμψειε: τόν τε γὰρ ᾿Αντώνιον συγγενῆ
ὄντα ἠγάπα, καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἐκέκλητο, καὶ διά τε ταῦτα, καὶ ἅμα καὶ ἀνα-
χώρησιν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους σφᾶς προπαρα-
σκευάζων, οὐδὲν σαφὲς Μάρκῳ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρα-
τιάρχῳ ἐνετείλατο" ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἀκριβῶς που τὴν 1 tis Zon., τε L,
76
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only was Hirtius saluted as imperator by the soldiers 5.6. 43
and by the senate, but likewise Vibius, although he had fared badly, and Caesar, although he had not even been engaged. To those who had participated in the conflict and had perished a public burial was voted, and it was further voted that all the prizes which they would have received, had they lived, should be given to their sons and fathers.
At this time also Pontius Aquila, one of Caesar’s slayers and a lieutenant of Decimus, conquered in battle Titus Munatius Plancus, who opposed him ; and Decimus, when a certain senator deserted to Antony, so far from displaying resentment against him sent to him all his baggage and whatever else he had left behind in Mutina, with the result that Antony’s soldiers began to change their attitude and some of the communities which had previously sym- pathized with him proceeded to rebel. Caesar and Hirtius were elated at this, and approaching the camp of Antony, challenged him to combat; and he - for a time was alarmed and remained quiet, but later, when a force sent by Lepidus came to him, he took courage again. Lepidus, himself, however, did not make it clear to which of the two sides he was sending the army, for he was fond of Antony, who was a relative, while he had been summoned by the senate to oppose him; hence, both for this reason and _ that he might prepare a refuge for himself with both ᾿ parties, he gave no clear instructions to Marcus Silanus, the commander. But this officer, doubtless
77
> — I τὸ
᾿ Hi Ἷ
99
9
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
γνώμην αὐτοῦ εἰδὼς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον αὐτοκέ- λευστος ἀφίκετο. τούτου οὖν ἐπικουρήσαντος αὐτῷ θαρσήσας ἐπεκδρομὴν αἰφνιδίαν ἐποιήσατο, καὶ φόνου Tap ἀμφοτέρων πολλοῦ γενομένου τραπεὶς ἔφυγε.
Μέχρι μὲν οὖν τούτων ὁ Καῖσαρ καὶ “πρὸς τοῦ δήμου καὶ πρὸς τῆς βουλῆς ηὔξετο, κἀκ τούτου τά τε ἄλλα τιμηθήσεσθαι καὶ ὕπατος εὐθὺς ἀπο-
δειχθήσεσθαι προσεδόκα" συνέβη γὰρ τόν τε
Ἵρτιον ἐν T τοῦ ᾿Αντωνιείου lor ατοπέδου κατα- ρ ῇ
λήψει καὶ τὸν Οὐίβιον ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων μὴ
πολλῷ ὕστερον φθαρῆναι, ὅθεν αἰτίαν τοῦ θανά- του αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς διαδοχὴν ἔσχεν. ἡ δὲ γερουσία πρότερον μέν, ἕως ἔτι ἄδηλον ἦν ὁπότερός opov κρατήσει, πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐν τῷ πρὶν δυναστείας τισὶν ἔξω τῶν πατρίων δοθέντα. παρε- σκευάκει προκατέλυσαν," ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις μέν που ταῦτα ψηφισάμενοι ὡς καὶ προκαταληψόμενοι δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν νικήσοντα, τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν ἐς τὸν ἕτερον τὸν ἡττηθησόμενον μέλλοντες ἀναφέρειν. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἀπεῖπον | μηδένα ἐ ἐπὶ πλείω * χρόνον ἐνιαυ- τοῦ ἄρχειν, τοῦτο δὲ ἀπηγόρευσαν μήτε τινὰ σίτου ἐπιμελητὴν μήτε τροφῶν ἐπιστάτην ἕνα αἱρεῖσθαι. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ πραχθέντα ἔμαθον, τῇ μὲν τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου ἥττῃ ἔχαιρον, καὶ τάς τε στολὰς μετενέδυσαν καὶ ἱερομηνίας ἐπὶ ἑξήκοντα ἡμέρας ἤγαγον, τούς τε συνεξετασθέντας αὐτῷ πάντας ἔν τε πολεμίων μοίρᾳ ἐνόμισαν καὶ τὰς
1 ᾿Αντωνιείου Rk., ἀντωνίου 1.
3 κρατήσει R. Steph., κρατήσηι L.
3 προκατέλυσαν (προκατέλυσεν) St., προσκατέλυσαν Li, 4 πλείω R. Steph., πλεῖον L,
"ὃ
BOOK XLVI
knowing well his superior’s views, went on his own ..c. 43
responsibility to Antony. So when Antony had received these reinforcements, he became bold and made a sudden sortie, but after great slaughter on both sides, he turned and fled.
Up to this time Caesar was being aggrandized by the people and the senate, and consequently expected that among other honours to be bestowed he would forthwith be appointed consul; for it happened that Hirtius perished in connection with the capture of Antony’s camp and that Vibius died of his wounds not long afterwards, so that Caesar was charged with having caused their death that he might succeed to the office. But the senate had already, while it was still uncertain which of the two would prevail, taken the precaution to abolish all the privileges the granting of which hitherto to any individuals con- trary to established custom had paved the way to supreme power; they voted, of course, that this edict should apply to both parties, intending thereby to forestall the victor, but planning to lay the blame upon the other who should be defeated. In the first place, they forbade anyone to hold office for a longer period than a year, and, secondly, they pro- vided that no one man should be chosen super- intendent of the corn supply or commissioner of food. And when they learned the outcome of the struggle, although they rejoiced at Antony’s defeat, and not only changed their attire, but also celebrated a thanksgiving for sixty! days, and, regarding all those who had been on Antony’s side as enemies, took
1 Appian (B.C. iii. 74) says fifty days ; cf. Cicero, Philipp. “at ἰῷ 29, and 14, 37. Dio is frequently careless about such etails,
79
a
40
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
οὐσίας, ὥσπερ που καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐκείνου, ἀφει- λοντο" τὸν δὲ δὴ Καίσαρα οὐχ ὅτι μεγάλου τινὸς ἔτ᾽ ἠξίωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταλύειν ἐπεχείρησαν, πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐκεῖνος ἤλπιζε λήψεσθαι τῷ Δεκίμῳ δόντες. οὐ γὰρ ὅτι βουθυσίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπινίκια αὐτῷ ἐψηφίσαντο, τά τε λοιπὰ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ στρατόπεδα ἄλλα τε καὶ τὰ τοῦ Οὐιβίου προσ- ἐταξαν' “τοῖς τε στρατιώταις τοῖς συμπολιορκη- θεῖσίν οἱ καὶ ἐπαίνους καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα τοῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος πρότερον προεπήγγελτο, καίπερ μηδὲν ἐς τὴν νίκην συμβαλομένοις ' ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν αὐτὴν ἰδοῦσι, δοθῆναι ἔ ἔγνωσαν. καὶ τὸν ᾿Ακύλαν ἀποθανόντα ἐ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ εἰκόνι ἐτίμησαν" τά TE χρήματα ἃ ἐς τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν τοῦ Δεκίμου στρατιωτῶν οἴκοθεν ἀναλώκει, τοῖς κλη- ρονόμοις αὐτοῦ ἀπέδωκαν. τό τε σύμπαν ὡς εἰπεῖν, ὅσα τῷ Καίσαρι ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐγε- γόνει, ταῦτα ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἄλλοις ἐψηφίσθη. καὶ ὅπως γε ἂν μηδ᾽ ἂν τὰ μάλιστα βουχηθῇ τί κακὸν δρᾶσαι καὶ δυνηθῇ, πάντας αὐτῷ τοὺς
θροὺς ἐπήσκησαν' τῷ τε γὰρ Πομπηίῳ τῷ ae TO ναυτικὸν Kal TO Βρούτῳ τῷ Μάρκῳ τὴν Μακεδονίαν τῷ τε Κασσίῳ τήν τε Συρίαν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Δολοβέλλαν ἐνε- χείρισαν. πάντως & ἂν καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἃς εἶχε προσπαρείλοντο, εἰ μήπερ ἐφοβήθησαν φανερῶς αὐτὸ ψηφίσασθαι διὰ τὸ εὔνους οἱ τοὺς στρατιώ- τας ἐπίστασθαι ὄντας. στασιάσαι δ᾽ οὖν σφας καὶ ὡς καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἐπε- χείρησαν. οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαινέσαι τε καὶ τιμῆσαι
1 συμβαλομένοις R. Steph., συμβαλλομένοις L. 2 προσπαρείλοντο Xyl., προσπαρεί χοντο L.
80
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away their property, as they did in the case of nc. 43
_ Antony also, yet as regards Caesar, they not only did not. consider him any longer as deserving of any great reward, but even undertook to overthrow him by giving to Decimus all the prizes for which Caesar was hoping. For they voted in Decimus’ honour not only sacrifices but also a triumph, and gave him charge of the rest of the war and of the legions, including those of Vibius. Upon the soldiers who had been besieged with him they decreed that praise should be bestowed and likewise all the other rewards which had formerly been promised to Caesar’s men, although these troops had contributed nothing to the victory, but had merely beheld it from the walls. They honoured Aquila, who had died in the battle, with a statue, and restored to his heirs the money which he had expended from his own purse for the equipment of Decimus’ troops. In a word, all that had been done for Caesar to thwart Antony was now voted to others to thwart Caesar himself. And to the end that; no matter how much he might wish it, he should not be able to do any harm, they arrayed all his personal enemies against him. Thus to Sextus _ Pompey they entrusted the fleet, to Marcus Brutus _ Macedonia, and to Cassius Syria together with the _ war against Dolabella. They would certainly have gone further and deprived him of the forces that he had, had they not been afraid to vote this openly, because they knew that his soldiers were devoted to him. But they attempted, even so, to set them -at variance with one another and with Caesar him- self. For they wished neither to praise and honour
δι
41
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
πάντας αὐτοὺς ἠθέλησαν, μὴ καὶ τὸ “φρόνημα αὐτῶν ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἄρωσιν, οὔτ᾽ ἀτιμάσαι καὶ παριδεῖν πάντας, μὴ καὶ “μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἀλ- λοτριώσωσι καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο καὶ συμφρονεῖν ἀναγκάσωσι. διὰ μέσου οὖν ἐποίησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπαινέσαντες αὐτῶν τοὺς δ᾽ οὔ, καὶ τοῖς μὲν στέφανον ἐλαίας ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι φο- ρεῖν δόντες τοῖς δ᾽ οὔ, καὶ προσέτι καὶ χρήματα τοῖς μὲν δισχιλίας καὶ πεντακοσίας δραχμὰς τοῖς δὲ οὐδὲ χαλκοῦν “Ψηφισάμενοι, συγκρούσειν τε αὐτοὺς ἀλλήλοις κἀκ τούτου καὶ ἀσθενώσειν ἤλπι- σαν. καὶ TOUS rye } διαγγελοῦντάς σφισι ταῦτα οὐ πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔπεμ- ψαν. περιοργὴς οὖν καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις γενόμενος ἐπέτρεψε μὲν τῷ λόγῳ τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἄνευ ἑαυτοῦ τῷ στρατεύματι συμμῖξαι, προπαραγ- γείλας μήτ᾽ ἀπόκρισίν τινα αὐτοῖς δοθῆναι καὶ ἑαυτὸν παραχρῆμα μεταπεμφθῆναι' ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ συνακούσας σφίσι τὰ ἐπε- σταλμένα, πολὺ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ὠκειώσατο. οἵ τε γὰρ προτετιμημένοι, οὐ τοσοῦ- τον τῇ πλεονεξίᾳ ἔχαιρον ὅσον ὑπώπτευον τὸ γιγνόμενον, τοῦ Καίσαρός opas ὅτι μάλιστα ἐνάγοντος" καὶ οἱ ἠτιμασμένοι ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐδὲν ὠργίξοντο, προσδιαβάλλοντες, δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν τῶν ἐψηφισμένων. τήν τε ἀτιμίαν σφῶν ἐ ἐπὶ πάν- τας ἦγον καὶ τὴν ὁ ὀργὴν: αὐτοῖς ἐκοινοῦντο. μαθόν- τες οὖν ταῦθ' οἱ ἐν τῇ “πόλει, καὶ φοβηθέντες, ὕπατον μὲν οὐδ᾽ ὡς αὐτὸν ἀπέδειξαν, οὗπερ που τὰ μάλιστα ἐγλίχετο, ταῖς δὲ δὴ τιμαῖς ταῖς
1 ye Ἡ, Steph., τε L. 82
BOOK XLVI
them all, for fear of raising their spirits still higher, s.c. 43 nor to dishonour and neglect them all, for fear of alienating them the more and as a consequence forcing them to come to an agreement with one another. _Hence they adopted a middle course, and by praising some of them and not others, by allowing some to wear garlands of olive at the festivals and others not, and, furthermore, by vot- ing to some of them ten thousand sesterces and to others not a copper, they hoped to set them at odds with each other and consequently to weaken them. And they even sent the men who were to carry these announcements to them, not to Caesar, but to the men themselves. So he became enraged at this also, and though he pretended to allow the envoys to mingle with the army with- out his presence, giving orders beforehand that no answer should be given them and that he himself should at once be sent for, yet when he came into the camp and joined them in listening to the despatches, he won them to himself still more than before by the very nature of the communication. For, on the one hand, those who-had been singled out for honour were not so pleased with their pre- ferment as they were suspicious of the affair, and Caesar encouraged them in this as much as he could ; on the other hand, those who had been slighted were not at all angry with their comrades, but adding their doubts of the sincerity of the decrees, they transferred to the whole army the slight to themselves and communicated their resentment to the others. The people in the city, on learning this, though they were frightened, did not even then appoint Caesar consul, the honour which he especially coveted, but
83
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DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
ὑπατικαῖς ἐκόσμησαν, ὥστε Kal γνώμην ἐν τοῖς ς / » , 2 7 > > \ ὑπατευκόσιν ἤδη τίθεσθαι. ἐπειδή τε ἐν οὐδενὶ nr? a λόγῳ τοῦτ᾽ ἔσχε, στρατηγόν τε αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς πρῶτον καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ ὕπατον αἱρεθῆναι ἐψηφίσαντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτω τὸν Καίσαρα, ὥσπερ ὡς ἀληθῶς μειράκιόν τέ τι καὶ παῖδα, ἅπερ που διεθρύλουν, ὄντα, σοφῶς meTaxe εἰρί- σθαι ἔδοξαν' ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἐ ἐπί τε τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ, ὅτι παῖς ἤκουε, δεινῶς ἀγανακτῶν ? 2 > > \ 5 7 > > > , \ οὐκέτ᾽ ἐς ἀναβολὰς ἐποιήσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπί τε τὰ ὅπλα καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν αὐτῶν ἐτράπετο. καὶ πρός τε τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον κρύφα ' διεκηρυκεύσατο, καὶ τοὺς διαφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης, OVS αὐτός τ᾽ b / \ ς \ / > / 2 ἐνενικήκει καὶ ἡ βουλὴ πολεμίους ἐψήφιστο, συνήθροιζε, καὶ κατηγορίας παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ κατὰ τῆς γερουσίας καὶ κατὰ τοῦ δήμου πολλὰς ἐποιεῖτο. > ΄ \ a e 3 a ἣν "> Τὶ \ b] Axovovres δὲ ταῦτα οἱ ἐν τῷ ἄστει τέως μὲν ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ αὐτὸν ἦγον, ἐπεὶ δὲ τόν τε ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον συμπεφρονηκότας ἤσθοντο, θερα- πεύειν τε αὖθις ἤρξαντο, ἀγνοοῦντες τοὺς λόγους ods πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον ἐ ἐπεποίητο, καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς ἐκείνους προσέταξαν. ὁ οὖν Καῖσαρ καὶ τοῦτον μέν, εἴ πως ὕπατος δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθείη, ὑπεδέξατο! πάνυ γάρ τι8 ἔπρασσεν διά τε ἄλλων a / καὶ διὰ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ὅπως χειροτονηθείη, οὕτως ὥστε καὶ συνύπατον αὐτὸν ὑποσχέσθαι οἱ ποιή- > \ δ᾽ δ᾽ A 4 ¢ 40 e / \ id σειν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὡς 4 ἡἠἡρέθη, ἡτοιμάζετο μὲν ὡς καὶ πολεμήσων καθάπερ ἐδέδοκτο, παρασκευάσας 1 κρύφα H. Steph., κρύφα καὶ L.
2 ἐψήφιστο Bk., ἐψηφίσατο L. 3 σι Bk, to L. 4 δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὧς v. Herw., δ᾽ οὕτως L,
84
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granted him the distinction of consular honours, so ».<. 43 that he might now give his vote along with the ex-consuls. When he showed his contempt for this, they voted that he should be chosen a praetor of the first rank! and later consul as well. In this way they thought they had had handled Caesar cleverly, as if he were in reality a mere youth or boy, as indeed they were always repeating. He, however, was exceedingly vexed, not only at their general behaviour, but especially at this very fact that he was called a boy; so he made no further delay, but turned against their arms and their power. And he secretly arranged a truce with Antony, and pro- ceeded to assemble the men who had escaped from the battle, whom he himself had conquered and the senate had voted to be enemies, and in their presence made many accusations against both the senate and the people. —
The people in the city, on hearing this, for a time _ regarded him with indifference, but when they heard that Antony and Lepidus had become of one mind, they began again to court his favour, being ignorant of the propositions he had made to Antony; and put him in charge of the war against the other two, _ Caesar, accordingly, undertook this war also, hoping J ‘that he might be made consul for it; for he was work- _ing so hard through Cicero and others to be elected, that he even promised to make Cicero his colleague. 4 But when he was not chosen even then, he made preparations, to be sure, to carry on the war, as had
1 j,e. praetor instead of propraetor ; cf. note on chap. 29.
85
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DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τοὺς στρατιώτας αὑτοῦ, ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν δῆθεν, ὀμόσαι αἰφνιδίως πρὸς μηδὲν τῶν στρατο- πέδων τῶν τοῦ Καίσαρος γενομένων πολεμήσειν (ὅπερ που πρὸς τὸν Λέπιδον καὶ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αν- τώνιον ἔφερεν" ἢ τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον τῶν συστρα- τευομένων σφίσιν ἐξ ἐκείνων ἦν), ἀνέσχε, καὶ πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν στρατιωτῶν τετρακοσίους ἔπεμψε.
Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόσχημα τῆς πρεσβείας αὐτοῖς ἦν, τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον τά τε χρήματα τὰ ἐψηφισμένα σφίσιν ἀπήτουν καὶ ὕπατον τὸν Καίσαρα ἀπο- δειχθῆναι ἐκέλευον. ᾿ἀναβαλλομένων οὖν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν. ὡς καὶ σκέψεως δεομένην, ἄδειάν τινι τῶν τὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου πραξάντων ἐκ τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, ἐντολῆς ἤτησαν, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ ἐβούλοντο αὐτῆς ,τυχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἵνα ἀπο- πειραθῶσί τε αὐτῶν εἰ ταύτην γε. δώσουσί σφισιν, ἢ καὶ ἀφορμὴν -ὀργῆς λάβωσι τὸ καὶ ov ἐκείνην δοκεῖν χαλεπαίνειν. ἀποτυχόντες γοῦν αὐτῆς (ἀντεῖπε μὲν “γὰρ οὐδείς, πολλῶν δὲ τὸ ὃ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ὑπὲρ ἑ ἑτέρων ἅμα ἀξιωσάντων, καὶ τὸ κατ᾽ ἐκείνους, ὡς πολὺ ἐγίγνετο, εὐπρεπῶς πως διε- κρούσθη) οἵ τε ἄλλοι φανερῶς ὠργίζοντο, καὶ εἷς τις αὐτῶν ἐξῆλθέ τε ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου, καὶ τὸ ξίφος λαβών (ἄοπλοι γὰρ ἐσεληλύθεσαν) ἥψατό τε αὐτοῦ καὶ εἶπεν ὅτι, “ ἂν ὑμεῖς τὴν ὑπατείαν μὴ δῶτε τῷ Καίσαρι, τοῦτο δώσει." καὶ αὐτῷ ὁ Κικέρων ὑπολαβὼν a‘ av οὕτως," ἔφη, “ παρα- καλῆτε, λήψεται αὐτήν." ἐκείνῳ μὲν καὶ τοῦτο
τὸν ὄλεθρον παρεσκεύασεν" ὁ δὲ δὴ Καῖσαρ τὸ
1 ἔφερεν ΧΥ]., ἔφερον ἴ,,. 2 τὺ Bk., τοῦ LM.
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been decreed, but meanwhile arranged that his own 8.0. 4! soldiers, ostensibly of their own motion, should suddenly take an oath not to fight against any legion
that had been Caesar’s. This, of course, had reference
to Lepidus and Antony, since the majority of their adherents were of that class. So he waited and
sent to the senate as envoys on this business four hundred of the soldiers themselves.
This was the soldiers’ excuse for the embassy, but all they really did was to demand the money that had been voted them and to urge that Caesar should be appointed consul. While the senators were postponing their reply, on the ground that it required deliberation, the envoys, acting presumably on their instructions from Caesar, asked that amnesty be granted to a certain person who had embraced Antony's cause. They did not really desire to obtain it, but wished to test the senators and see if they would grant at least this request, and, if they should not, to gain as an excuse for resentment their pretended vexation at being refused. At any rate, when they failed to gain their petition (for, although no one spoke against it, yet, since many had preferred the same request on behalf of others at the same session, this petition also, Since it was but one out of many, was rejected with a show of plausibility), all the soldiers were openly angry, and one of them went out of the senate- chamber and getting his sword,—for they had gone in unarmed—touched it and said: “If you do not grant the consulship to Caesar, this shall grant it.” And Cicero, interrupting him, answered: “If you exhort in this way he will get it.” Now for Cicero this incident paved the way for destruction. As
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μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατιώτου πραχθὲν οὐκ ἐμέμψατο, ὅτι δὲ τά τε ὅπλα ἐς τὸ συνέδριον ἐσιόντες ἀποθέ- σθαι ἠναγκάσθησαν, καί τις αὐτῶν ἐπύθετο πό- τερον παρὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἢ παρὰ τοῦ Καί: σαρος ἐπέμφθησαν, ἔγκλημα ἐποιεῖτο, καὶ τόν τε ᾿Αντώνιον καὶ τὸν Λέπιδον (καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον κατὰ τὴν φιλίαν αὐτοῦ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον προσ- ετέθειτο) σπουδῇ μετεπέμψατο, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐκβιασθεὶς δῆθεν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιω- τῶν, μετὰ πάντων αὐτῶν ὥρμησε.
Καὶ τῶν τε ἱππέων τινὰ καὶ ἄλλους ὑποτο- πήσαντες ἐπὶ κατασκοπῇ σῴφων παρεῖναι ἔσφαξαν, καὶ τὰ χωρία τῶν ἀντιγνωμονούντων σφίσιν. ἐλυ- μαίνοντο, ἐπί τε τῇ προφάσει ταύτῃ καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἐκακούργουν. πυθόμενοι οὗν οἱ βου- λευταὶ τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν, τά τε χρήματα αὐτοῖς πρὶν πλησιάσαι σφᾶς ἔπεμψαν, εἴ πως λαβόντες αὐτὰ ἀναχωρήσειαν, καὶ ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὡς ἠπείγοντο, ὕπατον τὸν Καίσαρα ἀπέδειξαν. οὐδὲν “μέντοι οὐδὲ ἐκ τούτου ἀπώνηντοΣ ὧν γὰρ οὐχ ἑκόντες ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκασθέντες, ἔπραξαν, οὐδεμίαν σφίσι χάριν οἱ στρατιῶται ἔσχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ἅτε καὶ ἐκπεφοβηκότες αὐτούς, ἐθρασύνοντο. μαθοῦσα οὖν ταῦθ᾽ ἡ γερουσία μετεβάλετο, καὶ ἐκείνοις τε ἀπηγόρευσε μὴ πελάσαι τῇ πόλει, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑπτακοσίους σταδίους an’ αὐτῆς ἀποσχεῖν, καὶ αὐτοὶ τήν τε ἐσθῆτα αὖθις ἠλλάξαντο καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ἐνεχείρισαν, ὥσπερ εἴθιστο. καὶ τά
1 οὐδὲν Bk., καὶ οὐδὲν LM.
2 ἀπώνηντο Naber, ἀπώναντο LM. 8 μετεβάλετο Bk., μετεβάλλετο LM.
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for Caesar, he did not censure the soldier’s act, 5.0. 43 but made a complaint because his men had been obliged to lay aside their arms on entering the senate and because one of the senators had asked whether they were sent by the legions or by Caesar, He. summoned in haste Antony and Lepidus (for he had attached Lepidus also to himself through the friendship existing between Antony and. Lepidus), and he himself, pretending to have been forced to such measures by his soldiers, set out with all of them against Rome.
They slew one of the knights, among others whom they suspected of being present to spy upon them, and besides harrying the lands of such as were not in accord with them, did much other mischief on this same pretext. The senators, on learning of their approach, sent them their money before they drew near, hoping that when the invaders received it they would retire, and when, even so, they still pressed on, they appointed Caesar consul. They gained nothing, however, by this step, éither; for the soldiers were not at all grateful to them for what they had done not willingly but under compulsion, but were even more emboldened, now that they had thoroughly frightened them. . So when the senate learned this, it altered its policy and ordered them not to approach the city but to keep at least a hundred miles from it.. They themselves also changed their garb again and com- mitted to the praetors the care of the city, as was the custom. And besides garrisoning other points,
89 VoL. Vv. D
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a / \ \ 3 7 τε ἄλλα ἐν φρουρᾷ ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ τὸ ᾿Ιανίκουλον μετά τε τῶν αὐτόθι στρατιωτῶν καὶ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων “ el / ; ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αφρικῆς ἐπελθόντων περοκατέχαβον. \ « nr > « “Ὁ ΓΟ Ἕως μὲν δὴ ἐν ὁδῷ ἔθ᾽ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἦν, ταῦτά τε ς ἴω οὕτως ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ὁμοθυμαδὸν αὐτῶν πάντες οἱ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τότε ὄντες ἀντελαμβάνοντο, ὥσπερ τι ε Re ΠΥ ον ΠΑ Ν που φιλοῦσιν οἱ πολλοί, πρὶν ἐς τε τὴν ὄψιν καὶ ἐς τὴν πεῖραν τῶν δεινῶν ἀφικέσθαι, θρασύνεσθαι. 4.5. 4 \ 2 a 9 , ee, > , : ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐν TO προαστείῳ ἐγένετο, ἐφοβήθησαν, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῶν βουλευτῶν τινες, ἔπειτα δὲ a \ καὶ τοῦ δήμου συχνοὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν μετέστησαν. » a? / κἀκ τούτου Kal ol στρατηγοὶ ἔκ τε τοῦ ᾿Ιανικούλου ΄ , ᾿ κατέβησαν καὶ τούς τε στρατιώτας καὶ ἑαυτοὺς a / αὐτῷ παρέδωκαν. τήν TE οὖν πόλιν οὕτως ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀμαχεὶ κατέσχε, καὶ ὕπατος καὶ πρὸς a , / “ Ν 7 τοῦ δήμου ἀπεδείχθη, δύο τινῶν ἀντὶ ὑπάτων πρὸς TOU ORD Tas ἀρχαιρεσίας αἱρεθέντων, ἐπειδὴ ἀδύνατον ἦν 7 > 9 / ce δ 9 > \ \ \ μεσοβασιλέα δι’ ὀλίγον οὕτως ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰς κατὰ τὰ na a n \ πάτρια γενέσθαι, πολλῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν Tas εὐ- , 4 πάτριδας } ἀρχὰς ἐχόντων ἀποδημούντων. τοῦτο \ a lal “ yap τὸ δύο ἄνδρας 5 διὰ τοῦ otpatnyod τοῦ > / nm cal KA \ \ e / ἀστυνόμου ψηφισθῆναι μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ τοὺς ὑπάτους δι’ αὐτοῦ χειροτονηθῆναι ὑπέμειναν, ὅτι μηδὲν a al Μ πλέον τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ποιήσειν ἔμελλον, καὶ a 3 fal κατὰ τοῦτο μηδ᾽ ἀρχήν τινα ἰσχυροτέραν αὐτοῦ ὃ / / ay ἐσχηκέναι δόξειν. καὶ ἐγίγνετο μέν που ταῦθ 1 εὐπάτριδας Dind., evrarpl} s LM.
2 τὸ δύο ἄνδρας Bs. following Bk., τῶν δύο ἀνδρῶν LM. 3 αὐτοῦ Rubino, αὐτῶν L
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BOOK XLVI
they promptly. oceupied the Janiculum with the sc. 43 soldiers that were in the city and with others who had come from Africa.
Now these things were taking place while Caesar was still on the march; and all the people who were at that time in Rome with one accord took part in the proceedings against him, just as most men are wont to be bold until they come in sight of dangers and have a chance to experience them. When, however, he arrived in the suburbs, they became alarmed, and first some of the senators, and later many of the people, went over to his side. Thereupon the praetors also came down from the Janiculum and surrendered to him their soldiers and themselves. Thus Caesar took possession of the city without a blow and was appointed consul also by the people, after two men had been chosen to act as consuls for holding the elections; for it was impossible, on so short notice, for an interrex! to be chosen for the purpose, in accordance with precedent, because many men who held the patrician offices were absent from the city. For they preferred to submit to this arrangement of having two men named by the praetor urbanus rather than to have the consuls elected under his direction, because now these officials would limit their activities to the elections and consequently would appear to have possessed no office greater than his. This was of course done
1 In case of the death or resignation of both consuls, the senate appointed an interrex to hold the comitia for the election of their successors. But first it was necessary that the auspices should return to the senators, which could happen only by the resignation of all the patrician magis- trates; the absence of some of these from the city in the present instance prevented their prompt resignation.
gt
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ὑπὸ τῶν ὅπλων' ὃ δὲ δὴ Καῖσαρ, ἵνα δὴ μὴ βεβιάσθαι τί αὐτοὺς δόξῃ, οὐκ ἀπήντησεν ἐς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ὥσπερ τινῶν THY: παρουσίαν ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ φοβουμένων.
Οὕτω μὲν οὖν ὕπατος ἠρέθη, καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ συνάρχων, εἴγε τοῦτο δεῖ, ἀλλὰ μὴ ὕπαρχον, αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, ὁ Πέδιος ὁ Κύιντος ἐδόθη. καὶ ἐπί τε τούτῳ μέγιστον ἐφρόνει, ὅτι ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, ὃ μηπῴποτέ TLL ἐγεγόνει, ὑπατεύσειν ἔμελλε, καὶ ὅτι τῇ | πρώτῃ τῶν , ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Apecov ἐσελθὼν γῦπας ἐξ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα δημηγορῶν τι πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας ἄλλους, δώδεκα εἶδε: πρός τε “γὰρ τὸν Ῥωμύλον καὶ πρὸς. τὸ οἰώνισμα τὸ ἐκείνῳ γενόμενον ava- φέρων καὶ τὴν μοναῤχίαν αὐτοῦ λήψεσθαι προσε- δόκησεν. οὐ μέντοι ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ὑπατεύων, ὅτι ταῖς τιμᾶϊς ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ἐκεκόσμητο, ἐσεμ- νύνατο. καὶ τοῦτο καὶ ἔπειτα ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν ὁμοίων “μέχρις ἡμῶν ἐτηρήθη: Σεουῆρος " γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ πρῶτος Πλαυτιανὸν ὑπατικαῖς τιμαῖς τιμήσας, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἔς τε τὸ βου- λευτικὸν ἐσαγαγὼν καὶ ὕπατον ἀποδείξας, ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ὑπατεύσοντα 5 ἀνεκήρυξεν, καὶ at ἐκείνου καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρων τὸ αὐτὸ ἐγένετο. ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Καῖσαρ τά τε ἄλλα τὰ ἐν. τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὸ δοκοῦν αὑτῷ κατεστήσατο; καὶ χρήματα τοῖς στρατιώταις, τοῖς “μὲν ὅσα τε καὶ ὅθεν ἐψήφιστο, τοῖς͵ δὲ λοιποῖς ὡς ἑκάστοις, λόγῳ μὲν οἴκοθεν ἔργῳ δὲ ἐ ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν ἔδωκε.
Τότε μὲν οὕτω τε καὶ ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας οἱ
ττῇ Xiph., om. LM. 2 Σεουῆρος Bk., σενῆρος LM. 3 ὑπατεύσοντα Nipperdey, ὑπατεύσαντα LM.
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under pressure of arms; but Caesar, in order that 2c. 43 he might appear not to have used any force upon them, did not enter the assembly,—as if it was his presence that any one feared instead of his power !
᾿ς Thus Caesar was chosen consul, and Quintus Pedius was given him as his colleague in office—if it is right to call him that and not his subordinate. And Caesar was extremely proud of the fact that he was to be consul at an earlier age than had ever been the lot of any one else, and furthermore that on the first day of the elections, when he entered the Campus Martius, he saw six vultures, and later, while haranguing the soldiers, twelve others. For, comparing it with Romulus and the omen that had befallen him, he expected to obtain that king’s sovereignty also. He. did not, however, boast of being consul for the second time, merely because of his having already been given the distinction of the consular honours: And his practice was afterwards observed in all similar cases down to our own day, the emperor Severus being the first to depart from it; for after honouring Plautianus with the consular ὦ honours and later making him a member of the senate and appointing him consul,-he proclaimed that Plautianus was entering upon the consulship for the second time, and from that time forth the same thing has been done in other instances. Now Caesar arranged affairs in general in the city to suit his taste, and gave money to the soldiers, to some what had been voted from the funds prescribed, and to the rest individually from his private resources, as he claimed, but in reality from the public funds.
In this way and for the reasons mentioned. the
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στρατιῶται TO ἀργύριον ἔλαβον" παρακούσαντες δέ τινες τοῦτο ἔδοξαν ἀεὶ πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς τοῖς πολιτικοῖς στρατοπέδοις, ὅσα ἂν ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἀφίκηται, τὰς δισχιλίας καὶ πεντα- κοσίας δραχμὰς ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι δίδοσθαι. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα καὶ οἱ μετὰ τοῦ Σεουήρου ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ ᾿Ιουλιανοῦ καθαιρέσει ἐς τὸ ἄστυ ἐλθόντες φο- βερώτατοι αὐτῷ τε ἐκείνῳ καὶ ἡμῖν ἐγένοντο ἀπαιτοῦντες αὐτάς: καί σφας, οὐδ᾽ εἰδότων τῶν ἄλλων ὅ τι ποτὲ ἠξίουν, ἐθεράπευσεν ὁ Σεουῆρος. πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις δραχμαῖς.
ὋὉ δ᾽ οὖν Καῖσαρ τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις τά τε χρήματα ἔδωκε καὶ χάριν καὶ πλείστην καὶ ἀληθεστάτην ἔγνω: ἄνευ yap τῆς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν φρουρᾶς οὐδὲ ἐς. τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσφοιτᾶν ἐτόλμα: τῇ δὲ δὴ γερουσίᾳ χάριν μέν που, πλαστῶς δὲ δὴ καὶ προσποιητῶς, ἔσχεν' ἃ yap βιασάμενός σφας εὕρητο, ταῦθ᾽ ὡς καὶ wap’ ἑκόντων αὐτῶν εἰληφὼς ἐν εὐεργεσίας μέρει δῆθεν ἐτίθετο. καὶ ἐκεῖνοι οὖν ἐπί τε τούτοις, ὡς καὶ ἐθελονταὶ αὐτὰ δεδωκότες, ἐσεμνύνοντο, καὶ προσ- έτι ὃν οὐδ᾽ ὕπατον ἑλέσθαι πρότερον ἠθελήκεσαν, τούτῳ Kal μετὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν πάντων τῶν ἀεὶ ὑπατευόντων, ὁσάκις ἂν ἐν στρατοπέδῳ ἢ, προ- τιμᾶσθαι ἔδοσαν" ᾧ τε δίκας ἐπάξειν ὅτι δυνάμεις καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μηδενὸς ψηφισαμένου συνέστησεν ἠπειλήκεσαν, τούτῳ καὶ ἑτέρας προσκαταλέξαι προσέταξαν: καὶ ἐφ᾽ οὗ τῇ τε ἀτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ καταλύσει τῷ Δεκίμῳ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον πολε- μῆσαι ἐκεκελεύκεσαν, τούτῳ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου στρα-
4 τόπεδα προσέθεσαν. καὶ τέλος τήν τε φυλακὴν
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soldiers received their money on that occasion. But sc. 43 some men have misunderstood the matter and have thought it .was compulsory that the ten thousand sesterces be given always to absolutely all the citizen legions that enter Rome under arms. For this reason the followers of Severus who had entered the city to overthrow Julianus' became most terrifying both to their leader himself and to us when they demanded this sum; and Severus won their favour with only a thousand sesterces apiece, the other leaders not even being aware of what it was the soldiers were demanding.
Now Caesar not only gave the soldiers the money but also expressed to them his most hearty and sincere thanks; indeed, he did not even venture to enter the senate-chamber without. a guard of them. To the senate he showed gratitude, but it was all fictitious and assumed; for he was accepting as if it were a favour received from their willing hands what he had attained by applying force to them. And so they plumed themselves on their behaviour, as if they had given him these privileges voluntarily ; and, moreover, they granted to him, whom previously they had not even wished to elect to the consulship, the right, after his term should expire, of taking precedence, as often as he should be in camp, over any consul for the time being. To him on whom they had threatened to inflict penalties, because he had gathered forces on his own account without anyone’s voting for it, they assigned the duty of collecting other forces; and to the man for whose disgrace and overthrow they had ordered Decimus to fight against Antony they added the legions of Decimus. And,
1 In A.D, 193, that is, in Dio’s own lifetime.
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τῆς πόλεως, ὥστε πάνθ᾽ ὅσα βούλοιτο καὶ ἐκ τῶν νόμων ποιεῖν ἔχειν, παρέλαβε, καὶ ἐς τὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος γένος κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ἐσεποιήθη, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν μετέθετο. ὠνόμαζε μὲν γὰρ καὶ πρότερον αὐτὸς ἑαυτόν, ὥς γέ τισι δοκεῖ, Καίσαρα, ἐξ οὗ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῷ τοῦτο μετὰ τοῦ κλήρου κατελείφθη: οὐ μέντοι οὔτ᾽ ἀκριβῆ τὴν προσηγορίαν οὔτε ἐπὶ “πάντας εἶχε, πρὶν δὴ καὶ ἐκ τῶν “πατρίων αὐτὴν τότε ἐβεβαιώσατο, καὶ οὕτως ἐξ ἐκείνου "Γάιος ᾿Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ ᾿Οκταουιανὸς ἐπεκλήθη" νενόμισται γάρ, ἄν τις ἐσποιηθῇ, τὴν μὲν ἄλλην αὐτὸν πρόσρησιν ἀπὸ τοῦ ποιησαμένου λαμβάνειν, ἕν δέ τι τῶν προτέρων ὁ ὀνομάτων σχη- patio Bev TWS τηρεῖν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἔχει: eyo δὲ οὐκ ᾿Οκταουιανὸν ἀλλὰ Καίσαρα αὐτόν, ὅτι πᾶσι τοῖς τὸ τῶν «Ῥωμαίων κράτος NapBa- νουσιν ἡ προσηγορία αὕτη ἐκνενίκηκεν, ὀνομάσω. προσεκτήσατο μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἑτέραν τὴν τοῦ Αὐγούστου, καὶ αὐτὴν διὰ τοῦτο καὶ οἱ “ἔπειτα αὐτοκράτορες τίθενται" ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνη μὲν ὅταν ἐς τὴν συγγραφὴν ἔλθῃ λελέξεται, μέχρι δὲ δὴ τότε ἀρκούντως ἡ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπίκλησις τὴν τοῦ ᾿Οκταουιανοῦ δήλωσιν ἀποπληρώσει.
Οὗτος οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα τούς τε στρατιώτας φκειώσατο καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἐδουλώ- σατο, πρός τε τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τιμωρίαν ἐτράπετο, καὶ φοβηθεὶς μή πῃ τὸν ὅμιλον διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκτα- ράξῃ, οὐ πρότερον τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην ἐξέφηνε πρὶν τὴν ἀπόδοσιν τῶν καταλειφθέντων σφίσι ποιήσασθαι. ὡς δὲ καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τοῖς χρήμασι, καίπερ ἔκ τε τῶν κοινῶν οὖσι καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ
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finally, he obtained the guardianship of the city, SO 2.0.43
that he was able to do everything he wished in ac- cordance with the laws, and he was adopted into Caesar’s family in the regular way and changed his name in consequence. To be sure, even before this he had been accustomed, as some believe, to call himself Caesar, from the time thisname had been bequeathed to him along with the inheritance, but he did not use this appellation with any strictness or in his dealings with everybody until at this time he got it confirmed in accordance with established custom, and was thus named, after his adoptive father, Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, For it is the custom for a person, when he is adopted, to take most of his name from his adopter but to keep one of his previous names somewhat altered in form. This is the way of the matter, but I shall call him, not Octavianus, but Caesar, inasmuch as the latter name has prevailed among all who have held sway over the Romans. For although he acquired another name also,—that of Augustus,—and the emperors who succeeded him consequently. assumed it also, that one will be described when it comes up in the history, and until then the title Caesar will be sufficient to show that Octavianus is indicated.
This Caesar, then, as soon as he had ἀδδεβίλεεά ; the soldiers and dominated the senate, turned him- self to avenging his father’s murder; but as he was afraid of stirring up the populace more or less in earrying out this plan, he did not make known his intention until he had seen to the payment of the bequests made to them. But when they had been won over by means of the money, although it — belonged to the public funds and had been collected
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πολέμου προφάσει συναχθεῖσι, κατελήφθησαν, ok \ \ / a \ oe \ οὕτω δὴ τοὺς σφαγέας μετῆλθε. καὶ ἵνα ye μὴ ld > 3 > / \ “a > \ Ud ’ βιαίως ἀλλ᾽ ἐν δίκῃ τινὶ ποιεῖν αὐτὸ δόξῃ, νόμον na , a τέ τινα περὶ τῆς κρίσεως αὐτῶν ἐσήνεγκε Kal δικαστήρια καὶ ἀποῦσί σφισιν ἐκάθισεν. οἵ τε a 7 γὰρ πλείους αὐτῶν ἀπεδήμουν, καί τινες καὶ ἡγεμονίας. ἐθνῶν εἶχον: καὶ οἱ παρόντες οὔτ᾽ : \ κ᾿ ἀπήντησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους, καὶ προσέτι καὶ δια- ’ λαθόντες ἐξεχώρησαν. ἐρήμην οὖν οὐχ ὅπως οἵ nr , Te αὐτόχειρες τοῦ Καίσαρος γενόμενοι καὶ οἱ συνομόσαντές σφισιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλοι πολλοί, > {τ \ > ΄ nA , > > οὐχ ὅτι μὴ ἐπιβουλεύσαντες τῷ Καίσαρι ἀλλ οὐδὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε γε ὄντες, ἥλωσαν. τοῦτο Ν ΒΝ \ / Ν 4 / δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν Πομπήιον τὸν Σέξτον μάλιστα Kate- σκευάσθη" καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἥκιστα τῆς ἐπιθέσεως μετασχὼν ὅμως κατὰ τὸ πολέμιον αὐτοῦ κατε- , ψηφίσθη. καὶ αὐτοί τε πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος εἴρ- χθησαν, καὶ αἱ οὐσίαι αὐτῶν ἐδημεύθησαν" τά τε ἔθνη, οὐκ ἐκεῖνα μόνον ὧν τινες αὐτῶν ἦρχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα τοῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος φίλοις ἐπετράπη. > 4 i “Ὁ ς 7 \ ε ᾽ e Εν τούτοις δὲ τοῖς ὑπαιτίοις καὶ ὁ Κάσκας ὁ 4 ς Πούπλιος ὁ Σερουίλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἐγένετο: καὶ > \ ee / \ / ig n ἐπειδὴ προῦποτοπήσας τὸν Καίσαρα ὑπεξῆλθε πρὶν καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸν ἐσελθεῖν, τῆς τε ἀρχῆς ὡς καὶ παρὰ τὰ πάτρια ἀποδημήσας ἐπαύθη, τοῦ πλήθους ὑπὸ Πουπλίου Τιτίου συνάρχοντος αὐτῷ ἀθροισθέντος, καὶ οὕτως ἑάλω. ἐπειδή τε ὁ Titvos οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐβεβαιώθη TO ἀπὸ τοῦ
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on the pretext of the war, then at length he began 5.0. 48 to follow up the murderers. And in order that he might not appear to be doing this by force but in accordance with some principle of justice, he pro- posed a law about their trial and convened the courts even in their absence. For the majority of the assassins were abroad and some were even holding commands over provinces; and those who were pres- ent not only failed to appear, by reason of their fear, but also secretly left the country. Consequently not only those who had been the actual murderers of Caesar, and their fellow-conspirators, were convicted by default, but many others also who, so far from having plotted against Caesar, had not even been in the city at the time. This action was concocted chiefly against Sextus Pompey; for although he had had no share whatever in the attack, he was never- theless condemned because he had been an enemy. Those adjudged guilty were debarred from fire and water and their property confiscated. The provinces, not only those which some of them were governing, but all the others as well, were entrusted to the friends of Caesar.
Among the accused was also Publius Servilius Casca, the tribune. He had already suspected Caesar’s purpose in advance and had quietly slipped away, even before Caesar entered the city. - For this he was removed from his office, on the charge of having left the city contrary to precedent, the popu- lace being convened for the purpose by his colleague, Publius Titius, and thus he was condemned. When Titius died not long afterward, confirmation was found of a tradition that had remained unbroken
99
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ἀρχαίου τετηρημένον' οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐς ἐκεῖνο τοῦ χρόνου συνάρχοντά τινα καταλύσας ἀπηνιαύ- τισεν, ἀχλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὁ Βροῦτος ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Κολλατίνου καταπαύσει ἐπαπέθανε, τοῦτο δὲ ὁ Γράκχος ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ ᾿Οκταουίου καταλύσει ἀπε- σφάγη, ὅ τε Κίννας ὁ τόν τε Μάρυλλον καὶ τὸν @Prdovioy ἀπαλλάξας οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἀπεφθάρη. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω τετήρηται, τῶν δὲ δὴ τοῦ Καίσαρος φονέων συχνοὶ μὲν ἐς τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ χάριν, συχνοὶ δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄθλων 5 προσαναπειθόμενοι κατηγόρουν: χρήματά τε γὰρ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἁλόντος οὐσίας καὶ τὴν τιμὴν τήν τε ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐκείνου, εἴ τινα ἄρα ἔχων ἦν, τό TE
᾿μηκέτι μήτ᾽ αὐτὸν μήτε τοὺς υἱεῖς τούς τε ἐγ:
γόνους αὐτοῦ στρατεύεσθαι ἐλάμβανον. τῶν γε μὴν δικασάντων σφίσιν οἱ μὲν πλείους τῇ τε χάριτι καὶ τῷ δέει τῷ τοῦ Καίσαρος κατεψη- φίξοντο αὐτῶν, ἐνδεικνύμενοί πῃ ὡς καὶ δικαίως αὐτὸ ποιοῦντες" εἰσὶ δὲ of τὴν ψῆφον οἱ μὲν τῷ νόμῳ τῷ περὶ τῆς τιμωρίας σφῶν γεγραμμένῳ, οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις τοῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔδοσαν. καί τις Σιλίκιος ἹΚορωνᾶς βουλευτὴς ἄντικρυς τὸν Βροῦτον τὸν Μᾶρκον ἀπέλυσε. καὶ τότε μὲν αὐτός τε ἐπὶ τούτῳ μέγα ηὔχει. καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπαίνους κρύφα ἐλάμβανε, τῷ τε Καίσαρι, ὅτι
“ἃ 2AA > 7 , > , , μὴ εὐθὺς ἀπέθανε, δόξαν ἐπιεικείας παρέσχεν,
ὕστερον δὲ ἐκ προγραφῆς ἐθανατώθη.
Ταῦτ᾽ οὖν πράξας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπί τε τὸν Λέπιδον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον δῆθεν ἐστράτευσεν. ὁ γὰ ᾿Αντώνιος, ὡς τότε ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἔφυγε καὶ αὐτὸν
1 ἀπηνιαύτισεν ΒΚ., ἀπενιαύτισεν LM.
2 ἄθλων Bk., ἄλλων LM. 100
we
ar
BOOK XLVI |
from of old; for no one up to that time who had 1c. 43
expelled a colleague had lived the year out. In the first place, Brutus..died after removing Collatinus from office, then Gracchus was murdered after de- posing Octavius, and Cinna, who put Marullus and Flavius out of the way, perished not long afterward. Thus has-the tradition been observed. Now the murderers. of Caesar had many accusers who were anxious to ingratiate themselves with his son, and many who were persuaded to act thus by the rewards offered. For they received money from the estate of the convicted man and the latter’s honours and office, if he had any, and exemption from further service in the army both for themselves and for their sons and grandsons. And as for the jurors, the majority voted against the accused, indicating in one way or another that they were justified in doing this, both in order to win Caesar’s favour and through fear of him; but there were some who cast their votes out of respect for the law enacted.in re- gard to the punishment of the culprits, and others out of respect for the arms of Caesar. And one Silicius Corona, a senator, voted outright to acquit Marcus Brutus. He made a great boast of this at the time and secretly received approval from the others; and the fact that he was not immediately put to death gained for Caesar a reputation for clemency, but Silicius was afterwards proscribed and executed.
After accomplishing all this Caesar made a pretence of making a campaign against Lepidus and Antony. Antony, it seems, on fleeing from the battle previously
ΙΟΙ
δὶ
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
οὔθ᾽ ὁ Καῖσαρ, διὰ τὸ τῷ Δεκίμῳ τὸν πόλεμον ὀγχειῥισθῆναν; οὔτε ἐκεῖνος, διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι τὸν ἀντίπαλον τῷ Καίσαρι ὑπεξαιρεθῆναι, ἐπε- δίωξε, συνελέξατο ὅσους ἠδυνήθη τῶν ἐκ τῆς μάχης περισωθέντων, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λέπιδον ἀφίκετο παρασκευασάμενον μὲν ὡς καὶ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα στρατεύσοντα, προσ- ταχθέντα δὲ αὖθις κατὰ χώραν μεῖναι. οἱ γὰρ βουλευταὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐπύθοντο τὸν Σιλανὸν τὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου πράξαντα, ἐφοβήθησαν τόν τε Λέπιδον καὶ τὸν Πλάγκον τὸν ὦ Λούκιον, μὴ καὶ ἐκεῖνοι αὐτῷ συνάρωνται, καὶ πέμψαντες “πρὸς αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἔτι δεῖσθαί σφων ἔφασαν. ἵνα τε μηδὲν ὑποτοπήσωσι κἀκ τούτου τι κακουργήσωσιν, ἐκέλευσαν αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἐκ Οὐιέννης “τῆς Ναρβω- νησίας ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αλλοβρίγων ποτὲ ἐκπεσόντας καὶ ἐς. τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ ge “Ῥοδανοῦ καὶ τοῦ Apapu- δος, ἡ συμμίγνυνται ὃ ἀλλήλοις, ἱδρυθέντας συν- οἰκίσαι. καὶ οὕτως ἐκεῖνοι ὑπομείναντες τὸ Λουγούδουνον μὲν ὀνομασθὲν νῦν δὲ “Λούγδουνον καλούμενον ἔκτισαν, οὐχ ὅτι οὐ καὶ ἐς, τὴν Ἴτα- λίαν σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἠδυνήθησαν ἂν ἐλθεῖν," εἴπερ ἠθελήκεσαν (ἀσθενέστατα γὰρ ἤδη τὰ ψηφίσματα πρὸς τοὺς τὰς δυνάμεις ἔχοντας ἤγετο), ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τὴν ἔκβασιν τοῦ ᾿Αντωνιείου πολέμου περισκοποῦντες τῇ τε βουλῇ πεπει- θαρχηκέναι δόξαι καὶ τὰ σφέτερα ἅμα κρατύνα- σθαι ἐβούλοντο. ἀμέλει τόν τε Σιλανὸν ὁ ὁ Λέπι- δος ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου συμμαχίᾳ διεμέμψατο,
1 τὸν Xyl. E καὶ τὸν LM.
᾿ς ἐκεῖνοι αὐτῷ συνάρωνται Oddey, ἐκεῖνος αὐτῶι συναίρηται LM. 8 συμμίγνυνται R. Steph., συμμίγνυται LM, 4 ἂν ἐλθεῖν Leuncl., dren Oeiy LM.
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described, had not been pursued by Caesar because 5.0. 43 the war against him had been entrusted to Decimus ; and Decimus had not pursued him because he did not wish Caesar’s rival to be removed from the field. Hence Antony collected as many as he could of the survivors of the battle and came to Lepidus, who had also made preparations to march into Italy in ac- cordance with the decree, but had afterwards been ordered to remain where he was. For the senators, when they ascertained that Silanus had embraced Antony's cause, were afraid that Lepidus and Lucius Plancus might also coéperate with him, and so they sent a message to them saying they had no further need of them. And to prevent their suspecting any- thing and consequently causing trouble, they ordered them to establish in a colony in Gallia Narbonensis the men who had once been driven by the Allobroges out of Vienna and afterwards established between the Rhone and the Arar, at their confluence. There- fore they submitted, and founded the town called Lugudunum, now known as Lugdunum,—not because they could not have entered Italy with their arms, had they wished, for the senate’s decrees by this time exerted a very weak influence upon such as had troops, but because, while awaiting the outcome of the war Antony was conducting, they wished to appear to have yielded obedience to the senate and at the same time to strengthen their own position. In any case, Lepidus censured Silanus severely for making an alliance with Antony, and ‘when Antony himself
103
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Kal αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ ἐλθόντι οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐς λόγους ἀφί- κετο, ἀχλὰ καὶ τῇ γερουσίᾳ προσκατηγορῶν av- τοῦ ἐπέστειλεν, ὥστε καὶ ἐπαίνους ἐκ τούτου καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν “πολέμου λαβεῖν. τὸν μὲν δὴ ἄλλον “χρόνον διὰ ταῦτα οὔτε προσίετο τὸν ᾿Αντώνιον οὔτε ἀπέωθεῖτο, ἀλλὰ περιεώρα μὲν ἐγγὺς ὄντα καὶ τοῖς συστρατευομένοις οἱ προσομιλοῦντα, οὐ μέντοι καὶ ἐς, λόγους αὐτῷ ἤει" ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὴν ὁμολογίαν αὐτοῦ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπύθετο, τότε καὶ αὐτὸς ἀμφοτέροις σφίσι συνηνέχθη. μαθὼν δὲ τὸ γιγνόμενον Μᾶρ- KOS ᾿Ιουουέντιος * ὑποστράτηγος. αὐτοῦ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἀποτρέπειν αὐτὸν ἐπειρᾶτο, ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπεισεν, αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὁρώντων κἀτεχρήσατο. καὶ ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐπαίνους τε ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ἀνδριάντα τήν τε ταφὴν τὴν δημοσίαν ἐψηφίσατο, τὸν δὲ δὴ Λέπιδον τήν. τε εἰκόνα τὴν ἐν τῷ βήματι ἱδρυμένην ἀφείλοντο. καὶ πολέμιον ἐποιήσαντο' καί τινα καὶ ἡμέραν. τοῖς συνοῦσιν αὐτῷ προέθεντο," πόλεμόν σφισιν ἀπει- λήσαντες ἂν μὴ ἐντὸς ἐκείνης ἐγκαταλείπωσιν αὐτόν. πρὸς δ ἔτι τήν τε ἐσθῆτα αὖθις μετέ- βαλον (ἐπὶ γὰρ τῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπατείᾳ τὴν ἀστικὴν ὃ ἀνειχήφεσαν) καὶ τὸν “Βροῦτον τὸν Μᾶρκον τόν τε Κάσσιον καὶ τὸν Σέξτον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς μετεπέμλαντο' ἐπειδή τε ἐκεῖνοι χρονιεῖν ἐδόκουν, τῷ Καίσαρι, ἀγνοίᾳ τῆς συνωμοσίας αὐτῶν, τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν. καὶ ὃς τῷ μὲν λόγῳ ὑπεδέξατὸ αὐτόν, καίτοι τοὺς στρατιώτας
1 ᾿Ιουουέντιος (Ἰουβέντιος) Xyl., οὐιβέντιος LM. 2 προέθεντο Leuncl., προσέθεντο 8 ἀστικὴν Fabricius, ἀσκητικὴν LM.
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came, did not ΠΟ] ἃ conference with him immediately, .c. 43 but sent a despatch to the senate containing further accusations against him, in consequence of which he received not only praise but also the command of the war against him. Hence for the time being he neither received Antony nor repelled him, but allowed him to be near and to associate with his followers, though he did not hold a conference with him; but when he learned of Antony’s agreement with Caesar, he then came to terms with both of them himself. Marcus Juventius,! his lieutenant, learned what was being done and at first tried to alter his purpose; then, when he did not succeed in persuading him, he made away with himself in the sight of the soldiers. For this the senate voted eulo- gies and a statue to Juventius and a public funeral, but they deprived Lepidus of his statue which stood upon the rostra and declared him an enemy. They also set a certain day for his comrades and threatened them with war if they did not abandon him before that day. Furthermore, they changed their garb again — for they had _ resumed citizen’s: apparel in honour of Caesar’s consulship—and summoned Marcus Brutus, Cassius, and Sextus to proceed against them.. But when these men seemed likely to be too — slow in responding, they entrusted the war to Caesar, being unaware of his league with Antony and Lepidus. Caesar nominally accepted the charge, in spite of having caused his soldiers to shout out the promise
1M. Juventius Laterensis.
105
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συμβοῆσαι ποιήσας ἅπερ εἴρηται, ἔργον δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐχόμενον αὐτοῦ ἔπραξεν, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ yeeros NOYNTO TO TE ᾿Αντωνίῳ καὶ δι’ ἐκείνου καὶ τῷ" Λεπίδῳ (βραχὺ γάρ τί τούτου ἐφρόντιζεν), ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἰσχυρούς τε αὐτοὺς ἑώρα ὄντας καὶ συμ- φρονοῦντας ὑπὸ τῆς συγγενείας ἢσθάνετο, καὶ οὔτε βιάσασθαί σφας ἐδύνατο, καὶ ἐπήλπισε τόν τε Κάσσιον καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον μέγα ἤδη δυναμένους δι᾽ αὐτῶν κατεργάσεσθαι," καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκείνους δι᾽ ἀλλήλων χειρώσεσθαι. διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα καὶ ἄκων τὰς συνθήκας πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐφύ- λαξε, καί σφισι καὶ καταλλαγὰς πρός τε τὴν βουλὴν καὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐπρυτάνευσεν, οὐκ αὐτὸς ἐσηγησάμενος, ἵνα μὴ καὶ ὑποπτευθείη τί τῶν γεγονότων, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐξεστράτευσεν ὡς καὶ
πολεμήσων αὐτοῖς, ὁ δὲ δὴ Κύιντος τήν τε ἄδειαν καὶ τὴν κάθοδόν σφισιν, ὡς καὶ ἀφ᾽ ? ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης, δοθῆναι συνεβούλευσεν. οὐ μέντοι καὶ ἔλαβον αὐτὴν πρὶν τῷ τε Καίσαρι τὴν γερουσίαν ὡς καὶ ἀγνοοῦντι τὸ γιγνόμενον κοινώσασθαι, καὶ ἐκεῖνον ἄκοντα δῆθεν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀναγκα- σθῆναι συγκαταθέσθαι.
Ἔν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράττετο, ὁ “Δέκεμος τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὡς καὶ πολεμήσων αὐτοῖς ὥρμησεν, καὶ τὸν γέ Πλάγκον τὸν Λούκιον, ἐπειδὴ καὶ συνύ- πατός οἱ ἐς τὸ ἐπιὸν ἔτος προαπεδέδεικτο, προσ- ηταιρίσατο" “μαθὼν δὲ δὴ τήν τε ἑαυτοῦ κατα- ψήφισιν καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων συναλλαγὴν ἠθέλησε μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα ἐπιστρατεῦσαι, ἐγκατα-
1 καὶ τῷ Leuncl., κἂν τῶι LM. x cuca reeds R. Steph., κατεργάσασθαι LM. 3 ἀφ᾽ R. Steph., ἐφ᾽ LM.
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already mentioned ;1 but actually he did nothing to sc. 43
follow up his acceptance. This was not because he had made common. cause with Antony and through him with Lepidus,—little did he care for that,—but because he saw that they were powerful and knew that their harmony was due to their kinship; and not only could he not use force with them, but he even cherished hopes of bringing about through them the downfall of Cassius and Brutus, who were already very influential, and later of mastering them also by playing one against the other. Ac- cordingly, though reluctantly, he kept his covenant with them and even effected a reconciliation between them and the senate and people. He di: not himself propose the matter, lest some suspicion should arise of what had taken place, but he set out as if to make war on them, while Quintus urged, as if on his own motion, that amnesty and restoration should be granted to them. They did not secure this, however, until the senate had com- municated the matter to Caesar, who was supposed to be in ignorance of what was going on, and he had agreed to it reluctantly, as he alleged, under compulsion from his soldiers.
While all this was going on, Decimus at first set forth with the intention of making war upon the two, and associated with himself Lucius Plancus, since the latter had been appointed in advance as his colleague for the following year. Learning, however, of his own condemnation and of their reconciliation, he wished to make a campaign against Caesar, but
1 A reference to the latter half of chap. 42, where Caesar binds his soldiers by oath never to fight against any of their former comrades.
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λειφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Τοῦ Πλχάγκου τά τε τοῦ Λεπίδου καὶ τὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου φρονήσαντος, τήν TE Γαλα- τίαν ἐκλιπεῖν καὶ ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίαν πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον πεζῇ δι᾽ Ἰλλυριῶν ἐπειχθῆναι ἔγνω, καί τινᾶς στρατιώτας, ἐν ᾧ δὴ τὰ ἐν χερσὶ καθί- στᾶτο,, προέπεμψεν. ὡς δὲ. ἐκεῖνοί TE τὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀνθείλοντο, καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς ὅ τε Λέπιδος καὶ ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος ἐπιδιώξαντες. δι᾿ ἑτέρων προσέθεντο, συνελήφθη τε μονωθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐχθροῦ τινος, καὶ μέλλων ,“σφαγήσεσθαι ἐδεινοπάθει καὶ ὠδύρετο, μέχρις οὗ “Ἑλουιός τις Βλασίων, εὐνοϊκῶς οἱ ἐκ συστρατείας ἔχων, ἑαυτὸν ἑκὼν. ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ προαπέκτεινε.
Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτως ἐπαπέθανεν, ὁ δὲ δὴ ᾽Αν- τώνιος ὅ τε Λέπιδος ἐ ἐν μὲν τῇ Γαλατίᾳ ὑποστρα- τήγους κατέλιπον, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα ὥρμησαν, τό τὲ πλεῖστον καὶ τὸ κράτιστον τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐπαγόμενοι. οὔτε γὰρ ἀκριβῶς πω ἐπίστευον αὐτῷ, οὔτε εὐεργεσίαν τινὰ ὀφείλειν ἤθελον, ὡς καὶ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς τήν τε σφε" τέραν ἰσχύν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δι᾽ ἐκεῖνον καὶ τῆς ἀδείας καὶ τῆς καθόδου | τετυχηκότες" καὶ προσέτι καὶ ἤλπι- ζον πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐβούλοντο καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἄστει τῇ τῶν στρατο- πέδων σφῶν περιουσίᾳ ἐξεργάσεσθαι. τοιαύτῃ μὲν οὖν γνώμῃ ὡς καὶ διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας ἤεσαν: ἐκακουργεῖτο δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῆς τε θρασύτητος αὐτῶν οὐδενὸς πολέμου βραχύτερα. καὶ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ μετὰ πολλῶν στρατιω- τῶν ἀπήντησε περὶ Βονωνίαν, μάλα εὖ παρε- σκευασμένος ἀμύνασθαί σφας ἄν τι βίαιον πάσχῃ.
l καθίστατο H. Steph., καθίσταντο LM. 108
a a τατον ῳσπησαααιμμῃ
BOOK XLVI
was abandoned by Plancus, who favoured the cause ».ο. 48
of Lepidus and Antony. ‘Then he decided to leave Gaul and hasten by land through Illyricum. into Macedonia to Brutus,! and he sent ahead some of the soldiers while he was engaged in finishing the business he had in hand. But they embraced Caesar's cause, and the rest were pursued by Lepidus and Antony and afterwards were won over through the agency of others ; thus Decimus, being deserted, was seized by a personal foe. When he was about to be murdered, he fell to complaining and lamenting, until one Helvius Blasio, who was kindly disposed to him from their association in campaigns, voluntarily slew himself first in his sight.
So Decimus died also. Antony and Lepidus left lieutenants in Gaul and themselves proceeded to join Caesar in Italy, taking with them the larger and better part of the army. For they did not yet trust him thoroughly and wished not to owe him any favour, but to seem to have obtained pardon and restoration by their own efforts and strength, rather than through him. They also hoped that, owing to the superiority of their legions, both Caesar and the rest in the city would do whatever they, Antony and Lepidus, wished. So with such a purpose they marched through Italy, as if through a friendly country ; still, it was harried, owing to their numbers and audacity, as much as in any war. They were met near Bononia by Caesar with many soldiers ; for he was exceedingly well prepared to defend himself against them, if they should offer any violence. Yet
1 ὦ, 6. Marcus Brutus. It will have been observed that Dio regularly calls Decimus Brutus by his first name only.
109
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ov μέντοι καὶ ἐδεήθη τότε TOV ὅπλων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς οὐδέν" ἐμίσουν μὲν γὰρ δεινῶς ἀλλήλους, τῷ δὲ δὴ. τάς τε δυνάμεις ἀντιπάλους πως ἔχειν, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐχθροὺς προτιμωρήσασθαι" δι᾽ ἀλλή- λων βούλεσθαι, προσποιητὸν ὁμολογίαν ἐποιήσαν- TO. συνῆλθον δὲ ἐς τοὺς ,λόγους οὐ μόνοι, ἀλλὰ στρατιώτας ἰσαρίθμους ἔχοντες, ἐν νησιδίῳ τινὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ παρὰ τὴν Βονωνίαν παραρρέον- τος, ὥστε μηδένα. ἄλλον μηδετέροις προσγενέσθαι" καὶ οὕτω πολὺ ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων σφίσιν ἀπο- στάντες ἀλλήλους τε διηρεύνησαν, μὴ καὶ ὶ ξιφίδιόν τις ὑπὸ μάλης ἔχοι, καὶ “διαλεξάμενοί τινα ἡσυχῇ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐπί τε τῇ δυναστείᾳ καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἐ θρῶν συνώμοσαν, ἵνα δὲ δὴ μὴ καὶ "τῆς oduyap- xvas ἄντικρυς ἐφίεσθαι. δόξωσι, καί τις αὐτοῖς φθόνος κἀκ τούτου καὶ ἐναντίωσις παρὰ τῶν ἄχλων γένηται, τάδε διωμολογήσαντο" κοινῇ μὲν τοὺς τρεῖς πρός τε διοίκησιν καὶ πρὸς κατάστασιν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπιμελητάς τέ τινας καὶ διορθω- τάς, καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐς ἀεὶ δῆθεν ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ἔτη πέντε, αἱρεθῆναι, ὥστε τά τε ἄχλα πάντα, κἂν μηδὲν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν μήτε τῷ δήμῳ μήτε τῇ βουλῇ κοινώ- σωσι, διοικεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τάς τε ἄλλας τιμὰς οἷς ἂν ἐθελήσωσι διδόναι, ἰδίᾳ δὲ δή, ὅπως μὴ καὶ πᾶσαν “τὴν ἀρχὴν σφετερίζεσθαι νομισθῶσι, Καίσαρι μὲν τήν τε Λιβύην. ἑκατέραν καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν, Λεπίδῳ δὲ τήν τε Ἰβηρίαν πᾶσαν καὶ τὴν Ταλατίαν τὴν Ναρβωνησίαν,δ ᾿Αντωνίῳ δὲ τὴν λοιπὴν Ταλατίαν, τήν τε ἐντὸς τῶν
1 προτιμωρήσασθαι R. Steph., προστιμωρήσασθαι LM, 2 τὴν R. Steph., καὶ τὴν LM. 5 Ναρβωνησίαν R. Steph., ταρβωνησίαν LM.
IIo
~ - 298 To a
BOOK XLVI
at this time he found no need of arms to oppose 5.σ. 43
them. For although they hated one another bit- terly, yet since they had forces about equal and desired. to have one another's assistance in. taking vengeance on their other enemies first, they reached a pretended agreement. And the three men came together for the conference, not alone, but each with an equal number of soldiers, on a little island in the river that flows past Bononia, so that no one else might be present on the side of any of them. And so they withdrew to a distance from their several escorts and searched one another carefully, to make sure that no one had a dagger concealed. ‘Then they con- sidered various matters at leisure and, in brief, made a solemn compact for the purpose of securing the sovereignty and overthrowing their enemies; but in order not to appear to be aiming directly at an oligarchy and thus to arouse envy and consequent opposition on the part of the others, they came to the following agreement. In common, the three were to be chosen as commissioners and correctors of a sort, for the administration and settlement of affairs, and that not as permanent officials, they pretended, but for five years, with the understanding that they should manage all public business, whether or not they made any communication about it to the people and the senate, and should give the offices and other honours to whomsoever they pleased. Individually, however, in order that they should not be thought to be appropriating the entire government, they arranged that both Africas, Sardinia, and Sicily should be given to Caesar to rule, all of Spain and Gallia Narbonensis to Lepidus, and the rest of Gaul,
111
56
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
"Arrewv καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτὰς οὗσαν, ἄρχειν
δοθῆναι. ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐκείνη μὲν τογῶτα; ὥσπεῤ εἶπον, ὅτε τε εἰρηνικωτέρα παρὰ τὰς ἄλλας ἐδόκει εἶναι καὶ ὅτι καὶ τῇ ἐσθῆτι τῇ Ῥωμαϊκῇ τῇ ἀστικῇ ἐχρῶντο ἤδη, αὕτη 2 δὲ δὴ κομᾶτα,3 ὅτι οἱ Ραλάται οἱ ταύτῃ ἐς κόμην τὸ πλεῖστον τὰς τρίχας ἀνιέντες ἐπίσημοι κατὰ τοῦτο παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἦσαν. ταῦτά τε οὖν οὕτω διέλαχον, ἵ (va αὐτοί τε τὰ ἰσχυρότατα λάβωσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις δόξαν τοῦ μὴ καὶ τῶν πάντων ὀριγνᾶσθαι παρά- σχωσι, καὶ προσσυνέθεντο τῶν τε ἐχθρῶν σφῶν σφαγὰς ποιήσασθαι, καὶ Λέπιδον μὲν ἐς τὴν τοῦ Δεκίμου χώραν ὕπατον ᾿ἀποδειχθέντα τήν τε Ῥώμην καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχειν, ἐκείνους δὲ ἐπί τε τὸν Βροῦτον καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Κάσσιον στρατεύσασθαι. καὶ αὐτὰ καὶ ὅρ- κοῖς ἐπιστώσαντο. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο τοὺς στρα- τιώτας, ὅπως καὶ ἐπήκοοι δῆθεν καὶ μάρτυρες τῶν ὡμολογημένων σφίσι γένωνται, συγκαλέ- σαντες ἐδημηγόρησαν ὅσα καὶ εὐπρεπὲς καὶ ἀσφαλὲς ἣν αὐτοῖς εἰπεῖν. κἀν τούτῳ οἱ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου στρατιῶται τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν τῆς Φουλουίας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, ἣν ἐκ τοῦ Κλῳδίου εἶχε, τῷ Καίσαρι καίτοι ἑτέραν ἠγγυημένῳ * προ- εξένησαν, τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου δῆλον ὅτι τοῦτο κατα- σκευάσαντος. καὶ ὃς οὐκ ἀπηρνήσατο' οὐδὲ, γὰρ ἐμποδισθήσεσθαί τι ἐκ τῆς ἐπιγαμίας πρὸς ἃ
ἷ τογᾶτα ΒΚ., τόγατα LM,
2 αὕτη Leuncl., αὐτὴ LM.
8 κομᾶτα Bk., κόματα LM.
4 ἢγγυημένῳ Dind., ἐγγεγυημένωι LM,
112
~ BOOK XLVI
both» south and north of the Alps, to Antony. The asc. 43
former’ was called Gallia Togata, as 1 have stated,} because it seemed to be more peaceful than the other divisions of Gaul, and because the inhabitants already employed the Roman citizen-garb;.the other was termed Gallia Comata because the Gauls there for the most part let their hair grow long, and were in this way distinguished from the others. So they made these allotments, for the purpose of securing the strongest provinces themselves and giving others the impression that they were not striving for the whole. It was further agreed that they should bring about the murder of their personal enemies, that Lepidus after being appointed consul in Decimus’ stead should keep guard over Rome and the remainder of Italy, and that the others should make an expedition against Brutus and Cassius. And they confirmed these arrangements by oath. After this, in order that the soldiers might ostensibly be hearers and witnesses of the terms they had made, they called them together and harangued them, telling all that it was proper and safe to tell them. Meanwhile the soldiers of Antony, of course by his arrangement, recommended to Caesar the
daughter of Fulvia, Antony’s wife, whom she had by
Clodius,—and this in spite of Caesar's being already betrothed to another. He, however, did not refuse her, as he did not think this marriage would hinder
1 Evidently in a lost portion of the work.
113
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου πράξειν ἤμελλεν ἐνόμισε: τά TE γὰρ ἄλλα καὶ τὸν “πατέρα τὸν Καίσαρα οὐδέν τι ἧττον ἐκ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Πομπήιον συγγενείας πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἠθέλησε κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ πράξαντα ἠπί- στατο.
114
BOOK XLVI
him at all in the designs which he had against 5.0. 43 Antony. For, in addition to other considerations, he understood that his father Caesar had not failed to carry out all his plans against Pompey, in spite of
the kinship between them.
ΟἹ
BOOK XLVII
Τάδε ἕνεστιν ἐν τῇ Δίωνος Ῥωμαϊκῶν τετταρακοστῇ ἑβδόμῃ
a ‘Os Καῖσαρ καὶ ᾿Αντώνιος καὶ Λέπιδος ἐς Ῥώμην ἐλθόντες σφαγὰς εἰργάσαντο.
B. περὶ Βρούτου καὶ Κασσίου καὶ ὧν ἔπραξαν πρὸ τῆς πρὸς Φιλίπποις ῖ μάχης.
y. ‘Qs Βροῦτος καὶ Κάσσιος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἡττήθησαν καὶ ἀπέθανον.
Χρόνου πλῆθος τὰ λοιπὰ τῆς Γαΐου Οἰὐιβίου 5 Πάνσου καὶ Αὔλουν Ἱρτίου ὑπατείας, καὶ ἄλλο ἔτος ἕν, ἐν ᾧ ὃ ἄρχοντες οἱ ἀριθμού- μενοι οἵδε ἐγένοντο
Μ. Αἰμίλιος M. vi. Λέπιδος τὸ β΄ 3 A. Μουνάτιος 4 A. vi. Πλάγκος.
Ταῦτ᾽ οὗν συνθέμενοι καὶ συνομόσαντες, ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην, δόξῃ μὲν ὡς καὶ πάντες ἀπὸ τῆς ἴσης ἄρξοντες, γνώμῃ δὲ ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πᾶν τὸ κράτος “ἕξων, ἠπείγοντο, καΐπερ ἐναργέστατα μὲν καὶ πρότερον, σαφέστατα δὲ καὶ τότε τὸ μέλλον ἔσεσθαι προμαθόντες" τῷ μὲν γὰρ Λεπίδῳ ὄφις τέ τις ξίφει ἑ ἑκατοντάρχου περιπλακεὶς καὶ λύκος ἔς τε τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἐς τὴν σκηνὴν δειπνο- ποιουμένου αὐτοῦ ἐσελθὼν καὶ τὴν τράπεζαν καταβαλὼν τήν τε ἰσχὺν ἅμα καὶ τὴν δυσχέρειαν τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ προεσήμηνεν, τῷ δ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίῳ γάλα
1 Φιλίπποις Dind., φέλιππον LM.
2 Οὐιβίου Dind., ἰουβίου LM. 3 6 Reim., οἷς LM. 4 A. Μουνάτιος Xyl., Aw’ σνινάτιος LM.
ττό
ὌΨΥ υΝ ὺν ὧν
BOOK XLVII
~ The following is contained in the Forty-seventh of Dio’s Rome :—
How Caesar, dcilanen and Lepidus came to Rome and per- \petrated murders (chaps. 1-19).
About. Brutus and Cassius and what they did before the battle of Philippi (chaps. 20-36).
How Brutus and a acti were defeated by Caesar and
perished (chaps. 37-49).
Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Gaius Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius, together with one addi- tional year, in which there were the magistrates (consuls) here enumerated :—
ΟΝ Acniiliin’ Ma Jf. Lepidus (11); L,\Munatins LF,
. Plancus.
Arter forming this compact and taking oaths they hastened to Rome, giving the impression that they were all going to rule on equal terms, but each having the intention of getting the entire power himself, Yet they had learned in advance very clearly before this, and very plainly at this time also, what was going tohappen. For inthe case of Lepidus a serpent that coiled about a centurion’s sword and a wolf that entered his camp and his tent while he was eating dinner and knocked over the table foretold at once his future power and the trouble that was to follow it; in the case of Antony, the flowing of milk round about
117
B.C. 43
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
τε πέριξ περὶ To} τάφρευμα περιρρυὲν καὶ συνῳ- δία TLS νυκτὸς περιηχήσασα τάς τε θυμηδίας καὶ τὸν ὄλεθρον τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν προέδειξεν. ἐκείνοις μὲν οὖν ταῦτα πρὶν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἐλθεῖν ἐγένετο" τῷ δὲ δὴ Καίσαρι τότε εὐθὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς συνθήκαις ἀετὸς ὑπέρ τε τῆς σκηνῆς αὐτοῦ ἱδρυθείς, καὶ δύο κόρακας προσπεσόντας οἱ τίλλειν τε τῶν πτερῶν πειρωμένους ἀποκτείνας, τὴν νίκην κατ᾽ ἀμφο- τέρων αὐτῶν ἔδωκε.
Καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην, πρότερος μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἔ ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐκεῖνοι, χωρὶς ἑκάτερος, μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἁπάντων ἦλθον, καὶ παρα- χρῆμα τὰ δόξαντά σφισι διὰ τῶν δημάρχων ἐνομοθέτησαν. ἃ yap ἐπέταττον καὶ ἐβιάζοντο τό τε ὄνομα τὸ τοῦ “νόμου ἐλάμβανε καὶ προσέτι καὶ παράκλησιν αὐτοῖς ἔφερε: πάνυ γὰρ ἱκετευ- θῆναί σφας ἔδει ἵνα αὐτὰ ποιήσωσι. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ θυσίαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὡς καὶ ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχήμασί τισιν, ἐψηφίσθησαν, καὶ ἡ ἐσθὴς ὡς καὶ εὐδαι- μονούντων σφῶν ᾿μετεβλήθη, καίπερ πολλοῦ μὲν καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραττομένων, πολλῷ δὲ ἔτι πλείονος ἐκ τεράτων δέους αὐτοῖς ὄντος. τά τε γὰρ σημεῖα τοῦ στρατεύματος τοῦ τὴν πόλιν φυλάττοντος. ἀραχνίων ἀνεπλήσθη, καὶ ὅπλα ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνιόντα ὥφθη, κτύπος τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν πολὺς ἠκούσθη, καὶ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ασκλη- πιείῳ 3 μέλισσαι ἐς τὴν ἄκραν πολλαὶ συνε- στράφησαν, γῦπ ἔς τε ἐπί τε τοῦ νεὼ τοῦ Γενίου 8 τοῦ δήμου καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ" τῆς Ὁμονοίας παμπληθεῖς ἱδρύθησαν.
1 σὺ ΧΙρἢ., τ LM. 3 τῷ ᾿Ασκληπιείῳ Bs., τοῖς ἀσκληπείοις LM. 3 Teviov Xyl., γενείου LM. + τοῦ added by Rk.
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BOOK XLVII
the trenches and the resounding of a kind of chant 8.0. 48 at night foreshadowed the satisfactions that he was to experience and the destruction that was to grow out of them. These portents befell them before they entered Italy ; but in Caesar’s case it was at this very time, immediately after the covenant had been made, that an eagle settled upon his tent and killed two crows which had attacked it and were trying to pluck out its feathers—a sign which gave him the victory over both his rivals.
So they came to Rome with all their troops, first Caesar and then the others, each one separately, and immediately they enacted through the tribunes the laws they had agreed upon. For the measures which they dictated and forced through not only assumed the name of law, but actually had to be supported by petitions, since the triumvirs required to be besought earnestly to pass them. Hence sacrifices were voted in honour of them as if for successes and the people changed their attire as if they had been blessed by fortune, although great fear was upon them because of these very acts and still greater fear because of omens. For the standards of the army which was guarding the city became covered with cobwebs, pieces of armour were seen to rise up from the earth to the sky and a great clashing that came from them was heard; in the shrine of Aesculapius bees gathered in swarms on the ceiling, and crowds of vultures settled on the temple of the Genius Populi and on that of Concordia,
119
3
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
Καὶ αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα ἔτι ὡς εἰπεῖν ὄντων αἵ Te σφαγαὶ ἐκεῖναι αἷς ποτε ὁ Σύλλας ἐκ τῶν πρὸ- γραφῶν ἐκέχρητο ἐπανήχθησαν,Σ καὶ ἡ πόλις ἅπασα νεκρῶν ἐπληρώθη: πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἔν τε ταῖς ἀγοραῖς καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἱεροῖς σποράδην ἀπεκτίν- νυντο, καὶ αἵ τε κεφαλαὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα αὖθις ἀνετίθεντο, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ σώματα τὰ μὲν αὐτοῦ. τε ἐρριπτεῖτο καὶ ὑπὸ κυνῶν ὀρνίθων τε ἠσθίετο, τὰ δὲ ἐ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνεβάλλετο. τά TE ἄλλα ὅσα ἐπὶ τοῦ Σύλλου πρότερον ἐπέπρακτο, καὶ τότε συνεφέρετο, πλὴν ὅτι. δύο μόνα λευκώ- μᾶτα, χωρὶς μὲν τῶν βουλευτῶν χωρὶς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, ἐξετέθη. καὶ τὸ μὲν αἴτιον δι᾿ ὃ. τοῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο, οὔτε παρ᾽ ἑτέρου τινὸς μαθεῖν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς εὑρεῖν ἠδυνήθην" ὃ yap. TOL μόνον ἄν τις, τό γε ἐλάττους θανατωθῆναι, ἐ ἐνενόησεν; ἥκιστα ἀληθές ἐστι" πολλῷ γὰρ πλείους, ἅτε καὶ ὑπὸ πλειόνων, ἐσεγράφησαν. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ παρὰ τὰς σφαγὰς τὰς ἐν τῷ πρὶν γενομένας παρήλλαξεν' ἐπεὶ ὅτι γε οὐκ ἀναμὶξ TA ὀνόματα τῶν πρώτων τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἐξετέθη, λῆρόν που πολὺν τοῖς γε: ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου σφαγησομένοις ἔφερεν. ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου δὲ δὴ ἕτερα. καὶ πάνυ δυσχερῆ, καίπερ μηδεμίαν τῶν προτέρων ὑπερβολήν, ὥς γε καὶ ἐδόκει, λιπόντων, οὐκ ὀλίγα αὐτοῖς συνηνέχθη. ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ Σύλλου οἵ τέ τι δρῶντες Tas τε τόλμας ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα," ἅτε καὶ πρῶτον τοῦ
1 προγραφῶν R. Steph., προσγραφῶν LM.
2 ἐπανήχθησαν Naber, ἐποιήθησαν, LM.
8 ἐνενόησεν M, ἐνενόησαν L. 4 ye Leuncl., τε LM. 5 ἐκ τοῦ rapa ῥῆμα Bs., πρόσχημα LM.
120
τ ράσο, PT BS
Yio f-BOOK/ XELVII =<
ἢ And while.the people. were. still in, this state of πιο, 43
mind, those, murders by proscription which Sulla! had once indulged in were once more resorted to and the whole city was filled with corpses. Many were killed in their houses, many ἄνθη ἴῃ the streets and here and there in the fora and around the temples; the heads of the victims were once more set up upon the rostra and their bodies either allowed to lie where they were, to be devoured by dogs and birds, or else east into the river.. Everything that had been done before in the days of Sulla occurred also at this time, except that only two white tablets were posted, one for the senators and one for the others. The reason for this,I -have not been able to learn from anyone else or to find out myself; for the only reason that might occur to one, namely, that fewer were to be put to death, is by no means true, since many more names were posted, owing to the fact that there were more persons making the lists. However, this circumstance did not cause these proscriptions to
differ from the murders on the earlier occasion; since ©
the posting of the names of the prominent citizens, not promiscuously along with those of the rabble, but separately, must surely have seemed a very absurd distinction to the men who were to be mur- dered on precisely the same terms. But over against this one difference there were ποῦ ἃ few other con- : ditions of a very distressing nature that fell to their lot, although Sulla’s proscriptions, to all appearances, left no room for outdoing them. In Sulla’s time, to be sure, the perpetrators had committed their shocking deeds on the spur of the moment, inas- much as they were trying this sort of thing for the
1 Cf Frg. 109.
121 VOL, V. E
DIO’S ROMAN HISTORY
’ὔ ἐ ~ τοιούτου πειρώμενοι, Kal οὐκ ἐκ προβουλῆς ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ διὰ τοῦθ᾽ ἧττον τὰ πλείω κακοτρό-
/ πως, οἷα οὐκ ἐκ προνοίας ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ συντυχίας, ἔπραττον" καὶ οἱ πάσχοντες ἐξαπιναίαις τε καὶ ἀνηκούστοις συμφοραῖς περιπίπτοντες ῥᾳστώνην τινὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνελπίστου τῶν παθῶν ἐλάμβανον.
‘ τότε δὲ πάντα μὲν TA προτολμηθέντα οἱ μὲν αὐτοὶ χειρουργήσαντες, οἱ δὲ ἰδόντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἀκοῇ γοῦν na \ 3 uToyl@! ἀκριβοῦντες, πολλὰ δ᾽ οὖν 5 ἐν τῷ διὰ , a ’ na μέσον τῇ προσδοκίᾳ τῶν ὁμοίων οἱ μὲν ὡς / ’ , δράσουσι προσεπινοήσαντες, of δ᾽ ὡς πείσονται [4 a a προσδείσαντες, ἐκεῖνοί τε πλείστην ἀτοπίαν TH TE ζηλώσει τῶν προτέρων ἔργων καὶ τῇ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν σπουδῇ 5 ἐς τὸ καινῶσαί πως τὰ ἐπιβουλεύματα fal ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιτεχνήσεως παρεῖχον, καὶ οἱ ἕτεροι πάνθ “ a sO 7 , \ lad ὅσα παθεῖν ἐδύναντο λογιζόμενον πολὺ ταῖς n an \ > Cal Wuxais καὶ πρὸ TOV σωμάτων, ὡς Kal ἐν αὐτοῖς Ho » ὃ [4 ΝΜ δ 4 ἤδη ὄντες, διεκναίοντο. κἄν τεῦ τούτῳ χαλεπω- f A \ > / \ , , A TEPWS ἢ πρὶν ἀπήλλασσον, καὶ διότι τότε μὲν μόνοι οἱ τοῦ Σύλλου τῶν τε περὶ αὐτὸν δυνατῶν ἐχθροὶ διώλοντο, τῶν δὲ δὴ φίλων αὐτοῦ τῶν τε + > 4 > \ > / 4 ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων οὐδεὶς ἐκείνου γε κελεύσαντος > / Ὁ“ ” a / / , ἐφθάρη, ὥστε ἔξω τῶν πάνυ πλουσίων (τούτοις 4 / yap οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτε εἰρήνη πρὸς τὸν ἰσχυρότερον ἐν an > τοῖς τοιούτοις γίγνεται) οἵ γε λοιποὶ ἐθάρσουν' ἐν a n > a e δὲ δὴ ταῖς δευτέραις ταύταις σφαγαῖς οὐχ ὅπως οἱ 1 ὑπογύῳ R. Steph., ὑπογυίωι LM.
2 δ᾽ οὖν Bk., γοῦν LM. 3 σπουδῇ supplied by Xyl. 4 καινῶσαί R. Steph., κενῶσαί LM. δ re added by Bk.
122
BOOK XLVII
first time, and not as the result of deliberate plan- 5.0. 43 ning, and hence in most cases they behaved less wickedly, since they were acting, not with malice aforethought, but as chance dictated ; and the victims, encountering misfortunes which came upon them suddenly and had never before been heard of. by them, found some alleviation in the unexpectedness of their sufferings. At this time, however,