P]ilflkaH0ns OF THE ^tsi0rkal sanetg 0)| pennsgltanla. LIFE AND WRITINGS OK JOHN DICKINSON, vol.. II. ■\^ THE WRITINGS OF JOHN DICKINSON. Vol. I. POLITICAL WRITINGS 1 764- 1 774. EDITED AT THE REQUEST OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, By PAUL LEICESTER FORD. PHIIyADELPHIA : , , , . THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PEJ®^SYI,VANIA..^ 1895. At a meeting of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, held May 6, 1889, it was Resolved, That the President of the Society appoint a committee to collect the published and unpublished correspondence and writings of John Dickinson, with a view of including them in the Memoirs of the Society, and that Chari,es J. STiiyi,E;, Esq., LL,.D., be invited to edit the same. Subsequently the writing of the Life of Dickinson was under- taken by Dr. STiiyL^, and the editing of the Writings of Dickinson by Mr. Ford. The Trustees of The Publication Fund desire it to be understood that they are not answerable for the opinions or observations that may be ex- pressed in articles under the names or initials of the contributors. MEMOIRS OP THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. VOL. XIV. PHILADELPHIA: PUBLICATION FUND OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 1895- ^ ^^Itf ,^ a^ " The Trustees of the Publication Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania" have published ten volumes of Memoirs of the Society, viz. : Vol. V. The History of Braddock's Expedition. Vol. VI. Contributions to American History. Vol. VII. Record of Upland and Denny's Journal. Vol. I. Second Edition, with Notes. Vol. VIII. Minutes of Defence of Philadelphia, 1814-1815. Vol. IX. Correspondence of Penn and I Trustees. Charles Hare Hutchinson, ■' MY BROTHER, WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD, WHOSE SCHOLARLY PUBLICATIONS AND ADVICS HAVE SO OFTEN AIDED THE EDITOR, THIS COLLECTION IS DEDICATED. PREFACE. John Dickinson has been aptly termed the ''Penman of the Revolution." In the literature of that struggle, his position is as pre-eminent as Washington in war, Franklin in diplomacy, and Morris in finance. From no other leader of that movement originated a series of arguments of half the number, importance or popularity. In 1765 his pen produced the "Declaration of Rights" of the Stamp Act Congress, the first American state paper that can claim the slightest element of nationality. His "Let- ters of a Farmer" ran through the colonies like wildfire, furnishing a common fighting ground to all and so leading the way to union. The " Liberty Song," sung and re- sung, with its line["By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall," still further pointed the path that led to the first Congress. For that body he drew the famous " Petition to the King" and "the Address to Inhabitants of Quebec," being the only member to whom was assigned the framing of two papers. In the Continental Congress he drew the "Second Petition to the King," offering for the last time the olive branch ; while at the same time writing the "Declaration upon taking up Arms," so cheered by the Continental batallions. But for his disapproval of a De- claration of Independence at the time it was moved, he would have been the framer of the vindication of that step. And his pen prepared the draft of the Articles of Confeder- ation, which welded a people into a league, if not a nation. But more than the Revolution can be traced in these volumes. Here is epitomized as well the story of Ameri- Cix) X PREFACE. can history in the period of its greatest development. The chief struggle for ten years was to unite a people ; for another ten, to form a nation ; then for twenty years a long struggle for that nation to acquire and maintain a position with other nations. Of all this, Dickinson's writings form an important part. Opening with a dispute which con- cerned the local politics of a single province, they quickly pass to the stage of the action of an individual colony on a question of common concern. Following these come writ- ings that received the approval of seven colonies. Then those that tw^elve assented to. Finally are those which were adopted by the whole thirteen, and the union of Americans for opposition to a common enemy, was com- pleted. Union of feeling having been obtained, the ques- tion of the legal relation of these separate colonies, or states, to each other became important. Here too, Dick- inson exercised much influence. In his own state, he wrote concerning the local government. In Congress he drew the first band of union. At Annapolis he signed the call for a general convention to frame a new government. His part in the Federal Convention was prominent and material. His writings in support of the government there framed aided its adoption. Nationality having been ob- tained, he turned his pen to the relations of America to Europe. And though he did not live to see the third stage of the epoch ended, and his country so established both internally and externally, that forty years of peaceful development succeeded, yet he lived long enough to have been able to feel that he and his contemporaries had not labored in vain, but had been instruments in the accom- plishment of a great movement. Though Dickinson's writings were so popular in their day, but one collection of them has ever been made. This consisted of a selection, edited by Dickinson himself, and published in 1801, a re-issue of which was made in 1814. PREFACE. xi In this was printed his "Speech" of 1764, the "Regula- tion of the Colonies," the Stamp Act Congress "Reso- lutions," the "Address to Barbadoes," the "Farmer's Letters," the "Essay" of 1774, the "Addresses" and "Petitions" of the Congresses of 1774 and 1775, the Con- gressional Address of 1779, and the two series of the Let- ters of Fabius. Thus more than two-thirds of his writ- ings were omitted, and have remained unknown. Believing that Dickinson's position and influence have been slighted by this suppression, the editor began the preparation for a new edition of his writings over five years ago. After advancing some ways in the work, he learned of a similar labor being planned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and only too gladly merged his individual attempt with theirs. He has endeavored to make the present collection contain all that is extant of Dickinson's writings, but has, unfortunately, not been able to obtain access to or copies of some of the Dickinson papers in the possession of a descendant. Aside from this hiatus, other omissions probably occur. After a careful study of over two thousand issues of the newspapers printed in Pennsylvania between 1762 and 1777, the editor is con- vinced, from his knowledge of Dickinson's style, that he was a constant writer for the press, and that a number of the broadsides of the period were also written by him. But deeming his personal opinion on this matter insuffi- cient evidence to warrant the inclusion of such articles and broadsides in this collection, the editor has omitted all that he could not in some other way verify. Fortunately most of the pieces so omitted are of comparatively small moment ; and the editor believes that the present edition includes all that is essential and important of Dickinson's works. The first two volumes will contain his political writings, and a third will be devoted to his correspondence. The editor is under special obligations to Dr. Charles J. xii PREFACE. Stille, author of the very valuable Life of John Dickinson^ which constitutes the first volume of this series ; to Miss Frances A. Logman, a collateral descendant of Dickinson ; to Mr. Frederick D. Stone, librarian of the Historical So- ciety ; and to that Society, for their aid in the preparation of this edition. He also gives thanks for assistance to Dr. S. A. Green, Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, and Mr. Lindsay Swift, of Boston ; Mr. E. M. Barton, of Worcester ; Mr. Wilber- force Eames, Mr. Charles L. Woodward, Mr. William Kelby, and Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York ; Mr. Charles R. Hildeburn, and Mr. Bumford Samuels, of Philadelphia ; and Mr. S. M. Hamilton, of Washington, lyast he must record the aid given by two now passed away, Dr. J. S. H. Fogg, and Dr. George H. Moore, to both of whom American history owes so much. PAUL LEICESTER FORD. January ^p, i8g^. preface; The present age has been witness to as great political phenomena, as have appeared in the history of the world. Among other events, we have seen America^ in a digni- fied progression, from resentment of injuries to remon- strances, from remonstrances to arms, and from arms to liberty — after a vicissitude of fortunes delivered from des- potism, and establishing her freedom in a republican form of government, on the pure and just principles of popular representation and federal union^ delineated in these writ- ings. Throughout the course of these contests, the friends of liberty in Great-Britain^ many of them peers or mem- bers of the house of commons, of the highest characters, were warm advocates for the justice of our cause. In the year 1774, the earl of Chatham^ in a speech worthy of his distinguished talents and illustrious reputa- tion, said — "If we take a transient view of those motives, which induced the ancestors of our fellow subjects in America^ to leave their native country, to encounter the innumerable difficulties of the unexplored regions of the Western world, our astonishment at the present conduct of their descendants will naturally subside. There was no corner of the globe to which they would not have fled, rather than submit to the slavish and tyrannical spirit, which prevailed at that period in their native country ; and viewing them in their original, forlorn, and now flourishing state, they may be cited as illustrious in- *To the edition of 1801. The original MS. in Dickinson's handwriting is still in existence. — Editor. (xiii) xiv PREFACE. stances to instruct the world — what great exertions man- kind will make, when left to the free exercise of their own powers. "It has always been my fixed and unalterable opinion, and I will carry it with me to the grave, that this country had no right whatever to tax America. It is contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy : it is contrary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, ingrafted into the British constitution as a fundamental law, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but which cannot be taken from him without his own consent. "Pass then, my lords, instead of these harsh and severe edicts, an amnesty over their errors ; by measures of lenity and affection, allure them to their duty ; act the part of a generous and forgiving parent. A period rnay arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every assistance, she can receive from a grateful and affectionate offspring. ' ' Soon afterwards, in a confidential letter to a friend, he writes — "Every step on the side of government in Amer- ica, seems calculated to drive the Americans into open re- sistance, vainly hoping to crush the spirit of liberty in that vast continent, at one successful blow ; but millions must perish there, before the seeds of freedom will cease to grow and spread, in so favourable a soil ; and in the mean time, devoted Englaiid must sink herself, under the ruins of her own foolish and inhuman system of destruction. It is plain, that America cannot bear chains. Would to heaven it were equally plain, that the oppressor, Eiigland, is not doomed one day to bind them round her own hands, and wear them patiently. " Luxuria incubuit, vidumque ulciscitur orbetn — scsvior armis. "Happily, beyond the Atlantic, this poison has not reached the heart. When then will infatuated adminis- PREFACE. XV tration begin to fear that freedom they cannot destroy, and which they do not know how to love ?' ' In another letter, he says — "I have not words to express my satisfaction, that the congress has conducted this most arduous and delicate business with such manly wisdom and calm resolution, as does the highest honour to their deliberations. Very few things are contained in their re- solves, that I could wish had been otherwise. Upon the whole, I think it must be evident to every unprejudiced man in England^ who feels for the rights of mankind, that America^ under all her oppressions and provocations, holds forth to us the most fair and just opening, for restor- ing harmony and affectionate intercourse, as heretofore. I trust, that the minds of men are more than beginning to change on this great subject ; and that it will be found im- possible for freemen in Englattd^ to wish to see three mil- lions oi^ Englishmen^ slaves in America.'''' In the beginning of the year 1775, soon after the Amer- tca7t papers had beed laid before the peers, he made an- other speech becoming his splendid fame. These were some of his expressions — "This universal opposition to your arbitrary system of taxation, might have been fore- seen ; it was obvious from the nature of things, and from the nature of man, and above all., from the confirmed habits of thinking, from the spirit of whiggism flourishing in America. The spirit which now pervades America^ is the same which formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in this country ; is the same spirit which roused all England to action at the revolution, and which established at a remote sera, your liberties, on the basis of that grand fundamental maxim of the constitution, that no subject of England shall be taxed, but by his own con- sent. "To maintain this principle, is the common cause of the WHIGS, on the other side of the Atlantic, and on this. It xvi PREFACE. is liberty to liberty engaged. In this great cause tliey are immoveably allied. It is the alliance of God and nature., immutable, eternal, fixed as the firmament of heaven.* "As 2M Englishman., I recognize to the Americans., their supreme unalterable right of property. As an Ainericait., I would equally recognize to England^ her supreme right of regulating commerce and navigation. This distinction is involved in the abstract nature of things ; property is pri- vate, individual, absolute : the touch of another annihi- lates it. Trade is an extended and complicated considera- tion ; it reaches as far as ships can sail, or winds can blow ; it is a vast and various machine. To regulate the num- berless movements of its several parts, and combine them into one harmonious effect, for the good of the whole, re- quires the superintending wisdom and energy of the su- preme power of the empire. * *^ Arbitrary taxation is plunder authorized by law; it is the support and the essence of tyranny ; and has done more mischief to mankind, than those other three scourges from heaven, famine, pestilence, and the sword. " I need not carry your lordships out of your own knowledge, or out of your own dominions, to make you conceive what misery this right of taxation is capable of producing in a provincial government. "We need only recollect, that our countrymen in India have, in the space of five or six years, in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved and driven away more inhabitants from Bengal, than are to be found at pres- ent in all our American colonies. — This is no exaggeration, my lords, but plain matter of fact." Shipley, bishop of St. Asaph, against the bill for altering the charter of Massachusetts, &c. "We seem not to be sensible of the high and important trusts, which Providence has committed to our charge. The most precious remains of civil liberty, that the world can now boast of, are now lodged in our hands, and God forbid, that we should violate so sacred a deposite. " By enslaving your colonies, you not only ruin the peace, the com- merce, and the fortunes of both countries ; but you extinguish the fairest hopes, shut up the last asylum of mankind. "I think, my lords, without being weakly superstitious, that a good man may hope, that heaven will take part against the execution of a plan, which seems big not only with mischief, but Impiety.^* Idem. PREFACE. xvii "On this grand practical distinction, then, let us rest: taxation is theirs, commericial regulation is ours. As to the metaphysical refinements, attempting to shew, that the Americans are equally free from legislative controul, and commercial restraint, as from taxation, for the purpose of revenue, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and ground- less. "When your lordships have perused the papers trans- mitted to us from America^ when you consider the dig- nity, the firmness, and the wisdom with which the Amer- icans have acted, you cannot but respect their cause. "History, my lords, has been my favourite study, and in the celebrated writings of antiquity, have I often ad- mired the patriotism of Greece and Rome: but, my lords, I must declare and avow, that in the master states of the world, I know not the people or the senate, who, in such a complication of difficult circumstances, can stand in pref- erence to the delegates of America^ assembled in general congress at Philadelphia. I trust, it is obvious to your lordships, that all attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty conti- nental nation, must be vain." Lord Chatham was ably supported by his friend, the ex- cellent lord Camden^ who among other things said — "When the famous Selden was asked, 'by what statute re- sistance to tyranny could be justified?' his reply was — 'it is to be justified by the custom of England^ which is part of the law of the land.^ "I will affirm, my lords, not only as a statesman, a poli- tician, and a philosopher, but as a common lawyer, that you have no right to tax America. No man, agreeably to the principles of natural and civil liberty, can be divested of any part of his property, without his consent ; and whenever oppression begins^ resistance becomes lawful and right.'*'* xviii PREFACE. In the year 1777, lord Chatham moved an amendment to a proposed address, recommending measures of accommo- dation, and an immediate cessation of hostilities, as neces- sary for effectuating that purpose, which "he supported with all the energy and eloquence, which had formerly produced such mighty effects ; and which must now have roused the nation from its death-like torpor, had this been within the compass of human virtue or human ability." After some weighty observations respecting the conduct of ministers he proceeded thus — "You may swell every ex- pence, and strain every effort, accumulate every assistance, and extend your traffic to the shambles of every German despot, your attempts will be forever vain and impotent. — But, my lords, where is the man, that in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scaiping-knife of the savage? To call into civilized alliance, the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods? To delegate to the merciless Indian, the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous warfare against our breth- ren? These enormities cry aloud for redress and punish- ment. * *The American secretary, in a letter to general Carlton dated Whitehall^ March 26th, 1777, says: "As this plan cannot be advantageously exe- cuted without the assistence of Canadians and Indians, his majesty strongly recommends it to your care, to furnish both expeditions with good and sufficient bodies of these men : and I am happy in knowing, that your influence among them is so great, that there can be no room to ap- prehend you will find it diflScult to fulfil his majesty's intentions." In the "Thoughts for conducting the war from the side of Canada," by general Burgoyne, that general desired "a thousand or more savages." Colonel Butler was desired to distribute [the king's bounty-money among such of the savages as would join the army ; and after the delivery of the presents, he asks for ;^4oii, York currency, before he left Niagara. He adds, in a letter that was laid on the table, in the house of commons, " I flatter myself, that you will not think of expence, however high, to be useless, or given with too lavish hand. I waited seven days to deliver them the presents, and give them the hatchet, which they ac- PREFACE. xix "It is not, my lords, a wild and lawless banditti whom we oppose : the resistance of America^ is the struggle of free and virtuous patriots.''"' It is remarkable, that this great and good man, in the year 1775, not only lays \.h.t justice of American claims^ on the same eternal and immutable foundations contended for in the following ' ' Essay on the constitutional power of Great- Britain over the colonies in America^'''' published at Philadelphia in the preceding year, 1774, but makes the same comparison that was made in that Essay .^ between the opposition of America to British measures, and the opposi- tion of Britain^ to the measures of the Stuarts^ respecting loans, benevolences, and ship-money ; and also makes the same distinction between taxation and regulation of com- merce, that is asserted in that Essay and inforces that dis- tinction by the same arguments which in the Essay are employed on that subject. He likewise insists, as is urged in that Essay ^ that the admission of an authority to regu- late commerce^ does not imply the concession of an author- ity to legislate, for the purpose of taxation. He, also, called the public attention to the extraordinary case., which is stated in that Essay — that a period may arrive, when the parent will stand in need of the assistance of her offspring. Thus has ihc^ justice of our cause been maintained by the best and wisest men in Britain^ not only by those before- mentioned, but by multitudes of others. CEPTED, and PROMISED TO MAKE USE OF IT. This letter is dated On- tario, July 28tli, 1777. In another letter, colonel Butler says, "The Indians threw in a heavy fire on the rebels, and made a shocking slaughter with their spears and hatchets. The success of this day, will plainly shew the utility of your excelleucy's constant support of my unwearied endeavours to conciliate to his majesty so serviceable a body of allies." This letter is to sir Guy Carlton, and dated, camp before Fort Stanwix, August 15th, 1777. In another letter he says, " many of the prisoners were, conformably to the Indian custom, afterwards killed." More on this subject may be seen in general Burgoyne's proclamation, proceedings in parliament, &c. XX PREFACE. Of what importance our successful opposition has been, and is now thought on the other side of the Atlantic, we may judge from the following declaration of that honest, benevolent, and enlightened statesman Charles Fox., in the house of commons— "THE RESISTANCE OF THE AMERICANS TO THE OPPRESSIONS OF THE MOTHER COUNTRY, HAS UNDOUBTEDLY PRE- SERVED THE LIBERTIES OF MANKIND." What political event, in the annals of the world, can be more worthy of being commended to the attention of na- tions ! We now behold the sun of liberty illumining Furore ; and we have reason to believe, that its rays will reach to other quarters of the globe, beaming with a benign influ- ence on the human race. With such knowledge of facts, and with such hopes of the future, every American who loves his country, must be pleased to trace our momentous controversy with Great- Britain., from its commencement in her injustice, to its termination in our independence ; and every friend to man- kind must rejoice, in contemplating the actual and prob- able consequences of our revolution to other nations. If this intelligence should be conveyed in narratives, written in coolness and leisure, after the agitation of events had subsided, no doubt it would be agreeable : but, this collection offers to our fellow-citizens, in a series from the beginning of the year 1764, writings composed and published in the midst of the arduous contention, while Britain with insulting pretensions, and relentless cruelties, was practising every artifice, and straining every nerve, by statutes and by swords, to bend or break us into bondage : and the editors think it their right and duty, to insert some testimonies concerning several of these writings, to shew the sentiments that were entertained of them at the times when they were published, or soon after. CONTENTS. PAOB Speech on a Petition for a Change of Government of the Colony of Pennsylvania, May 24, 1764 i A Protest against a Resolution of the Assembly of Penn- sylvania for Petitioning the King to Change the Colony of Pennsylvania from a Proprietary to a Royal Govern- ment, May 28, 1764 . 50 A Petition to the King from the Inhabitants of Pennsylva- nia, July, 1764 61 A Reply to the Speech of Joseph Galloway, September 4, 1764 68 An Answer to Joseph Galloway, September 29, 1764. . . 133 A Receipt to make a Speech, October, 1764 141 A Protest against the Appointment of Benjamin Franklin as Agent for the Colony of Pennsylvania, October 26, 1764 147 Observations on Mr. Franklin's Remarks on a late Protest, November, 1764 155 Resolutions adopted by the Assembly of Pennsylvania rel- ative to the Stamp Act, September 21, 1765 168 The Declaration of Rights adopted by the Stamp Act Con- gress, October 19, 1765 178 A Petition to the King from the Stamp Act Congress, Oc- tober 19, 1765 188 An Address to the "Friends and Countrymen" on the Stamp Act, November, 1765 197 The Late Regulations respecting the British Colonies Con- sidered, December 7, 1765 206 An Address to the Committee of Correspondence in Bar- bados, 1766 246 Letters of a Farmer in Pennsylvania, 1768 277 (xxi) XXll CONTENTS'. An Address read at a Meeting of Merchants to Consider Non-Importation, April 25, 1768 407 A Song for American Freedom, July, 1768 418 Letter to the Philadelphia Merchants concerning Non-Im- • portation, July, 1768 431 A Petition from the Assembl}'- of Pennsylvania to the King, March 9, 1771 446 Two Letters on the Tea Tax, November, 1773 453 Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, May, 1774 464 A SPEECH ON A PETITION FOR A CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONY OF PENNSYLVANIA. BY JOHN DICKINSON. WITH A PREFACE BY REV. WILLIAM SMITH. May 24, 1764. '^^^^m NOTE. The supply bill passed by the Pennsylvania Assembly in the spring of 1764 was the immediate cause of the controversy •which occasioned this speech ; but the real matter at issue was of long and serious stand- ing, having been practically the main political question for many years in Pennsylvania, and therefore needless to touch upon here. In June, 1763, Sir Jeffrey Amherst had informed the Governor of the Colony, of the danger of the Indian outbreak, later known as Pontiac's conspiracy, and asked an immediate calling of the Assembly to vote the troops and supplies necessary to quell it. Among other acts voted in pursuance of this, was one granting "his Majesty the sum of fifty-thousand Pounds," to which the Governor refused to assent, being bound by his instructions from the Proprietors. (Minuses, v, 325-6.) The Assembly at once ap- pointed a committee "to draw up and bring in certain resolves upon the present Circumstances of this Province." A new supply bill was also framed, to which the Governor again refused his assent, and to which the Assembly resolved unanimously to adhere ; and a message was drawn and sent to the Governor explaining the reasons for their action. (Mitt- uifs, V, 329-30.) This in turn produced another message from the Gov- ernor, and a counter message from the Assembly, leaving each side determined to maintain its position. The committee on resolutions therefore promptly introduced (March 24, 1764), these resolves, the first twenty-six being a justification of the Colony and Assembly, and the final one being : " That this House will adjourn, in order to consult their constituents, whether an humble address should be drawn up, and transmitted to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this province under his immediate protection and govern- ment, by compleating the Agreement heretofore made with the first Proprietary for the Sale of the Government to the Crown, or otherwise as his Wisdom and Goodness shall seem meet." (3) 4 NOTE. The Assembly ''ordered, that the foregoing resolves be made public," and then adjourned till the following May. On re-assembling a number of petitions to the King asking him to change the colony from a propri- etary to a royal one were laid before the Assembly, with the request that they should be transmitted to the King. The question was therefore put "whether a committee shall now be appointed to prepare and bring in a Draft of a Petition from this House, to accompany the afore mentioned Petitions to his Majesty for a Change of the Government of this Pro- vince?" This resolution was carried by " a great majority," a committee named to prepare a petition, and a draft, drawn by Franklin (Franklin's Writings, lii, 303), was reported on the same day (May 23). This was debated on the next day, when Dickinson delivered the following speech, which suflBciently details the subsequent proceedings. Galloway (note in speech as printed) stated that : During the Time of the Debates respecting the Change of Govern- ment, Mr. Dickenson seldom attended, and was absent when the im- portant one came on, which issued in the Resolve, to adjourn and consult the People. At the next Meeting several Motions were made to bring this Resolution to an Issue, and after great Deliberation, it was resolved by a Majority of 27 to 3, that a Committee should be ap- pointed to bring in the Petition to his Majesty to resume the Powers of Government. But at none of these Debates and Resolutions was Mr. Dickenson present, tho' he well knew, or least had great Reasons to Expect this Business was in continual Agitation. During this Time, and the Recess of the Assembly, Mr. Dickenson employed himself in collecting his Sentiments in Opposition to the Measure, and in forming his Thoughts into the best Order, and dress- ing them in the best Language his Abilities were capable of. And upon the first reading of the Petition, and not till then, had he in all this Time, entered into the Debate, or publickly deliver'd his Opinion respecting the intended Change. After a Measure is resolved on in a House of legislature, it is well known to be contrary to all Rule and Order, to object to the Meas- ure ; otherwise publick Business cou'd never be brought to an Issue. Members may speak to the Mode, but not object against the Thing re- solved on. But this Rule, so necessary in public Transactions, was sacrificed either to Mr. Dickenson's Indolence in not attending, or to his Industry in forming his Speech, For he was permitted to object to the Design itself. In the Debate on the first reading of the Petition, he attempted to deliver his Objections against the Measure, ore tenus; But finding NOTE. 5 every thing he oflFer'd judiciously aud sensibly refuted by several Members, he was obliged to retreat to his Speech, in writing, which after a short Introductory Apology, he read in his place, in a Manner not the most deliberate. This unparliamentary Mode of Proceeding, and the Diflficulty of Re- taining in the Memory so long and elaborate a Performance, obliged, and indeed justified the Gentleman, the Author of the following Speech, in taking short Notes, from which, after Mr. Dickenson had concluded, he rose to answer the Objections offer'd against the Peti- tion. But the Speaker being exceedingly indisposed, the Debate was adjourn 'd till next Day. • Before the Adjournment, Mr. Dickenson was requested by several members, and informed by the Speaker, that he ought to leave his Speech on the Table for the Perusal and Consideration of the House. But this he several times evaded, alleging in Excuse, that it was too incorrect and indigested ; altho' he was repeatedly informed that none wou'd examine it with a View to make any critical observations on the Stile or Method, but only to make themselves acquainted with the Substance. At length he was prevail'd on to promise in the most sol- emn Manner, that he would deliver it to Mr. Galloway that Evening. That Gentleman called on him at the Time appointed, but Mr. Dick- enson continuing in the same Humour, declined delivering it. Nor did he give the Members an Opportunity of perusing it, until the De- bate was over, and the Question called for whether the Petition shou'd be transcribed for a third Reading. Which passed in the Affirmative by the Votes of all the Members who rose on the former Question. All that Mr. Dickenson had either said or read, not having the Success of altering the Opinion of a single Member. Nor did the Speech then remain long upon the Table, for Mr. Dick- enson immediately after, got it into his Hands again, and carried it out of the House. What has been done with it since, to whose Care and Correction it has been committed, and by whom, and with what Views it has been published, the Preface attending it sufficiently de- monstrates. However, since the Art and Dress in which "it now appears to the Public, is very different from that in which it appeared in the House, renders it little less than necessary, that the Public shou'd know the Arguments and Reasons which prevailed on the Members to retain their former Resolution, of prosecuting the Petition to the Crown ; the following Speech, in Substance the- same that was offered by Mr. Gal- loway, in Answer to Mr. Dickenson, taken from the short Notes, and put into Order, is submitted to the Consideration of the Lovers and Supporters of public Liberty, Order, and good Government 6 NOTE. Dickinson's Speech was at once put in type, with the addition of a pre- face by the Rev. William Smith, and the Pennsylvania Journal of June 28, 1764, announced that : To Morrow will be published and to be sold by WILLIAM BRADFORD At his Book Store adjoining the London CoFFEE-HouSB. A SPEECH Delivered in the House of Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, May 24th, 1764. By John Dickinson, Esq. As printed, it made a pamphlet of thirty pages, the preface filling an additional thirteen. The title was : A / Speech, / Delivered in the House of Assembly of the Province of / Pennsylvania, May 24th, 1764. / By John Dickinson, Esq; /One of the Members for the County of Philadelphia. / On Occasion of a Petition, drawn up by Order, and then / under Consideration, of the House ; praying his Majesty for a / Change of the Government of this Province. / With a Preface. / Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a Pa- rente meo tradita est, experiar ; verum / id frustra, an ob rem faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites. / Sail. Bel. Jugurth. in Orat. Memmii. / As for me, I will assuredly contend for that glorious plan of Liberty / handed down to us from our ancestors ; but whether my Labours / shall prove successful, or in vain, depends wholly on you, my dear / Countrymen ! / Philadelphia : / Printed and Sold by William Bradford, at his / Book-Store adjourning the London Coflfee-House. / M,DCC,I,XIV. A second edition was printed only three weeks later (pp. xv, 30), with the following title : A / Speech, / Delivered in the House of Assembly of the Province of/ Pennsylvania, May 24th, 1764. / By John Dickinson, Esq ; / One of the Members for the County of Philadelphia. / On Occasion of a Petition drawn up by Order, and then / under Consideration, of the House ; praying his Majesty for a / Change of the Government of this Province. / With a Preface. / The Second Edition. / / Phila- delphia : / Printed and Sold by William Bradford, at his / Book-Store adjoining the London Coflfee-House. / m,dcc,lxiv. This edition was translated into German and printed as : Bine / IReOe, / gcbalten / in &cm Ibause Dcr assembly &er pro* vfns / penns^lvanlen, am 24ten /iRais, 1764. / Won / t>ernn 3obn 2)icft(n6on / elncm &er ^italicDer Des taueee tur / pbila* NOTE. 7 Delpbla Caunt^. / aseg Oelcgenbeit einer IDlttscbrttt, die aut JSesebl Dcs / Ibausea aus0e6ct3t, un& damals in "Qlcberlefiunfl genom/men war, worin Bine Ikbniglicbe /fcajestat um eine/ Der- anDerunfl Oes ©overnments Oieser provin3 er*/ aucbt wirD. / flbit einer DorreDe. / • • • / au0 Dem Bngligcben ubersetst, nacb Oer sweeten Butlage. / IPbilaOelpbia, (SeDrucht unD 3U tin&en bey Ijenricb flbiller, in Oer £westen*Stra6ge. [1764.] 8vo. pp. xvi, 35. The speech was also printed in London (pp. xv, 31), as follows : A /Speech, / Delivered In / the House of Assembly / Of the Province of Pennsylvania, / May 24th, 1764. / By John Dickinson, Esq ; / One of the Members for the County of Philadelphia. / On Occasion of a Petition drawn up by Order, and then / under Consideration of the House ; praying his Majesty for / a Change of the Government of this Province. / With / A Preface. / Certe ego libertatcm, qua: mihi j Parente nteo tradita est, experiar verunt / id frustra, an ob rent faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites. / Sail. Bell. Jugurth. in Orat. Memmii / As for me, I will assuredly contend for that glorious plan of Liberty / handed down to us from our ancestors ; but whether my Labours / shall prove successful, or in vain, depends wholly on you, my dear / Countrymen ! / Philadelphia Printed : / London, / Re-Printed for J. Whiston and B. White, in Fleet-street. / m.dcc.i,xiv. / This edition is reviewed in the Monthly Review, xxxi, 318, and the Critical Review ^ xvin, 316. The speech was also included in The Polit- ical Writings of John Dickinson (i, i), where a few slight changes were made in the text, which are noted in the present republication. The speech called forth two replies : The / Speech / Of / Joseph Galloway, Esq ; / One of the Members for Philadelphia County : / In Answer / To the Speech of John Dickinson, Esq ; / Delivered in the House of Assembly, of the / Province of Penn- sylvania, May 24, 1764. / On Occasion of a Petition drawn up by Order, and / then under the consideration of the House ; / praying his Majesty for a Royal, in lieu of / a Proprietary Government. / Audi et alteram Partem. / Philadelphia : / Printed and sold by W. Dunlap, in Market-street. / MDCCI.XIV. Svo. pp. xxxv, (5), 45. The / May Be / Or Some / Observations / Occasion 'd by reading a Speech deliver' d in / the House of Assembly, the 24th of May / last, by a certain eminent Patriot. / / Philadelphia : / Printed by Anthony Armbruster, in Arch-street [1764.] Sm. Svo. pp. 7. These in turn produce the replies of Dickinson, printed post, and the controversy was further continued in the Pennsylvania Gazette, Feb. 28 ; March 14 ; and April 4, 1765. Editor. SPEECH, Delivered in the HoirsiTof Assembly of the Pro^nce o£ Pennfylvania^ May 24th, 1764, By JOHN DICKINSOiSf, Efqi. One of the Members fof the G>unt7 v^' Philadelphia^ On Occafion of a PETITION, draws up by Order, and fihen ondcf Confideration, of the Jioufe j praying his Majefiy for a Change of the Gdvernment cf thii Trovitice^ With aPREFACE. «^—— " ■ ■ —————— ——I— •Cirte ego iiiertattm, qtut mibi a Parente meo tradita eft, txpariari virvm idfru/hat oh «b rtrnfaciam^ in vtfird manufitum eji, ^irirn, Sall. Bel. Jugurdi. in Orat Memmii. As for me, I will aflUredly contend for tHst glorious plan of Lihtrty handed down to us from our anceftors; but wtlfethjCi jny Labours fhall prove fuccefsfnl, or in vain', depends wholly on you, my dear Countrymen t PHILADELPHIA: Printed arid &ld .by William, Bhadpord, at his Book-Store adjoining the Lcndsn Coffee-Houfe. M,DCG,LXiv. preface; To understand clearly the nature of that dispute which led the Assembly to those measures, which are so justly animad- verted on in the following excellent speech, it will be proper to look a few years backward. In the year 1759, Governor Dctiny, whose administration will never be mentioned but with disgrace in the annals of this pro- vince, was induced, by considerations to which the world is now no stranger, to pass sundry acts, contrary to his duty, and to every tie of honor and justice. On the 2d of September, 1760, his late Majesty in council repealed six of these acts ; and in regard to the seventh (which was an act for granting to his Majesty one hundred thousand pounds, by a tax on all estates, real and personal, &c.) the Lords of his Majesty's most honora- able privy Council declared it their opinion ' ' that the said act was fundamentally wrong and unjust, and ought to be re- pealed, unless six certain amendments were made therein." Benjamin Franklin and Robert Charles, Agents for the Pro- vince, undertook that, in case the act might be left unrepealed, * ' the Assembly of Pennsylvania would prepare and pass an act for making the amendments proposed by the Lords of the Council, and to indemnify the Proprietaries from any damage they might sustain by such act not being prepared and passed." This stipulation was signed by the hands of the said agents, and the Proprietors for the sake of peace accepted of it. [iv] But, notwithstanding the solemnity of this agreement, the Assembly in framing the late Stipply-Bill, insisted upon ex- plaining the 2d and 3d articles of the stipulation in their own way, and inserting them in the bill in different words from those made use of by the Lords of Council, and signed by their * This preface was written by Rev. William Smith. (II) 12 PREFACE. own agents. The Governor, on the contrary, thought that no words could be so proper to convey the meaning of the Lords of Council and prevent disputes, as those which their lordships themselves had made use of, and that he could neither in decency or duty depart from them. Hereupon messages ensued, and the Assembly, among other vehement and warm resolves, broke up with the following most extraordinary one, viz. * ' That this House will adjourn, in order to consult their con- stituents, whether an humble address should be drawn up, and transmitted to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this Province, under his immediate protection and government, &c."* What methods were taken, during this adjournment, to lead a number of rash, ignorant and inconsiderate people into peti- tions, the evil tendency of which thej'^ did not understand, is an enquiry not suitable to the present occasion. It is enough to say that, after incredible pains, in a province containing near THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND SOULS, not more than 3500 could be prevailed upon to petition for a change of government ; and those very generally of a low rank, many of whom could neither read nor write. f The wiser and better part of the Province had far different notions of this measure. They considered that the moment they put their hands to these petitions, [v] they might be surren- dering up their birth-right, and putting it in the power of a few men, for the sake of gratifying their own ambitious projects and personal resentments, to barter away that glorious plan of public liberty and charter privileges, under which this Province has risen to the highest degree of prosperity, with a rapidity almost unparalleled in history. Though the ill-success of these petitions must have been very mortifying to the projectors of them, yet the Assembly were at all hazards to be persuaded to make them the founda- tion of a petition to the King for a change of government. It was in vain to urge the smallness of the numbers who signed * See Galloway's Speech^ xix. — Ed. t Ibid, xx. — Ed. PREFACE. 13 ^ the petitions ; the high veneration in which our present consti- tution hath long been held by good men of every denomination, and the multitudes of industrious people whom even the very fame of it hath invited among us, from almost every part of the world. These considerations were but slight bars to men actuated by ambition and resentment; men who have long found their own importance to consist in fomenting the divi- sions of their country, and now hope to aggrandize themselves by bringing about the proposed change, whatever may be its consequences to others. They therefore found means to carry their petition thro' the House, but not without the most spir- ited testimony against it, from a noble Few, a Patriot Minority, whose names will be mentioned with honor, so long as any remembrance is left of the present boasted I^iberties of Pennsylvania. At the head of these Few, the worthy author of the following Speech signalized himself. Having devoted to a severe course of study those years which too many give to dissipation and pleasure, he shewed himself, at his first entrance on public life, possessed of a knowledge of the laws and constitution of his country, which [vij seldom falls to the share even of grey hairs. Alike independent in spirit and in fortune, removed as far as any man can be from all connections with the Proprietors or their immediate friends, and following only the unbiassed dic- tates of his own heart, he could not be a silent spectator while the most distant attempt was made upon that constitution, for which our fathers planted a wilderness, and which is derived to us by the Faith of Charters, and Sanctity of I,aws ! This Speech was delivered on the 24th of May, and the late Speaker, Mr. Norris, with the four members under mentioned, are said to have declared to Mr. Dickinson, that he had fully spoke their sentiments, in his own. The next day in the after- noon, Mr. Dickinson moved that the further consideration of the matter should be adjourned to the following morning. But it was voted by a great majority (Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Joseph Richardson, Mr. Isaac Saunders, and Mr. John Montgomery being for the negative) that the Petition as then drawn, should 14 PREFACE. be transcribed, in order to be signed by the Speaker; which was ordered accordingly. Mr. Dickinson having then digested the heads of his speech into the nature of a Protest,^ in which he was joined by Mr. Saunders and Mr. Montgomery, f ofifered it to be entered in the minutes ; but it was refused. Mr. Norris, the Speaker, who, from the nature of his ofl5ce, could not join in the Protest or take any part in the debate, finding matters pushed to this extremity, informed the House, in a very solemn and affecting manner, ' ' That for thirty years past he had had the honour of serving as a Representative of the people of this Province, and near half that time as Speaker. That, in these offices, he had uniformly endeavoured, accord- [vii]ing to the best of his judgment, to promote the pub- lic good.— That the subject of the present debate was a matter of the utmost importance to the Province. That as his sentiments on the occasion were very different from those of the majority^ and his seat in the chair prevented him from entering into the debate, he therefore prayed the House, That if, in consequence of their order, his duty should oblige him to sign the Petition as Speaker, he might be permitted to offer his sentiments on the subject before he signed, and that they might be entered on the minutes;" which was granted accordingly. The House then adjourned to the next morning, and when they met, the Clerk delivered the members a letter from the Speaker, acquainting them that his indisposition prevented his further attendance, and praying them to choose a new Speaker. Thus this aged member and faithful servant of the House, as if foreseeing troubles to come, chose to retire, and leave them to those whose temper they better suited. Benjamin Franklin, Esq., was accordingly chosen Speaker, and in the afternoon of the same day, signed the Petition, as one of his first acts, an act which but posterity will best be able to give it a name ! As these transactions could not fail of being very interesting to the good people of this Province, it is not to be wondered * Printed post.— Ed. -f See their letter below. PREFACE. 15 that they expressed an earnest desire to see the following Speech^ that they might be able to form some knowledge of what was intended ; for their own Representatives did not think proper to let the contents of their petition for the proposed change be known ; though upon this single stake, so far as depended upon them, they have risked our whole constitution. On the 6th of June, therefore, a great number of the principal Gentlemen of Philadelphia applied to Mr. Dickinson for a copy of his speech, by letter as follows, viz. [viii] Philadelphia, y««^ 6/A, 1764. Sir, We whose names are underwritten, citizens of Philadelphia, ac« knowledge the obligations that the good people of this Province are under to you, for your spirited defence of our charter privileges, which we apprehend are greatly endangered by some late proceedings, particu- larly the setting on foot a petition to his Majesty for a change of govern- ment. We are surprised that our representatives, who ought to be guardians of the constitution, do not check rather than encourage this unseasonable application of a few (comparatively) of the people of this extensive Province. We hereby testify our sincere gratitude to you, sir, and the other patriot members that appeared on the side of our Charter and Privileges, and request a copy of the speech you delivered on that occasion in the House, as we are persuaded that the publication thereof would be of great utility and give general satisfaction. We beg leave to assure you of our regard, and are Sir, Your most obedient humble servants. About the same time Mr. Saunders and Mr. Montgomery, earnestly desirous that their names might be joined with Mr. Dickinson's through this whole affair, sent him the following letter : Sit, As we are informed that a number of the principal gentlemen of the city of Philadelphia intend applying to you to have your speech, which was delivered a few days ago in the House of Assembly, against the measures proposed for a change of government, published, and as we are of opinion the publication thereof, together with the reasons on which our protest is founded, may be of considerable service, we judge it proper (in case you are of the same opinion of making them public) that you should signify to the public how heartily we have concurred with you in the same sentiments, set forth in your speech, and in disap- probation of the late resolves of the House ; this we judge a piece of justice due to ourselves, lest we incur, from our constituents, the imputa- i6 PREFACE. tion of betraying or sacrificing their essential rights and privileges which we meant to defend. We likewise authorize you hereby to affix our names to the dissent and protest,* which the House refused entering on their minutes. We are respectfully. Sir, Yours, &c., Isaac Saunders, John Montgomery, [ix] Having thus given a faithful account, both of the occasion of this Speech, and of its publication, it would be almost impossi- ble not to quote a few passages from former Assemblies, to shew in what high terms, even of rapture and admiration, they continually mentioned our present constitution and plan of government. " We hope, say they,t the people of Pennsylvania will never be wanting to acknowledge the great wisdom and singular goodness of our late honourable Proprietor, from whom we derive the privileges of our annual elections, as well as many other immunities which have so manifestly contributed to the prosperity of the Province, &c." Again, " When I we commemorate the many blessings bestowed on the inhabitants of this colony, the religious and civil liberties we possess, and to whom these valuable blessings, under God and the King, are owing, we should be wanting to ourselves, and them that we represent, did we not do justice to the memory of thy worthy ancestor. ' ' " Our§ happy constitution, secured to us by the wisdom and goodness of our first Proprietary and founder of this province, so happily continued to us under the government of his honour- able descendants, justly entitle them to our affection and zeal for their honor and interest." But it would be endless to quote all that has been said by our Assemblies, in favour of the constitution of this province, and its worthy founder. The sum of the whole, when taken from the minutes, and thrown together in their own express words, is nothing less than what follows. * As all the arguments in this Protest are to be found more at large in the following Speech, it is not printed here, but will be published by itself in the newspapers. t Assembly 1730. J Address to the honourable John Penn, Esq., 1764. 2 Assembly 1738. PREFACE. 17 WIIvWAM PENN, ' A man of principles truely humane, an Advocate for [x] Religion and I,iberty, * Possessing a noble spirit That exerted itself For the good of mankind, Was ' The g^eat and worthy founder Of PENNSYIvVANIA. To its inhabitants, by Charter, * He granted and confirmed 'Many singular Privileges and Immunities, • Civil and Religious ; ^ Which he continually studied to preserve and defend for them. Nobly declaring • That they had not followed him so far To lose a single tittle Of the Great Charter To which all Englishmen were bom ! For these Services, • Great have been the acknowlegements Deservedly paid to his Merit ; "And his Memory Is dear to his people, Who have repeatedly confessed That, " Next to divine Providence, " Their Happiness, Prosperity and Increase " Are owing To his wise conduct and singular goodness, * Minutes 1734. 'Minutes 1740. » Minutes 1738, 1740, 1745. * Minutes 1755. * Minutes 1730. •Minutes 1734. ^ Minutes 1735. 'Minutes 1756. •Minutes 1740. "> Minutes 1719. " Minutes 1725. " Minutes 1731. " Minutes 1734. i8 PREFACE. " Which deserve ever to be remembered, With Gratitude and Affection, By Pennsylvanians. [xi] Were it intended to write the highest encomium on the con- stitution of this country, and to erect the most lasting monu- ment to the memory of its illustrious founder, a more noble inscription could hardly be devised than what is contained in the foregoing minutes of Assembly; and a time may come when impartial posterity, notwithstanding the present ingrati- tude of a few, may perhaps adapt it for this purpose. As to the wild measures now on foot, they will undoubtedly destroy themselves by their own violence; and it would be impossible to add anything that can more expose their rashness than what is contained in the following Speech. The Proprie- tors hold their Right by that charter under which ours is de- rived. Can the latter in law or equity be deemed more sacred than the former? Have the Proprietors, by any act of theirs, forfeited the least tittle of what was granted them by his Ma- jesty's royal ancestors? Or can they be deprived of their charter rights without their own consent? Have they not constantly sheltered themselves under the wing of government, and received the approbation of his Majesty's first servants in the law to every material Instruction sent to their governors here? In the present dispute nothing has been insisted upon on the part of our Governors but a strict adherence to what has been solemnly determined by his Majesty in Council. Indeed we have every way the worst of this whole business. If a change were to take place, the Proprietors before they re- sign their charter, would certainly obtain a full equivalent for their Rights of Government, and likewise have all their Rights of Property secured to them by laws which we could not dis- pute. Such a change, were they inclined to it, could certainly be of very little prejudice to them ; but with respect to us the case is quite different. Instead of securing anything in rever- sion or exchange, our representatives, by their present petition, "Minutes 1732. PREFACE. 19 seem (so far at least as depends on them) to have offered up our whole charter rights, leaving it to the grace of others to return us any part, or indeed no part of them, according as it may be thought proper. But, thanks be to God, this is a power with which our representatives were never vested by us ; and there- fore the act they have committed is void in itself. Nor is there any doubt but an immense majority of the good people of this Province will still be found ready, at a proper time, to vindicate their charter rights, and to let the world know that they hold those men unworthy of all future trust, who could wantonly sport with things so sacred. Former Assemblies made it an article of impeachment against one of the most considerable * men of this Province ' ' That he had contrived to violate (only) a part of the constitution of this government." But what would they have thought of an at- tempt to violate the whole ? We know it will be replied, that the change now proposed is not a violation of this kind, and that our privileges might be preserved in virtue of our Laws, even if our charter were given up. But a sufl5cient answer is given to this in page the nth and 12th of the following [xii] Speech; and indeed it is aston- ishing that this argument could ever be made use of to impose upon any person, when it is well known that the chief privi- leges, by which the constitution of this province is distin- guished, depend upon our charter alone, and upon no positive law whatever. And here, let no wrong construction be put upon this de- fence of the particular constitution of Pennsylvania. Those who now contend for it, have the highest veneration for the dignity and authority of the Crown. They think themselves as much under its immediate protection as any of his Majesty's subjects on this continent are ; and it is well known, that they have on all occasions been among the first of those who have appeared in defence of the just rights of our gracious Sovereign. They think it may be said, without giving the least offence, that the inhabitants of this Province enjoy certain privileges * James Logan, Esq. 20 PREFACE. which are not to be found in the governments around them, and which they could not have the least hopes of preserving in case of any change of our present constitution. Multitudes of people have chosen a settlement in this Province, preferable to all others, on account of these privileges, and they now think that they have a right to the perpetual enjoyment of them ; as they are in no case inconsistent with good order or the public good. Many private corporations in his Majesty's dominions enjoy singular immunities upon the like foundation ; and those bodies have never been thought undutiful for adhering tena- ciously to their rights, from age to age. Certainly we may be considered in a something higher light than 'Corporate Bodies of this kind. Having swelled this preface to a much greater length than was at first intended, we shall only offer one remark more, upon the terms in which the Petition of our Assembly is said to be drawn up. We have heard that this Province is described in it as a scene of riot, violence and confusion ; but yet one can hardly judge it possible, that our representatives could venture to approach the royal ear with such an unjust account of their constituents. Nevertheless we have a right to insist on a copy of this petition from the committee in whose hands it is, that if we lie under any accusations in it, we may have an opportu- nity to answer them. This is so reasonable, that we are per- suaded it cannot be refused, especially in a matter wherein we may be greatly affected. We would only observe that the present is not a time for divisions of any kind in his Majesty's colonies; but for the closest union among ourselves, that we may be able, by de- cent and just representation of the state of our country, to save it from burthens which it cannot bear, and to encourage it in those improvements whereof it is capable. Let it be remem- bered how little we have got by bringing our party quarrels before the Crown these many years past ; most certainly noth- ing but shame to ourselves, and a load of expense to our coun- try, which, however beneficial it may have been to the Agents employed, has not been of the least service to the public. THE SPEECH OF JOHN DICKINSON, ESQ., &c. Mr. Speaker,* When honest men apprehend their country to be in- jured, nothing is more natural than to resent and com- plain: but when they enter into consideration of the means for obtaining redress, the same virtue that gave the alarm, may sometimes, by causing too great a transport of zeal, defeat its own purpose; it being expedient for those who deliberate of public aflfairs, that their minds should be free from all violent passions. . These emotions blind the understanding: they weaken the judgment. It, there- fore, frequently happens, that resolutions formed by men thus agitated, appear to them very wise, very just, and very salutary; while others, not influenced by the same heats, condemn those determinations, as weak, unjust and dangerous. Thus, Sir, in councils it will always be found useful, to guard against even that indignation, which arises from integrity. More particularly are we bound to observe the utmost caution in our conduct, as the experience of [2] many years may convince us, that all our actions undergo the strictest scrutiny. Numerous are the instances, that might be mentioned, of rights vindicated and equitable demands made in the province, according to the opinions enter- tained here, that in Great Britain^ have been adjudged to be illegal attempts, and pernicious pretensions. * Isaac Norris, Esquire. Note in Writings. (21) 22 THE SPEECH OF These adjudications are the acts of persons vested with such dignity and power, as claim some deference from us: and hence it becomes not unnecessary to consider, in what light the* measures now proposed may appear to those, whose sentiments from the constitution of our govern- ment, it will always be prudent to regard. But on this important occasion, we ought not to aim only at the approbation of men, whose authority may cen- sure and control us. More affecting duties demand our attention. The honor and welfare of Pennsylvania de- pending on our decisions, let us endeavour so to act, that we may enjoy our own approbation, in the cool and undis- turbed hours of reflection: that we may deserve the appro- bation of the impartial world; and of posterity who are so much interested in the present debate. No man. Sir, can be more clearly convinced than I am of the inconveniences arising from a strict adherence to proprietary instructions. We are prevented from demon- strating our loyalty to our excellent Sovereign, and our affection to our distrest fellow-subjects, unless we will in- dulge the Proprietors, with a distinct and partial mode of taxation, by which they will save perhaps four or five hundred pounds a year, that ought to go in ease of our constituents. [3] This is granted on all sides to be unequal ; and has, therefore, excited the resentment of this House. Let us resent — but let our resentment bear proportion to the pro- vocation received ; and not produce, or even expose us to the peril of producing, effects more fatal than the injury of which we complain. If the change of government now *The controversy between the Province and the Proprietaries, was, — Whether the estates of the Proprietaries should be taxed as the estates of other persons were. The Proprietaries claimed an exemption, and were supported in their claim by the British Ministers. The Assembly took this opportunity to attempt a change of the Government from pro- prietary to royal. Note in Writings. JOHN DICKINSON. 23 meditated, can take place, with all our privileges pre- served, let it instantly take place : but if they must be consumed in the blaze of royal authority, we shall pay too great a price for our approach to the throne ; too great a price for obtaining (if we should obtain) the addition of four or five hundred pounds to the proprietary tax ; or, in- deed, for any emolument likely to follow from the' change. I I hope I am not mistaken when I believe that every" member in this House feels the same reverence that I do for these inestimable rights. When I consider the spirit of liberty that breathes in them, and the flourishing state to which this province hath risen in a few years under them, I am extremely desirous that they should be trans- mitted to future ages ; and I cannot suppress my solicitude while steps are taking that tend to bring them all into danger. Being assured that this House will always think an attempt to change this government too hazardous, un- less these privileges can be perfectly secured^ I shall beg leave to mention the reasons by which I have been con- vinced that such an attempt ought not now to be made."^ It seems to me, sir, that a people who intend an innova- tion of their government ought to chuse the most proper time^ and the most proper method^ for accomplishing their purposes ; and ought seriously to weigh all the probable and possible consequences of such a measure. [4J There are certain periods in public affairs when designs may be executed much more easily and advantageously than at any other. It hath been by a strict attention to every interesting circumstance, a careful cultivation of every fortunate occurrence, and patiently waiting till they have ripened into a favourable conjecture, that so many great actions have been performed in the political world. It was through a rash neglect of this prudence, and too much eagerness to gain his point, that the Duke of Mon- mouth destroyed his own enterprise and brought himself 24 THE SPEECH OF dishonourably to the block, though everything then verged towards a revolution. The Prince of Orange, with a wise delay ^ pursued the same views and gloriously mounted a throne. It was through a like neglect of this prudence that the commons of Denmark^ smarting under the tyranny of their nobility, in a fit of revengeful fury suddenly surren- dered their liberties to their king; and ever since, with unavailing grief and useless execrations, have detested the mad moment which slipt upon them the shackles of slav- ery, which no struggles can shake oflf. With more deliber- ation^ the Dutch erected a stadholdership, that hath been of signal service to their state. That excellent historian and statesman, Tacitus^ whose political reflections are so justly and universally admired, makes an observation in his third annal that seems to con- firm these rerriarks. Having mentioned a worthy man of great abilities, whose ambitious ardour hurried him into ruin, he uses these words, ' ' quod multos etiam bonos pessum dedit^ qui spretis qucB tarda cum securitate^ prcematura vel cum exitio proper ant.'''' ''Which misfortune hath hap- pened to many good men, who despising [5] those things which they might slowly and safely attain, seize them too hastily, and with fatal speed rush upon their own destruc- tion." -, If then. Sir, the best intentions may be disappointed by too rapid a prosecution of them, many reasons induce me to think, that this is not the proper time to attempt the change of our government. It is too notorious and too melancholy a truth, that we now labor under the disadvantage of royal and ministerial displeasure. The conduct of this province during the late war, has been almost continually condemned at home. We have been covered with the reproaches of men, whose sta- tions give us just cause to regard their reproaches. The JOHN DICKINSON. ' 25 last letters from his majesty's secretary of state prove, that the reputation of the province has not yet revived. We are therein expressly charged with double dealing, disre- spect for his Majesty's orders, and in short, accusations, that shew us to be in the utmost discredit. Have we th( least reason to believe, when the transactions of this yeai and the cause of our application for a change, are made known to the king and his ministers, that their resentment will be waived ? Let us not flatter ourselves. Will they not be more incensed when they find the public service impeded, and his majesty's dominions so long exposed to the ravages of merciless enemies, by our inactivity and obstinacy, as it will be said? For this, I think, hath been the constant language of the minority on the like occa- sions. Will not their indignation rise beyond all bounds when they understand that our hitherto denying to grant supplies, and our application for a change, proceed from the governor's strict adherence to the terms of the stipula- tions, so solemnly made, and so repeatedly approved, by the late and present King? [6] But I may perhaps be answered, "that we have agreed to the terms of the stipulations, according to their true meaning, which the governor refuses to do." Surely, Sir, it will require no slight sagacity in distinguishing, no com- mon force of argument, to persuade his Majesty and his Council, that the refusal to comply with the true meaning of the stipulations proceeds from the Governor, when he insists on inserting in our bill the very words and letters of those stipulations. "But these stipulations were iiever intended to be in- serted verbatim in our bills, ana our construction is the most just." I grant it appears so to us^ but much I doubt whether his Majesty's Council will be of the same opinion. That Board and this House have often differed as widely in their sentiments. Our judgment is founded on the 26 THE SPEECH OF knowledge we have of facts, and of the purity of our in- tentions. The judgment of others^ is founded on the rep- resentations made to them of those facts and intentions. These representations may be unjust; and, therefore, the decisions that are formed upon them may be erroneous. If we are rightly informed, we are represented as the mortal enemies of the proprietors, who would tear their estates to pieces unless some limit was fixed to our fury. For this purpose the second and third articles of the stipulations were formed. The inequality of the mode was explained and enlarged upon by the provincial counsel ; but in vain. I think, I have heard a worthy member who lately re- turned from England mention these circumstances. If this be the case, what reasonable hope can we enter- tain of a more favourable determination nowf The Pro- prietors are still living. Is it not highly probable that they have interest enough, either to prevent the change or to make such terms as will fix upon us forever those de- mands that appear so ex- [7] tremely just to i}i\^ present Min- isters? One of the Proprietors appears to have great inti- macy and influence with some very considerable members of his Majesty's Council. Many men of the highest char- acter, if public reports speak truth, are now endeavouring to establish proprietary governments, and, therefore, prob- ably may be more readily inclined to favour proprietary measures. The very gentlemen who formed the articles of the stipulations are now in power^ and, no doubt, will inforce their own acts in the strictest manner. On the other hand, every circumstance that now operates against us, may in time turn ii^ our favour. We may, perhaps, be fortunate enough, to see the present prejudices against us worn off; to recommend ourselves to our Sovereign and to procure the esteem of some of his ministers. I think I may venture to assert that such a period will be infinitely more proper than the present, for attempting a change of our government. JOHN DICKINSON. 27 With the permission of the House, I will now consider the manner in which this attempt is carried on; and I must acknowledge that I do not in the least degree ap- prove of it. The time may come when the weight of this govern- ment may grow too heavy for the shoulder of a subject, at least too heavy for those of a woman, or an infant The proprietary family may be so circumstanced as to be will- ing to accept of such an equivalent for the government from the crown, as the crown may be willing to give. Whenever this point is agitated, either on a proposal from the crown or proprietors, this province may plead the cause of her privileges with greater freedom and with greater probability of success than at present. The royal grant, the charter founded upon it, the public faith pledged to the adventurers for the security of those rights to them and their poste- [8] rity, whereby they were encour- aged to combat the dangers, I had almost said, of another world; to establish the British power in remotest regions, and add inestimable dominions with the most extensive commerce to their native country ; the high value and veneration we have for these privileges, the afflicting loss and misfortune we should esteem it, to be deprived of them, and the unhappiness in which his Majesty's faithful I subjects in this province would thereby be involved; our 1 inviolable loyalty and attachment to his Majesty's person and illustrious family, whose sovereignty hath been sOj singularly distinguished by its favourable influence on the/ liberties of mankind. — All these things may then be prop- / erly insisted on. If urged with that modest heart-felt energy, with which good men should always vindicate the interests of their country, before the best of sovereigns, * I should not despair of a gracious attention to our humble * The preceding six words are struck out in Writings. — Ed. 28 THE SPEECH OF requests. Our petition in such a case, would be simple, respectful and perhaps affecting. But in the present mode of proceeding, it seems to me, that we preclude ourselves from every office of decent duty to the most excellent of Kings, and from that right of earnestly defending our privileges, which we should other- wise have. The foundation of this attempt, I am appre- hensive, will appear to others, peculiarly unfortunate. In a sudden passion, it will be said, against the Proprietors, we call out for a change of government. Not from rever- ence for his Majesty, not from a sense of his paternal goodness to his people, but because we are angry with the Proprietors, and tired of a dispute founded on an order approved by his Majesty and his royal grandfather. ?; Our powerful friends on the other side of the Atlantic^ who are so apt to put the kindest constructions on [9] our actions, will, no doubt, observe "that the conduct of the people of Pennsylvania must be influenced by very extra- ordinary councils, since they desire to come more imme- diately under the King's command, because they will not obey those royal commands which have been already sig- nified to them." But here it will be said, nay it has been said, and the petition before the House is drawn accordingly, "we will not alledge this dispute with the Governor on the stipula- tions, but the general inconveniences of a proprietary gov- ernment as the cause of our desiring a change." 'Tis true we may act in this artful manner, but what advan- tages shall we gain by it? Though we should keep the secret, can we seal up the lips of the Proprietors? Can we recall our message to the Governor? Can we annihilate our own resolves? Will not all — will not any of these dis- cover the true cause of the present attempt? Why, then, should we unnecessarily invite fresh invec- tives in the very beginning of a most important business, JOHN DICKINSON. 29 that, to be happily concluded, requires all the favour we can procure and all the dexterity we can practice? We intend to surround the throne with petitions that our government may be changed from proprietary to royal : at the same time we mean to preserve our privileges : but how are these two points to be reconciled? If we express our desire for the preservation of our privileges, in so general or faint a manner as may induce the King to think they are of no great consequence to us, it will be nothing less than to betray our country. [10] If, on the other hand, we inform his Majesty "that though we request him to change the government, yet we insist on the preservation of our privileges," certainly it will be thought an unprecedented stile of petitioning the crown, that humbly asks a favour and boldly prescribes the terms on which it must be granted. How then shall we act? Shall we speak, or shall we suppress our sentiments? The first method will render our request incoherent : the second will render it danger- ous. Some gentlemen are of opinion that these dijSiculties may be solved by intrusting the management of this affair to an Agent ; but I see no reason to expect such an effect. I would first observe that this matter is of too prodigious consequence to be trusted to the discretion of an Agent. But if it shall be committed by this House, the proper guardian of the public liberties^ to other hands, this truth must at some time or other be disclosed: "that we will never consent to a change unless our privileges are pre- served." I should be glad to know with what finesse this matter is to be conducted. Is the agent to keep our petition to the crown in his pocket till he has whispered to the ministry? Will this be justifiable? Will it be decent? Whenever he applies to them^ I presume, they will desire to know his authority for making such an ap- plication. Then our petition must appear ; and whenever 30 THE SPEECH OF it does appear, either at first or last, that^ and the others transmitted with it, I apprehend, will be the foundation of any resolutions taken in the King's Council. Thus, in whatever view this transaction is considered, shall we not still be involved in the dilemma already men- tioned, "of begging a favour from his Majesty's goodness, and yet showing a distrust that the royal hand, stretched out at our own request for our relief, may do us an injury?" [ii] Let me suppose, and none can offer the least proof of this supposition being unreasonable, that his Majesty will not accept of the government, clogged, as it will be said, with privileges inconsistent with the royal rights : how shall we act then? We shall have our choice of two things : one of them destructive, the other dishonourable. We may either renounce the laws and liberties framed and delivered down to us by our careful ancestors : or we may tell his Majesty with a surly discontent, "that we will not submit to his implored protection^ but on such conditions as we please to impose on him." Is not this the inevi- table and dreadful * alternative, to which we shall reduce ourselves ? In short. Sir, I think the farther we advance in the path we are now in, the greater will be the confusion and danger in which we shall engage ourselves. Any body of men acting under a charter, must surely tread on slippery^ ground when they take a step that may be deemed a sur£ render of that charter. For my part, I think the petitions^ that have been carried about the city and country to be signed, and are now lying on the table, can be regarded in no other light than as a surrender of the charter, with a short indifferent hint annexed of a desire that our privi- leges may be spared if it shall be thought proper. Many * "and dreadful" struck out in Writings.— Ed. JOHN DICKINSON. 31 striking arguments may, in my opinion, be urged, to prove that any request made by this House for a change may, with still greater propriety be called a surrender. The common observation "that many of our privileges do not depend on our charter only, but are confirmed by laws ap- proved by the Crown," I doubt will have but little weight with those who will determine this matter. ^ It will readily be replied, "that these laws were founded on the charter ; that they were calculated for a proprietary government, and for no other, and ap- [12] proved by the Crown in that view alone ; that the proprietary government is now acknowledged by the people living under it to be a bad government, and the Crown is intreated to accept a surrender of it : that, therefore, by abolishing the pro- prietary government, everything founded upon it must of -^ consequence be also abolished." However, if there should be any doubts in the law odT^ these points, there is an easy way to solve them. These reflections. Sir, naturally lead me to consider the consequences that may attend a change of our government, which is the last point I shall trouble the House upon at this time. It is not to be questioned, but that the Ministry are de- sirous of vesting the immediate government of this Prov- ince advantageously in the Crown. Tis true, they don't chuse to act arbitrarily, and tear away the present govern- ment from us without our consent. This is not the age for such things. But let us only furnish them with a pre- text, by pressing petitions for a change ; let us only relin- quish the hold we now have, and in an instant we are precipitated from that envied height where we now stand. The affair is laid before the Parliament, the desires of the Ministry are insinuated, the rights of the Crown are vin- dicated, and an act passes to deliver us at once from the government of Proprietors, and the privileges we claim under them. ik' 32 THE SPEECH OF Then, Sir, we, who in particular have presented to the authors of the fatal change this long-wished for oppor- tunity of eflfecting it, shall, for our assistajtce^ be entitled to their thanks — Thanks/ which I am persuaded every worthy member of this House would abhor to deserve and would scorn to receive. [13] It seems to be taken for granted that by a change of government we shall obtain a change of those measures which are so displeasing to the people of this Province — that justice will be maintained by an equal taxation of the proprietary estates — and that our frequent dissentions will be turned into peace and happiness. These are effects indeed sincerely to be wished for by every sensible, by every honest man; but reason does not always teach us to expect the warm wishes of the heart. Could our gracious Sovereign take into consideration the state of every part of his extended dominions, we might expect redress of every grievance; for with the most im- plicit conviction, I believe he is as just, benevolent and amiable a Prince as heaven ever granted in its mercy to bless the people. I venerate his virtues beyond all expres- sion. But his attention to our particular circumstances being impossible, we must receive our fate from ministers; and from them I do not like to receive it. We are not the subjects of ministers; and, therefore, it is not to be wondered at if they do not feel that tenderness for us that a good prince will always feel for his people. Men are not born ministers. Their ambition raises them to authority, and when possessed of it, one established principle with them seems to be, "never to deviate from a precedent of power." Did we not find in the late war, though we exerted our- selves in the most active manner in the defence of his Majesty's dominions, and in promoting the service of the Crown, every point in which the Proprietors thought fit to JOHN DICKINSON. 33 make any opposition, decided against us ? Have we not also found, since the last disturbance of the public peace by our savage enemies, the conduct of the late Governor highly applauded by the ministry, for his adher- [14] ence to those very stipulations now insisted on, and ourselves subjected to the bitterest reproaches^ only for attempting to avoid burthens, that were thought extremely grievous. Other instances of the like kind I pass over to avoid a tedious recapitulation. Since then the gale of ministerial favour has in all sea- sons blown propitious to proprietary interests, why do we now fondly flatter ourselves that it will suddenly shift its quarter? Why should we with an amazing credulity now fly for protection to those men, trust everything to their mercy, and ask the most distinguishing favours from their kindness, from whom we complained a few months ago that we could not obtain the most reasonable requests? Surely, Sir, we must acknowledge one of these two things: either, that our complaint was then unjust^ or, that our confidence is now unwarranted. For my part, I look for a rigid perseverance in former measures. With a new gov- ernment I expect new disputes. The experience of the royal colonies convinces me that the immediate govern ment of the Crown is not a security for that tranquility and happiness we promise ourselves from a change. It is needless for me to remind the House of all the frequent and violent controversies that have happened between the King's Governors in several provinces and their Assem- blies. At this time, if I am rightly informed, Virginia is struggling against an instruction relating to their paper currency,* that will be attended, as that colony apprehends, with the most destructive consequences if carried into execution. Indeed, Sir, it seems vain to expect, where the spirit of * "relating to their paper currency " omitted in WHtings. — Ed. 34 THE SPEECH OF liberty is maintained among a people, that public contests should not also be maintained. Those who govern^ and those who are governed^ seldom think they can gain too much on one another. Power is like the ocean^ not easily admitting limits to be fixed in it. It must be [15] in motion. Storms, indeed, are not desirable, but a long dead calm is not to be looked for, perhaps, not to be wished for. Let not MS then, in expectation of smooth seas and an undis- turbed course^ too rashly venture our little vessel that hath safely sailed round our own well known shores, upon the midst of the untrfd deep^ without being first fully con- vinced that her make is strong enough to bear the weather she may meet with, and that she is well provided for so long and so dangerous a voyage. No man. Sir, amongst us hath denyed, or will deny, that this Province must stake on the event of the present attempt, liberties that ought to be immortal — Liberties/ founded on the acknowledged rights of human nature and restrained in our mother-country, only by an unavoidable necessity of adhering in some measure to long-established customs. Thus hath been formed between old errors and hasty innovations an entangled chain, that our ancestors either had not moderation or leisure enough to untwist. I will now briefly enumerate, as well as I can recollect, the particular privileges of Pennsylvania. In the first place, we here enjoy that best and greatest of all rights, a perfect religious freedom. Posts of honour and profit are unfettered with oaths or tests^ and, therefore are open to men whose abilities, strict regard to their conscientious persuasion, and unblemished characters qualify them to discharge their duties with credit to themselves and advantage to their countiy. Thus justice is done to merit, and the public loses none of its able servants.* * This sentence is omitted in Writings. — Ed. JOHN DICKINSON. 35 The same wisdom of our laws has guarded against the absurdity of granting greater credit even to villains, [16] if they will swear, than to men of virtue, who from religious motives cannot. Therefore, those who are conscientiously scrupulous of taking an oath, are admitted as witnesses in criminal cases. Our legislation suffers no checks from a council instituted * in fancied imitation of the House of Lords. By the right of sitting on our own adjournments, we are secure of meeting when the public good requires it: and of not being dismist when private passions demand it. At the same time, the strict discharge of the truth com- mitted to Us, is inforced by the short duration of our power, which must be renewed by our constituents every year. Nor are the people stript of all authority in the execu- tion of laws. They enjoy the satisfaction of having some share, by the appointment of provincial commissioners, in laying out the money which they raise, and of being in this manner assured that it is applied to the purposes for which it was granted. They also elect sheriffs and cor- oners, officers of so much consequence in every determin- ation that affects honour, liberty, life or property. Let any impartial person reflect how contradictory some of these privileges are to the most ancient principles of the English constitution, and how directly opposite other of them are to the settled prerogatives of the crown, and then consider what probability we have of retaining them on a requested^ change: that is of continuing in fact a proprie- tary government, though we humbly pray the King to change this government. Not unaptly, in my opinion, the connection between the proprietary family and this Province may be regarded as a marriage. Our privileges * Appointed by the Crown. Note in Writings. ^Imperium facile iis artibus retineiur, quibus initio partum est. Sail. Bell. Catalia. 36 THE SPEECH OF may be called the fruits of that marriage. The domestic peace of this fa- [17] mily, it is true, has not been unvexed with quarrels and complaints. But the pledges of their affection ought always to be esteemed: and whenever the parents on an imprudent request shall be divorced^ much I fear that their issue will be declared illegitimate. This I am well persuaded of, that surprizing must our behaviour appear to all men, if in the instant when we apply to his Majesty for relief from what we think oppression, we should discover a resolute disposition to deprive him of the uncontroverted prerogatives of his royal dignity. At this period when the administration is regulating new colonies, and designing, as we are told, the strictest reformatio7is^ in the old, it is not likely that they will grant an invidious distinction in our favour. Less likely is it, as that distinction will be liable to so many, and such strong constitutional objections ; and when we shall have the weight both of the clergy and ministry, and the universally received opinions of the people of our mother country to contend with. I mean not, Sir, the least reflection on the church of England. I reverence and admire the purity of its doc- trine and the moderation of its temper. I am convinced that it is filled with learned and with excellent men : but all zealous persons think their own religious tenets the best, and would willingly see them embraced by others. I, therefore, apprehend that the dignified and reverend gentlemen of the church oi England wW\ be extremely de- sirous to have that church as well secured, and as much distinguished as possible in the American colonies : es- pecially in those colonies where it is overborne, as it were, by dissenters. There never can be a more critical oppor- tunity for this purpose than the present. The cause of the *Some late Acts of Parliament shew what strict reformations are to be made in the Colonies. JOHN DICKINSON. 37 church will besides be con- [18] nected with that of tht crown, to which its principles are thought to be more favourable than those of the other professions. We have received certain information that the conduct of this Province, which has been so much censured by the ministry, is attributed to the influence of a society, that holds warlike measures at all times to be unlawful. * We also know that the late tumultuous and riotous proceed- ings, which are represented in so strong a light by the petition, now before the House, have been publicly as- cribed to the influence of another society. Thus the blame of everything disreputable to this province is cast on one or the other of these dissenting sects. Circum- stances ! that, I imagine, will neither be forgot nor ne- glected. We have seen the event of our disputes concerning the Proprietary interests ; and it is not to be expected that our success will be greater when our opponents become more numerous, and will have more dignity, more power, and, as they will think, more law on their side. These are the dangers, Sir, to which we are now about to expose those privileges in which we have hitherto so much gloried. Wherefore? To procure two or three, perhaps four or five hundred pounds a year (for no calcu- lation has carried the sum higher), from the Proprietors, for two or three or four or five years, for so long and some- thing longer, perhaps, the taxes may continue. But are we sure of gaining this point? We are not. Are we sure of gaining any other advantage? We are not. Are we sure of preserving our privileges? We are not. Are we under a necessity of pursuing the measure proposed at this time? We are not. [19] * In the Writings this is altered to read : " is attributed to the influ- ence of one religious society " and the remainder of the sentence is omitted. — Ed. 38 THE SPEECH OF Here, Sir, permit me to make a short pause. Permit me to appeal to the heart of every member in this House, and to entreat him to reflect how far he can be justifiable in giving his voice, thus to hazard the liberties secured to us by the wise founders of this Province; peaceably and fully enjoyed by the present age, and to which posterity is so justly entitled. But, Sir, we are told there is no danger of losing our privileges if our government should be changed, and two arguments are used in support of this opinion. The first is, "That the government of the Crown is exercised with so much lenity in Carolina and the Jerseys.'''' I cannot perceive the least degree of force in this argument. As to Carolina^ I am not a little surprized, that it should be mentioned on this occasion, since I never heard of one privilege that colony enjoys more than all the royal gov- ernments in America. The privileges of the Jerseys are of a different nature from many of which we are possest; and are more consistent with the royal prerogative. Indeed I know of none they have, except that * Quakers may be witnesses in criminal cases, and may bear offices. Can this indulgence shewn to them for a particular reason, and not contradictory to the rights of the crown, give us any just cause to expect the confirmation of privileges directly opposite to those rights, and for confirming which no such reason exists. But, perhaps, the gentlemen who advance this argument mean that we shall purchase a change at a cheap price if we are only reduced to the same state with 'Oii^ Jerseys. Surely, Sir, if this be their mean- ing, they entirely forget those extraordinary privileges which some time ago were mentioned. [20] How many must we in such a case renounce? I appre- hend it would prove an argument of little consolation to these gentlemen if they should lose three-fourths of their * In the Writings " the People called " is added here. — JEd. JOHN DICKINSON. 39 estates, to be sold, that they still remain as rich as their neighbors, and have enough to procure all the necessaries of life. It is somewhat remarkable that this single instance of favour, in permitting an affirmation instead of an oath, in a single province, should be urged as so great an encour- agement to us, while there are so many examples of an- other kind to deter us. In what royal government besides the Jerseys can a Quaker be a witness in criminal cases, and bear offices ? * /;/ no other. What can be the reason of this distinction in i}a& Jerseys f Because in the infancy of that colony, when it came under the government of the crowu, there was, as appears from authentic vouchers, an ABSOLUTE NECESSITY from the scarcity of other proper persons, to make use of the people called Quakers in pub- lic employments. Is there such a necessity in this Prov- ince? Or can the ministry h^ persuaded that there is such a necessity ? No, Sir, those from whom they will receive information will grant no such thing; and, therefore, I think there is the most imminent danger^ in case of a change, that the people of this society will lose the exer- cise of those rights, which, though they are entitled to as men, yet such is the situation of human affairs, they with difficulty can find a spot on the whole globe where they are allowed to enjoy them. It will be an argument of some force, I am afraid, that the church of England can never expect to raise its head among us, while we are en- couraged, as it will be said, in dissension; but if an oath be made necessary for obtaining offices of honour and profit, it will then be expected that any Quakers [21] who are tempted to renounce their principles, will undoubtedly make an addition to the established church. If any other consideration than that which has been *It is said that a Quaker was lately committed to gaol in New York, because he would not swear in a criminal case. 40 THE SPEECH OF mentioned was regarded in granting that indulgence in \^iQ: Jerseys^ though no other is expressed, it seems not im- probable that the nearness of this Province might have had some weight, as from its situation it aflforded such strong temptations to the inhabitants of the Jerseys to re- move hither had they been treated with any severity. Their government, in some measure, was formed in imitation of our government ; but when this is altered, the English constitution must be the model by which it will be formed. Here it will be said, "this cannot be done but by the Parliament ; and will a British Parliament do such an act of injustice as to deprive us of our rights?" This is the second argument used to prove the safety of the measures now proposed. Certainly the British Parliament will not do what they think an unjust act : but I cannot persuade myself that they will think it unjust to place us on the same footing with themselves. It will not be an easy task to convince them that the people of Pennsylvania ought to be distin- guished from all other subjects under his Majesty's imme- diate government, or that such a distinction can answer any good purpose. May it not be expected that they will say : "No people can be freer than ourselves ; everything "more than we enjoy is licentiousness, not liberty: any " indulgences shown to the colonies heretofore were like "the indulgences of parents to their infants ; they ought "to cease with that tender age, and, as the colonies grow "up to a more vigorous state, they ought to be carefully "disci [22] plined, and all their actions regulated by strict ' ' laws. Above all things, it is necessary that the preroga- "tive should be exercised with its full force in our Amer- "ican provinces, to restrain them within due bounds and "secure their dependance on this kingdom."* * The subsequent conduct of Great Britain, has fully evinced her reso- lution to adhere to such political maxims as these. Note in Writings. JOHN DICKINSON. 41 I am afraid that this will be the opinion of the Parlia- ment, as it has been, in every instance, the undeviatiug practice of the ministry. But, Sir, it may be said "these reasons are not conclu- ' ' sive, they do not demonstratively prove that our privi- " leges will be endangered by a change." I grant the objection : but what stronger reasons, what clearer proofs are there that they uill 7iot be endangered by a change. They are safe now ; and why should we engage in an enterprise that will render them uncertain? If nothing will content us but a revolution brought about by our- selves, surely we ought to have made the strictest en- quiries what terms we may expect, and to have obtained from the ministry some kind of security for the perform- ance of those terms. These things might have been done. They are not done. If a merchant will venture to travel with great riches into a foreign country, without a proper guide, it certainly will be adviseable for him to procure the best in- telligence he can get of the climate, the roads, the diffi- culties he will meet with, and the treatment he may receive. I pray the House to consider, if we have the slighest security that can be mentioned, except opinion (if that is any) either for the preservation of our present privileges, or gaining a single advantage from a change. [23] Have we any writing? have we a verbal promise from any Minister of the Crown? We have not. I cannot, therefore, con- ceal my astonishment, that gentlemen should require a less security for the invaluable rights of Pennsylv(uiia than they would demand for a debt of five pounds. Why should we press forward with this unexampled hurry when no benefit can be derived from it? Why should we have any aversion to deliberation and delay when no injury can attend them ? 42 THE SPEECH OF It is scarcely possible, in the present case, that we can spend too much time in forming resolutions, the conse- quences of which are to \)^ perpetual. If it is true, as some aver, that we can now obtain an advantageous change of government, I suppose that it will be also true next week, next month, and next year; but if they are mistaken it will be early enough whenever it happens to be disap- pointed and to repent. I am not willing to run risques in a matter of such prodigious importance on the credit of any man' s opinion^ when by a small delay, that can do no harm, the steps we are to take may become more safe. Gideon^ though he had conversed with an "angel of the Lord," would not attempt to relieve his countrymen, then sorely opprest by the Midianites^ least he should involve them in greater miseries, until he was convinced by two miracles that he should be successful. I do not say we ought to wait for miracles^ but I think we ought to wait for something which will be next kin to a miracle; I mean, some sign of a favourable disposition in the ministry to- wards us. I should like to see an olive leaf^X. least brought to us, before we quit the ark. Permit me. Sir, to make one proposal to the House. We may apply the Crown now, as freely as if we were under its immediate government. Let us desire his Majesty's judgment on the point * that has occasioned this unhappy difference between the two branches of the [24] legislature. This may be done without anyf violence, without any hazard of our constitution. We say the justice of our de- * This point "was one of the stipulations approved by the Crown, in favour of the proprietors, with respect to the taxation of their estate. The governor, one branch of the legislature, insisted upon inserting in the bill then under consideration, the words of the stipulation ; and thus adhered to the stipulation. The house of assembly, the other branch of the legislature, insisted upon taxing the proprietary estate, without being thus bound. Note in Writings. t Nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est. Sail. Bell. Jugurth. JOHN DICKINSON. 43 mands is clear as light; every heart must feel the equity of them. If the decision be in our favour, we gain a considerable victory; the grand obstruction of the public service is re- moved, and we shall have more leisure to carry our inten- tions coolly into execution. If the decision be against us, I believe the most zealous amongst us will grant it would be madness to expect success in any other contest. This will be a single point, and cannot meet with such difficul- ties as the procuring a total alteration of the government. Therefore, by separating it from other matters we shall soon obtain a determination, and know what chance we have of succeeding in things of greater value. Let us try our fortune. Let us take a cast or two of the dice for smaller matters before we dip deeply. Few gamesters are of so sanguine a temper as to stake their whole wealth on one desperate throw at first. If we are to play with the public happiness^ let us act at least with as much delibera- tion as if we were betting out of our private purses. Perhaps a little delay may afford us the pleasure of find- ing our constituents more unanimous in their opinions on this interesting occasion: and I should chuse to see a vast majority of them join with a calm resolution in the meas- ure before I should think myself justifiable in voting for it, even if I approved of it. The present question is utterly foreign from the purposes for which we were sent into this place. There was not the least probability at the time we were elected that this matter could come under our consideration. We are not debating how much money we shall [25] raise, what laws we shall pass for the regulation of property, nor on anything of the same kind that arises in the usual parliamentary course of business. We are now to determine whether A STEP SHALL BE TAKEN THAT MAY PRODUCE AN ENTIRE CHANGE OF OUR CONSTITUTION. 44 THE SPEECH OF 111 forming this determination one striking reflection should be preserved in our minds; I mean, "that we are the servants of the people oi Pennsylvania^'' — of thai peo- ple who have been induced by the excellence of the present constitution, to settle themselves under its Pro- tection. The inhabitants of remote countries, impelled by that love of liberty which allwise Providence has planted in the human heart, deserting their native soils, committed them- selves with their helpless families to the mercy of winds and waves, and braved all the terrors of an unknown wil- derness in hopes of enjoying in these woods the exercise of those invaluable rights which some unhappy circumstance had denied to mankind in every other part of the earth. Thus, Sir, the people of Pennsylvania may be said to hzx^ purchased 2in inheritance in its constitution, at a pro- digious price; and I cannot believe, unless the strongest evidence be offered, that they are now willing to part with that which has cost them so much toil and expence. They have not hitherto been disappointed in their wishes. They have obtained the blessings they sought for. We have received these seats by the free choice of this people under this constitution; and to preserve it [26] in its utmost purity and vigour, has always been deem'd by me a principal part of the trust committed to my care and fidelity. The measure now proposed has a direct ten- dency to endanger this constitution, and, therefore, in my opinion, we have no right to engage in it without the almost universal consent of the people exprest in the plain- est manner. I think I should improperly employ the attention of this House if I should take up much time in proving that the deputies of a people have not a right, by any law divine or human, to change the government under which their JOHN DICKINSON. 45 authority was delegated to thein, without such a consent as has been mentioned. — The position is so consonant to natural justice and common sense, that I believe it never has been seriously controverted. All the learned authors that I recollect to have mentioned this matter speak of it as an indisputable maxim. It may be* said, perhaps, in answer to this objection, "that it is not intended to change the government, but the governor." This, I apprehend, is a distinction only in words. The government is certainly to be changed from proprietary to royal, and whatever may be intended^ the question is, whether such a change will not expose our present privileges to danger. It may also be said "that the petitions lying on the table are a proof of the people's consent." Can petitions so industriously carried about, and after all the pains taken, signed only by about thirty-five hundred persons, be look'd on as the plainest expression of the almost uni- versal consent of the many thousands that fill this Prov- ince? No one can believe it. [27] It cannot be denied. Sir, that much the greatest part of the inhabitants of this Province, and among them men of large fortunes, good sense, and fair characters, who value very highly the interest they have in the present constitu- tion, have not signed these petitions, and, as there is reason to apprehend, are extremely averse to a change at this time. Will they not complain of such a change? And if it is not attended with all the advantages they now enjoy, will they not have reason to complain? It is not improbable that this measure may lay the foundation of more bitter and more lasting dissentions among us than any we have yet experienced. Before I close this catalogue of unhappy consequences, * Thi3 was frequently said in the House. 46 THE SPEECH OF that I expect will follow our request of a change, I beg leave to take notice of the terms of the petition that is now under the consideration of the House. They equally excite in my breast — surprise, and grief, and terror. This poor Province is already sinking under the weight of the discredit and reproaches that, by some fatality^ for several years past have attended our public measures ; and we not only seize this unfortunate season to engage her in new difficulties, but prepare to pour on her devoted head a load that must effectually crush her. We inform the King by this petition that Pennsylvania is become a scene of confusion and anarchy : that armed mobs are marching from one place to another : that such a spirit of violence and riot prevails as exposes his Maj- esty's good subjects to constant alarms and danger: and that this tumultuous disposition is so general that it can- not be controuled by any powers of the present govern- ment ; and that we have not any hopes of returning to a state of peace and safety but by being taken under his Majesty's immediate protection. [28] I cannot think this a proper representation of the pres- ent state of this Province. Near four months are elapsed since the last riot, and I do not perceive the least prob- ability of our being troubled with any more. The rioters were not only successfully opposed, and prevented from executing their purpose, but, we have reason to believe, that they were convinced of their error, and have re- nounced all thoughts of such wild attempts for the future. To whose throat is the sword now held? What life will be saved by this application? Imaginary danger ! Vain remedy ! Have we not sufficiently felt the effects of royal resentment? Is not the authority of the Crown fully enough exerted over us? Does it become us to paint, in the strongest colours, the folly or the crimes of our coun- trymen? To require unnecessary protection against men JOHN DICKINSON. 47 who intend us no injury, in such loose ox^^ general expres- sions as may produce even the establishment of an armed force among usf With unremitting vigilance, with undaunted virtue, should a free people watch against the encroachments of power, and remove every pretext for its extension. We are a dependant colony ; and we need not doubt that means will be used to secure that dependance. But that we ourselves should furnish a reason for settling a military establishment upon us, must exceed the most ex- travagant wishes of those who would be most pleased with such a measure. We may introduce the innovation, but we shall not be able to stop its progress. The precedent will be per- nicious. If a specious pretence is afforded for maintaining a small body of troops among us now, equally specious pretences will never be wanting hereafter for adding to their numbers. The burthen that will be imposed on us for their support is the most trifling [29] part of the evil. The poison will soon reach our vitals. Whatever struggles we may make to expell it, HcBret lateri lethalis arundo — The dart with which we are struck will still remain fixed — too firmly fixed, for our feeble hands to draw it out. Our fruitless efforts will but irritate the wound, and at length we must tamely submit to — I quit a subject too painful to be dwelt upon. These, Sir, are my sentiments on the petition that has occasioned this debate. I think this neither the proper season nor \\\t. proper method for obtaining a change of our government. It is uncertain whether the measures pro- posed will place us in a better situation than we are now in, with regard to the point lately controverted; with re- spect to other particulars, it may place us in a worse. We shall run the risque of suffering great losses. We have 710 48 THE SPEECH OF certainty of gaining anything. In seeking a precarious^ hasty ^ violent remedy for the present partial disorder, we are siu^e of exposing the whole body to danger. I cannot perceive the necessity of applying such a remedy. If I did, I would with the greatest pleasure pass over to the opinion of some gentlemen who differ from me, whose integrity and abilities I so much esteem, that whatever reasons at any time influence me to agree with them, I always receive a satisfaction from being on their side. If I have erred now, I shall comfort myself with reflecting that it is an innocent err-or. Should the measures pursued in consequence of this debate be opposite to my opinion, and should they procure a change of government with all the benefits we desire, I shall not envy the praise of others, who by their fortunate courage and skill have conducted us unhurt, through the midst of such threatening dangers, to the wished for port. I shall cheer- [30] fully submit to the censure of having been too apprehensive oi injuring the people of this Province. If any severer sentence shall be passed upon me by the worthy, I shall be sorry for it; but this truth I am convinced of, that it will be much easier for me to bear the unmerited reflections of mistaken zeal than the just reproaches of a guilty mind. To have con- cealed my real sentiments, or to have counterfeited such as I do not entertain, in a deliberation oi so much consequence as the present, would have been the basest hypocrisy. It may, perhaps, be thought that this, however, would have been the most politic part for me to have acted. It might have been so. But if policy requires, that our words or actions should belye our hearts, I thank God that I detest and despise all its ai^ts and all its advantages. A good man ought to serve his country, even though she resents his services. The great reward of honest actions is not the fame or profit that follows them, but the consciousness that attends them. To discharge on this important occa- JOHN DICKINSON. 49 sion the inviolable duty I owe the public, by obeying the unbiassed dictates of my reason and conscience^ hath been my sole view; and my only wish now is that the resolu- tions of this House, whatever they are, may promote the happiness of Pennsylvania, FINIS. A PROTEST AGAINST A RESOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYLVANIA FOR PETITIONING THE KING TO CHANGE THE COLONY OF PENNSYLVANIA FROM A PROPRIETARY TO A ROYAL GOVERNMENT. BY JOHN DICKINSON. May 28, 1764. NOTE. In spite of Dickinson's Speech, the Pennsylvania Assembly voted, on May 24, to petition the crown to make the colony a royal one. Four days later " Mr. Dickinson having then digested the heads of his speech into the natiire of a Protest, in which he was joined by Mr. Saunders and Mr. Montgomery, ofiFer'd it to be entered in the minutes; but it was refused." (Smith's Preface, ante, p. 14.) "It being moved by some Members, that they should be admitted to enter their Reasons, by way of Protestation against a late Measure resolved on by a Majority of the House, the Question was put, and carried in the Negative — Yeas, Three, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Saunders, and Mr. Montgomery; — Nays, Twenty- four." {Votes and Proceedings, V, 349). Franklin, in his preface to Galloway's Speech, (p. xxxiv) gives the reasons of the majority for declin- ing to allow it. Refused an entry in the Votes, it was printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of July 26, 1764, with a prefatory note, which is here reprinted. Editor. (53) PREFACE, PHII.ADELPHIA, July a6. Mr. Hall, As Mr. Dickinson's Speech, that was lately published, has been so generally admired, you could hardly render a more acceptable Service to your Readers, than by insert- ing it in your News- Paper; but as it might probably be too long to obtain a Place there entire, I herewith send you the Substance of it, which was digested into the Nature of a Protest by Mr. Dickinson himself, when he found that the House could by no means be prevailed on to lay aside their Petition for a change of Government. This Protest Mr. Dickinson, with some other Members, prayed the House (though in vain) to enter on their Min- utes. (55) '<^^^4PPS»5 THE PROTEST. We dissent from, and protest against, the above mentioned Resolution, for the following Reasons : Because we think a Change of our Government is a Matter of such vast Importance to the good People of this Province, and so foreign from the Purposes for which we receive our Seats in this House, that it ought not to be at- tempted without the almost universal Consent of the People; of which Consent, we have not now any Evidence, unless the Petitions lying on the Table, and signed only by about Thirty-five Hundred Persons, though not ad- dressed to us, nor requesting us at this Time to make such an Attempt, can be looked on as such Evidence. On the Petition of so inconsiderable a Number, We do not think this House has a Right to deprive so many thousand In- habitants of this Province of their present Government, or to take any Step that may produce such a Consequence. Because it appears from the Letters of the Secretaries of State, lately laid before this House, that this Province at present labours under the heavy and deplorable Misfortune of having incurred, in a very high Degree, the Displeasure of our most Excellent Sovereign, and therefore at present may be regarded in a very unfavorable Light. Because We apprehend, if his Majesty shall be pleased to determine, that the Governor, in his Controversy with this House, has discharged his Duty to the Crown, by strictly observing Stipulations approved by his Majesty, and his royal Grandfather, that the Conduct of this House on the present Occasion will add to the Resentment already (57) 58 THE PROTEST OF entertained, and that the Controversy above mentioned will be thought an unjustifiable Foundation for the present Attempt. Because We apprehend there will be a great Danger of our not retaining the Privileges this Province now enjoys, when the King shall take the Government immediately into his own Hands, on the Request of the Representa- tives of the People. Because We apprehend, that such a Request may be re- garded in his Majesty's Council, as a Surrender of our present Constitution; at least it may be consider as the Request of the whole Province (though we are not desired to make such a Request even by the Petitions now lying before this House) that the Proprietary Government may be abolished, and therefore may be thought a sufficient Reason for his Majesty and his Parliament to form a new Government for this Province, and that thus the civil and religious Liberty, of which the People are now possessed, may be greatly lessened and restrained. Because We think that the Conduct of this Province, which hath brought upon it his Majesty's Resentiment, being, as we are informed and believe, attributed by his Majesty's Council to the Influence of one Sect of Dis- senters, and the Blame of the late Tumults and Disorders among us being cast on another Sect of Dissenters, great Reason will therefore be afforded to his Majesty and his Parliament, if a Change of our Government is made before the Conduct of the People so censured can be properly vin- dicated, to lay some uncommon Restrictions on Persons of such particular Professions, who may, under the Misre- presentations made of their Behaviour, for a Time, appear criminal. Because We apprehend that the Petition, now ordered to be signed by the Speaker, is extremely reproachful and in- jurious to the People of Pennsylvania, by representing the JOHN DICKINSON. 59 Province at this Time in a State of Confusion and Anarchy, through Multitudes of tumultuous and riotous Insurgents. Because We think the Petition will be extremely danger- ous, not only to the peculiar Privileges of this Province, but to the common Liberty we are entitled to with the rest of his Majesty's Subjects, the Petition being so worded that, in our Opinion, it may be construed as calling on the Crown to restore Peace and Security to us, even by the Establishment of an armed Force. Because We think that this important Matter has not been considered and debated with that Deliberation that its Consequence to our Constituents demands, and no In- convenience, that we know of, can arise from bestowing a little more Time on the Consideration of a Measure, the Consequences of which are to be perpetual. Lastly, because We think that the necessary Precautions have not been taken by this House to procure a happy Determination of a Measure so deeply affecting the valu- able Rights of the People of Pennsylvania. Before any Petition to the Crown should be agreed to by this House, it is our firm Opinion the Sentiments of the King or the Ministry should have been known, with respect to the Ad- vantages we may gain, or the Disadvantages we may suffer from the Measure proposed; and some kind of Security should have been obtained for saving to the Inhabitants of this Province the Blessings they now enjoy — Till these things are done, we think no Step ought to be taken by this House that may expose to Hazard the Continuance of these Blessings to the present and succeeding Ages. Influenced by these and other Reasons, we declare our Disapprobation of the Petition now voted for. To obey the Dictates of our Consciences and Judgment; to dis- charge the sacred Duty we owe to our Constituents; and to promote the Happiness of Pennsylvania, has been our Aim and Endeavour. As our Opinion hath been over- 6o THE PROTEST OF fuled, and Measures pursued which we apprehend may be injurious to our Country, We pray God that this Province may never have too fatal Cause to think that we are right. A PETITION TO THE KING FROM THE Inhabitants of Pennsylvania. DRAWN BY JOHN DICKINSON. July, 1764. NOTE. Defeated by the votes of the Assembly from an oflBcial protest against petitioning the King to change the government of the province, the op- ponents of that measure united on the following petition, drawn by Dickinson, which was printed as a broadside, and circulated thoughout the colony for signatures. The head lines were: To the/King's Most Excellent/ Majesty in Council, / the Representa- tion and Petition of/ Your Majesty's dutiful and loyal Subjects, / Free- holders and Inhabitants of the Province of Pennsylvania. [Fo. pp. 2.] An edition in German was also printed, with the title of : Seiner Koniglichen Erhabensten Majestat / im Hohen Rath,/nahe sich/Diese demiithigste Vorstellung und Bitte/ von /Seiner Majestat gehorsamst-getreuen Unterthanen, deu freyen / Einwohnem der Pro- vinz Pennsylvanien. [Fo. pp 2.] This petition was analysed and answered in Franklin's preface to Galloway's Speech (p. xxvii.). Editor. (63) To the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council, the Representation and Petition of Your Majesty's dutiful and loyal Subjects, Freeholders and Inhabitants of the Province of Pennsylvania. Most humbly sheweth^ That having received certain information that the As- sembly of this Province, during their last sitting, had drawn up a Petition to your Majesty, setting forth among other things, " That mischievious disagreements subsist in this government, which proceed, as they conceive, from the very Nature of it; and that a Spirit of Violence, Riot and Confusion prevails among us, which cannot be con- trolled by the present Powers of Government and renders a Change of the same necessary:" — Sundry Magistrates and reputable Freeholders alarmed at the Nature of this Petition, and considering the whole Province as deeply af- fected by it, did (in Behalf of themselves and others) apply to the Speaker of Assembly for a Copy of the same, and to know whether the House intended to transmit it to Eng- land, without communicating its Contents to their Con- stituents, and obtaining their fullest and most explicit Consent therein. That they were informed by the Speaker, that the Peti- tion had already been transmitted to be laid before your Majesty, and no Copy of it could be given without the Leave of the House, at their Meeting in September next; when we apprehend it might be too late for us to submit our Sense of this Matter to your Majesty; and therefore we beg to L 8, 9 7%?Vc? argument relating to the time, consider'd. . . 10, il, 12, 13, 14, 15 Conclusion of the arguments relating to the /m^ I5> 16 A general objection against the author's reasoning considered . . 16, 17 General observations on the manner in which the change is now attempted 18 The first objection against the manner, &c. with the answer and reply 19, 20 The second objection with the answer and reply . 21, 22, 23, 24 The third objection with the answer and reply . 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 Conclusion of the arguments relating to the manner, &c. .... 29, 30 The arguments concerning the powers of representatives to change a government recapitulated 31 The arguments concerning a military establishment, recapitulated. 31, 32 Personal charges against the author considered 32 The^r^^ charge veith the answer 33. 34. 35» 36 The second charge with the answer 37. 38, 39, 40 The third charge with the answer 41. 42 th^ fourth charge with the answer 43. 44 The conclusion 45 (76) A REPLY, &c. Two reasons induce me to address the public at present. The one is, to clear a few plain arguments on a matter of the utmost consequence, from the objections lately made against them, in a piece calPd " The Speech of Joseph Gal- loway^ Esq.; &C.'*'* The other is, to answer the unjust accusations contain'd in that piece. To act honestly, and to be traduc'd, hath been the fate of many men. To bear slanders with temper, and to en- tertain a proper pity or contempt, for their weak or wicked authors, has been the lot of few. I will endeavour to imitate their example: and by proposing it to myself, I hope I shall be able so far to suppress the resentment naturally arising from a sense of unprovok'd injuries, that my vindication may be presented not unacceptably, nor uselessly, to candid minds. Could I be convinced, that men of sense or virtue, would be persuaded or pleased, by wild declamation or illiberal reflections, I might perhaps be induced to defend myself, in the same shattered style and abusive Ian- [2] guage, with which I have been attacked: but as these must always offend the wise and good, whose approbation only is worth wishing for, to Mr. Galloway I resign the undisputed glory of excelling in his favorite arts — of writing con- fusedly^ and railing insolently. Presumptuous indeed must I appear, should I venture into these lists, against a person who wields the weapons (77) 78 REPLY TO THE SPEECH of wordy war — the only weapons he dares to wield — with so peculiar a dexterity in his exercise, as to feel no kind of restraint either from sense or truth; the regularity of whose sober discipline would prove, I presume, too great a confinement to this advocate oi freedom. When I perceived, that Mr. Galloway was hardy enough to obtrude on the public a pretended speech^ of which he never spoke one sentence in the House, I was not sur- prised to find, that a person who treated his own character with such licence, should not be unsparing of others. But — why he should engage in the preposterous project — why he should so industriously endeavour to exhibit me as a villain to my country, for speaking my sentiments in that place where my country had commanded me to speak them — why he has wantonly wounded a man, who never de- signed or wished him an injury; but has always, as far as his power extended, rendered him all the offices of civility — for what reasons^ I say, he has thus violated the laws of humanity and decency^ his own heart is best able to decide — The public, with which he endeavours to estab- lish his character, by destroying that of another^ may per- haps be able to guess the secret causes^ by which he has been transported into such unjustifiable excesses of rage and raucour against me — For my part, I shall avoid an enquiry, that would only lead me, I fear, to a painful discovery of the depravity^ to which the human mind is subject. [3] Leaving then to the impartial world the judgement to be passed on Mr. Galloway'' s conduct — Leaving to him the enjoyment of the solid satisfaction^ that must arise from the meritorious exploit of stabbing publicly a reputation, which has hitherto escaped his insidious attempts^ I shall endeavour to perform the task imposed on me by his cruelty, and to defend myself from those darts, which with unfriendly hands he has aim'd at my heart. OF JOSEPH GALL O WA Y. 79 Wlien the change of our government, after the adjourn- ment of the assembly in March last, came to be the gen- eral subject of conversation, the importance of the measure filled my mind with the greatest anxiety. A severe fit of sickness had prevented my attendance when the resolves were past: but I considered that at the next meeting of the House, the duties of the post which my country had as- sign'd me, would call upon me to act a part of more con- sequence, than perhaps would ever fall to my share again, in the whole course of my life. Mindful of the trust com- mitted to me, I endeavour' d to understand a matter on which so much depended. I soon perceiv'd, that if a change took place, there were two things to be wish'd for, which there appear'd to me no probability of obtaining. The first Was, that the point on which we lately differ' d with the governor, and some others which have been earnestly urg'd by former assemblies, should be determin'd in our favour. The second was, that ovx privileges should be perfectly secured. But insurmountable obstructions seem'd to present themselves, at this time^ against these attempts. * "What "reasonable hopes of success can we entertain, of having "these points decided in our favour, while those [4] min- "isters who so repeatedly and warmly have approv'd of "the proprietors insisting on them, are still in power?" Our danger not only is, that these points will not be de- cided for us; but, if the proprietors, tired and incensed, should think proper to surrender the government and make their own terms with the crown, is it not highly probable, that they have interest enoiigh to make the change in such a manner as will fix upon \\s forever^ those demands which appear so extremely just to the present ministers? Add to this, the "deplorable misfortune under "which we now labour, of having incurr'd the displeasure * Speech, page 6. 8o REPLY TO THE SPEECH "of his majesty and his ministers." These reflections in- due'd me to think and to say — that this is not the proper time to attempt a change of our government. Mr. Galloway^ by way of prelude to his answer to these observations, endeavours to shew that I have contradicted myself: but this supposed contradiction is founded on a s2ipposed concession, which I never made — "^ the ne- cessity of a changed My approbation of a change, if we can enjoy all the advantages we now do, is call'd, "a confession that a change is necessary.^'' But certainly it would have been more natural to construe it as it was intended, and as the sense requires — "that, if we are to lose nothing by the change^ I am as willing to be under the immediate government of the crown, as of the proprie- tors." After this unsuccessful attempt to raise a contradiction, Mr. Galloway takes the trouble of attacking the "inap- posite instance," as he calls it, relating to the Duke of Monmouth. This instance was mentioned to confirm a preceding observation; and Mr. Galloway., in attempting to answer it, unluckily for himself points out and enforces the very truth for which it was adduced. He says, "the duke failed, and no wonder; for he [5] landed at a time "when the king was supported in the warmest manner by "the parliament, and no one circumstance to promise him success." Thus, I say, — "our attempt is made at a time when the proprietors are supported in the warm- est manner by the crown, and its ministers; and no one circumstance to promise us success." — But, suppose the duke had waited till the parliament did no longer sup- port the King; but, when they and the whole nation, in the utmost dread of popery and arbitrary power, were looking round with impatient terror for a deliverer, and when many circumstances promised that nobleman success; is it evident that he would not then have succeeded, or OF JOSEPH GALLOWA Y. 8i that he would have been taken and put to death? Or, if King William had made his attempt, before the nation was properly alarmed, is it certain that the revolution would have been accomplished with such amazing facility? Rashness ruined the one. Caution crowned the other. This is all I intended to prove. Mr. Galloway then proceeds, and supposes that all the determinations of the ministry, were mistakes occasioned by proprietary misrepresentations. He then supposes that these determinations were solely owing to the influence of two friends of the proprietors, lately deceased: And lastly, he supposes that now there will be a total alteration in ministerial resolutions. These suppositions^ I acknowledge, are as good securities as any we have, that the grand points controverted between us and the proprietors, will, in any case of a change, be decided in our favour, or that our privileges will be pre- served. But still they seem to be too sanguine. Let us remember with what unanimity the ministry at different times have expressed their resentment of our conduct; and, that it is only guess-work to imagine, their resolutions were dictated by two men. [6] Of one thing we are sure — that we are in the ut- most discredit with the king and his ministers. The late resolves prove it. Mr. Galloway^ however, flatters himself, "that the prejudices against us are not so ineradicably " fixed, but they may be easily overcome, and the province "restored to her former credit." Happy should I be, if I could perceive the least prospect of so great a blessing. By what means these prejudices are to be overcome, we are not informed; nor can I conceive. Men of great abilities, and of the most perfect acquaintance with our public affairs, have been employed to remove the force of these misrepresentations, as they are called. Mr. Frankliit and Mr. Charles^ our Agents, spent several years in combating 82 REPLY TO THE SPEECH these prejudices; and, even Mr. Galloway himself, as I have been told, elucidated the justice of our cause with his usual perspiaiity in realms of writing. Yet after all these great labours, his majesty and his ministers still retained their former sentiments. Hence, I fear, that any future eflforts for this purpose, "*will be szvallowed up^ and sacrificed (as Mr. Galloway most elegantly expresses it) at the shrine of proprietary instructions^ and the measures of power. ' ' In short, that they will be but f ' ' ideal shadows^ ' ' and chimerical notions. ' ' In confident expectation of these improbabilities, Mr. Galloway is willing to risque the perpetuating those de- mands, which have been constantly made by the proprie- tors— at a time^ when we are certain that the crown and its ministers look on these demands as highly just and reasonable. One of his arguments for our riding post in this affair is **that there are many new colonies to be [7] settled now, "and that it would discourage these settlements, if our privileges were to be taken away. ' ' 'Tis true it will convince the emigrants, they are not to have such privileges as were granted to us; or if they have^ and shall hereafter petition for a change^ that they will be taken from them. But this information, I imagine, will be no discourage- ment.—There is not the same J reason to grant, nor to wish for privileges now, that existed in the persecuting day of Charles the second. Grants of land on small quit- rents— furnishing the necessaries of life for the first out- set—bounties on labour— and immunities from taxes for * Pretended speech,— page 30. t Qu. What Idea can be formed of an " ideal shadow ?" and what may be the meaning ''of the shrine of the measures of power T' % America was then so little known, that it was thought the severest kind of banishment to send people over to the colonies. OF JOSEPH GALLOWA Y. 83 some years — with the common liberties of other English subjects — will do the business, without the privileges of Pennsylvania. Mr. Galloway^ before he quits* "this wise policy of settling the extensive newly acquired dominions" as he expresses himself, takes the opportunity of making an historical flourish — but unfortunately furnishes "f irre- fragable demonstrations" that he is utterly unacquainted with the subject, on which he speaks. Mr. Franklin read in the House, a short extract from Lord Clarendon' s life, relating to Barbados. Mr. Gallo- way catches it as it fell from the learned member, and now confidently asserts — "that the colony of Barbados had, in the opinion of the ablest council, forfeited her charter privileges. — And yet upon this policy only, her privileges were preserved." He refers to Lord Clarendon's life, for this curious anecdote. What then must a man think of Mr. Gal- [8] loway^ who looks into the book, and finds — that the colony of Barbados did not forfeit any right, that such an opinion was never given — and that there is not a word relating to her charter privileges. Yet this is the truth. The fact was this. Charles the first granted the is- land of Barbados by patent to the earl of Carlisle — he died — his son leased it to lord Willoughby for twenty-one years; appointing him governor, and reserving a moiety of the profits to himself — the civil war broke out — ended — Charles the second was restor'd — there being eight or nine years of lord Willoughby'' s lease to come, he pray'd the king to give him a commission to be governor for that time — But the island was now much changed — it was compleatly settled during the troubles and chiefly by officers of the king^s army — so that now it was of another ♦Pretended Speech — ^page 21. t Id., pa. 73. 84 REPLY TO THE SPEECH consideration and value than it had been — the king's cus- toms yearly amounted to a very large sum — The planters were greatly alarmed at the thought of * "depending on ' the earl of Carlisle and lord Willoughby for the enjoy- 'ment of their estates, which they had hitherto look'd 'upon as their own." They applied to the king, t "praying that they may not be opprest by those two 'lords. They pleaded, that they were the king's subjects; 'that they had repaired thither as to a desolate place ^ and 'had by their industry obtained a livelihood there, when ''they could not with a good conscience stay in England. 'That if they should be now left to those lords to ransom ' themselves and compound for their estates^ they must leave ''the country ; and the plantations would be destroyed^ 'which yielded his majesty so good a revenue." They further |" positively insisted, that the charter ' granted to the earl of Carlisle was void in point of law ; ' [9] and prayed that his majesty would give them leave *to prosecute in his name in the exchequer, and at their ' own charge, to repeal that grant ; by which they should 'be freed from the arbitrary power and oppression which 'would be exercised upon them under the colour of that 'charter ; and his majesty might receive a great benefit to ^himself by taking the sovereignty into his own hands, to 'which it belonged — and in that case, they offered to 'make as great an imposition of taxes as the plantation 'would bear; for the support of the king's governor, and 'such other uses, as his majesty should think fit to di- *rect." Upon this, the king § "referr'd the consideration of the validity and legality of the patent, to his council at law; who upon full deliberation, after the hearing of all parties, ♦Lord Clarendon's Life — vol. iii, pa., 933. t Idem, 934. X Idem, 937. 2 Lord Clarendon's Life, iii. vol., pa. 938. OF JOSEPH GALL O WA Y. 85 returned their opinion, that this patent was void^ and that his majesty take the same into his own power /' ' not that "the colony had forfeited their charter privileges^ On this report, the determination was formed in the king's council. And what does this case prove — but that the crown would not deprive the proprietors of Bar- bados of their charter, tho' the people earnestly requested it — tho' that people were faithful subjects, who had dis- tinguished their loyalty by suffering in the royal cause — tho' a very great benefit would accrue to the crown — tho' a large salary was to be settled on the king's governor — and lastly, tho' the patent was absolutely illegai, and VOID. If in such a case^ the needy and unprincipled Charles would not seize upon the interests of the proprietors of Barbados^ can it be conceived that his present majesty will snatch from the proprietors of Pennsylvania^ without [10] their consent, the charter that was granted in con- sideration of the services performed by their brave and loyal ancestor. I think every man in the province, except Mr. Galloway^ will immediately discover whether the case he has quoted will strengthen his reasoning or mine. Another of Mr. Galloway's arguments is — that the "proprietary estate is daily increasing, and thus their "influence will increase; and, therefore, they will be "more likely in future to oppose with success any meas- "ures that may be taken against their opposition." To finish this argument, he closes it with an imaginary contradiction of mine, in my saying, "This is not the "proper time for a change," and afterwards declaring, "that we are not to expect more success, because the pro- '''■prietaries will have more dignity, more power, and, as "they will think, more law on their side." Mr. Galloway certainly takes delight in mistakes, or he 86 REPLY TO THE SPEECH would never have committed so gross an error as he has done here. I said — it could not be expected that our success would be greater when our "opponents become ' ' more numerous and will have more dignity, more power, "and, as they will think, more law on theixside." This was intended to prove, that we might find it more difficult after a change to contend for the preservation of our privileges with the crown and the clergy (the opponents here meant) than with the proprietors. But Mr. Galloway^ with great address, by changing the word oppo7ients for proprietaries^ creates a contradiction for his own diversion^ and the deception of his readers, [ii] However — let it be supposed ' ' that the proprietary estate and influence will greatly increase, and that they become the richest subjects in England^ I most sin- cerely wish they may, since the* increase of their wealth must arise from the increase of the wealth and prosperity of Pennsylvania. These, I presume, are not things to be dreaded. Our power and influence must increase with their power and influence — and, therefore, it seems we shall always be as able to cope with them, as we are now — especially if it be considered that o. family is more liable to accidents than 2, people. Mr. Galloway endeavours to shew, that the conduct of the proprietors has not been constantly approved by the crown and ministry, because five of the thirteen acts op- posed by the proprietors, were confirmed. But granting that the riches of the proprietary family shall increase in a greater proportion than the riches of this province — can it be imagin'd, that they will obtain any tmdue influence over the crown and it's ministers? can it be believed, that the king and parliament will suffer two or three subjects to tyrannise over a dependant colony, * Pretended Speech, pa. 14, 15, 17. OF JOSEPH GALLO WA Y. 87 in whose welfare Great-Britain is so mucli interested? To reduce us to the most abject state of slavery? The supposition is too monstrous to be admitted — and I should be surprized to hear such language from any person, but one who thinks and writes in Mr. Galloway^ s shambling way. He* shudders at my saying [12] ''the "parliament may perhaps be induced to place ?^j in the ''''same state with the royal governments'''' — and yet he supposes, they will tamely tolerate our being made slaves. But this opposition, even by Mr. Galloway'' s acknowl- edgment, did not proceed from any private interest of the proprietors that was affected by these Bills. They were opposed, says he,t "as inconsistent with the royal prerog- ative"— And surely such an opposition could not be much disapproved of by the crown, as the ministry have declared t "that his majesty's royal prerogatives were not to be trusted to the feeble hands of private individuals; who were ever ready to sacrifice them to their private emolument." If our proprietors are to become such great and dreadful men — if their influence is to grow superior to justice and reason — I cannot conceive how the king's appointfnent of governors can secure us from them, any more than bis approbation. If that influence shall ever be so exorbitant as it has been described, will it not prevail in the nomination of governors? Or in determining their conduct? Can even Mr. Galloway think that the king's appointment will pro- tect us against this influence ? If he does, I will answer him in his own words — and if they do not convince him.^ surely he will not be so unreasonable as to expect, that they should convince any one else. • ' § I^et us but consider that the experience of ages fully * Pretended Speech, pa. 7. fi^., pa. 25. Jid., pa. 23. 2 id., pa, 10. 88 REPLY TO THE SPEECH "demonstrates wealth to be the parent of power, and the " nurse of influence, and that an increase of wealth will as "naturally beget an increase of power and influence, as an "increase of velocity in the falling stone will produce ' ' more certain death. ' ' " Let us but take a view of the proprietary estate, what ' ' it was fifty, what twenty years ago, and what it is now, "and we must be convinced that nothing can prevent their "being the richest subjects in the English nation; and " therefore subjects of the greatest irifluence and power ^ and ' ' more likely in future to oppose with success any measures "that may be taken against their oppression. Are we to "expect the same cause will not produce the same effect, "and that [13] wealth by some Magic Charm in future, "will, instead of producing power and influence, bring "forth its contraries? As vain and chimerical ^s, the ex- "pectation of a future Messiah to the deluded Jews." If there is any force in these arguments of Mr. Gallo- way— if property, from natural causes, produces power, and cannot fail of having this effect — how vain and ridicu- lous is it to request the crown — to* " separate power from property V* Yet this forsooth ! is all Mr. Galloway^ or the assembly according to his explanation, desires of his majesty. Certainly the meaning cannot be, that the king should take away their estates from the proprietors — this would be too glaringly unjust. What then can Mr. Galloway mean, when he desires "that the king may separate power and property," which he declares — and, with prodigious la- bour, strives to prove — *■'■ inseparable?''"' If he means any- thing^ I imagine, I have discovered his meaning — and, tho' Mr. Galloway has, in his performance, said many things that have surprized me — yet this is so superlatively * Pretended Speech, page 8 — ei alibi. OF JOSEPH GALL O WA V. 89 extraordinary, that I would not admit the following con- struction, unless his intention was too evident to allow of any doubt. I did not think him capable of such de- signs. I entertained a better opinion of his loyalty. In short, he plainly means — as he has declared it cannot be done any other way — that his Majesty shall turn Magician — and contrive* "some "Magic Charm, whereby wealth instead of producing "power and influence shall bring forth its contraries" — their contraries I suppose it should be. This dread of future injuries being removed — or at least the vanity of attempting their removal, [14] on Mr. Galloway'' s own principles being proved — I return to the present situation of affairs. It is universally believed, that the present ministry are desirous of vesting the government of this province advan- tageously in the crown. Mr. Franklin has frequently said it If this be the case, how fair an opportunity is pre- sented to the proprietors of gratifying their resentment, if they entertain any against the province, and securing their interest at the same time by entering into a contract with the crown, and fixing, by an act of parliament, those points in which the ministry have constantly supported them — upon all succeeding ages ? Many words are unnecessary in so clear a case as this is. Mr. Galloway allows, the proprietors have some sense, and that they understand their own interest. The sentiments of the ministry have been declared in their favor. From thence I think it may be taken for granted, that the pro- prietors either will not consent to a change — or that their consent will be founded on a perfect security given them for their demands, which appear so just to the king and ministry. What may facilitate this measure is, the •Pretended Speech, pa. 11. 90 REPLY TO THE SPEECH proposal of the assembly — * "that 2l full equivalent "be made to the proprietors" upon their parting with the government. How far these words may be construed to extend, will appear from this consideration. With the ap- probation of the crown the proprietors now insist on certain points which, in their opinion, tend to promote their inter- ests. This, the authority vested in them at present, en- ables them to do. If they are divested of this authority, without any stipulations for securing their interests here- after^ as well as they are at this time^ it will be said that a full equivalent is not made for the power they resign. This security will therefore without [15] doubt, be required — and that requisition may not appear so unreasonable in Great-Britain as it does here. This full equivalent comprehends something more than the settlement of these points. The government of itself is very valuable — and surely we shall not desire the king to pay the equivalent out of his own pocket. If the change therefore is made, I don't question but it will be thought highly reasonable — that we should pay for the blessing^ which we so earnestly request. The situation of our affairs being such as has been de- scribed, I could not perceive any necessity "impelling" us to seize this unhappy period, to plunge this province into convulsions, that might while she was thus disordered, be attended with the worst consequences. A gentler remedy appeared to me a properer remedy. But here Mr. Galloway exclaims— " Shall we pati- "ently wait until proprietary influence shall be at end? "Shall we submit to proprietary demands?" By no means! What I desire, is, vigorously to oppose those de- mands; and to try the force of that influence, Without RiSQuiNG Too Much In The Contest. * Pretended Speech, pa. 5. OF JOSEPH GALLO WAY. 91 I Therefore made a proposal to the House, of a very moderate nature, wliicli I had the pleasure of finding highly approved by a * gentleman, whose acknowledged integrity, patriotism, abilities, and experience will al- ways give weight to his sentiments, with every impartial person. The proposal was — "that we should desire his majesty's judgment, on the point that occasioned the late unhappy difference between the two branches of the legis- lature," By taking this step, we should have discovered the sense of the ministry on our [16] late disputes — on other important points which have been controverted with our governors — and respecting our privileges. Thus we should have known what success would attend us in any future attempt to effect a change — and what method would be most agreeable to his majesty. But in the present mode of proceeding we have acted with great zeal, I grant — but we are quite ignorant what the event will be, and whether the censures bestowed on the proprietors, may not be thought in Great Britain to be aimed through them^ at the king. In short, we embark in an enterprize of the highest importance; and then look about us to see how it may be carried on. Instead of wan- dring through a storm in the dark, with so sacred a charge in our custody — I thought it would have been better to have waited, 'till the tempest was a little abated — or, at least, to have procured some light to guide us through the surrounding dangers. I shall now consider the manner in which the present attempt to change our government is made. Mr. Galloway makes this general objection with great warmth to my arguments, "that they are conjectural and "suppositious." His resentment was to be expected. How absurd must * The late speaker. 92 REPLY TO THE SPEECH the language of diffidence appear to one, who never doubted — the force of his own sagacity? To one who, castigated, but not convinced, by a discovery of his re- peated errors^ still dares to decide positively in things he does not understand — and drives boldly through public affairs^ like a magnanimous bug* through the blaze that has so often scorcht its wings — how contemptible in his eyes, must be the man, who modestly [17] pursues a train of enquiry, on the unformed events of futurity — and in his researches after truth, admits a possibility of her escaping him? Mr. Galloway^ with a spirit of divination, unassisted by the common modes of reasoning — penetrates into the re- gion of contingencies — and fixes with infallible confidence^ the uncertainties of the times to come, — Far different was the method, which the humble subject of his wrath and reproaches found it proper to pursue. Filled with anx- ious fears for the welfare of his country — hesitating and ap- prehensive^— it was his endeavour to form a f judgment of things that may hereafter happen, from an attentive con- sideration of present circumstances and past transactions — the only methods to be practised by those whose disquisi- tions are not aided by such ' ' % active blood ' ' as Mr. Gallo- way"^ s to whom hesitation appears ridiculous, and apprehen- sion absurd ! And no wonder — for if any mistake is com- mitted, all the injury that follows, is — only the trifling loss of the Privileges of Pennsylvania. But though Mr. Galloway pierces through ^/«rzVy with * "Yet let me flap this bug with mealy wings J''' Pope. fit is somewhat remarkable, that Mr. Galloway should with anger make an objection to my arguments, that must in the opinion of every person but himself, operate with equal force against his own. Are not his arguments "conjectural and suppositious?" What proof is there, that any thing will be determined, according to his presumptions and and guesses ? X Pretended speech, page 44. OF JOSEPH GALL O WA Y. 93 such superior intuition, yet he is subject to a mere mortal frailty in considering /r^j-^w/ things. Hence he confounds those arguments I used with respect to the manner of attempting a change of our government, with the argu- ments I offered concerning the time^ and does not seem sensible of his mistake. By way of explanation and introduction to what I said on the manner of this attempt, it was premised — that [18] some event, arising from the circumstances of the proprietary family, or an act of the crown, might hereafter present us with a more happy method of vindicating our rights and privileges than the present. Upon this Mr. Galloway very gravely runs into a calculation of the lives of the proprietors and their families — and proves to his own satisfaction^ that their descendants* '■^ even they ^ and every of them'''' will always be wicked and cunning. One virtue, however, he must allow them, to take off the force of my observation — and that is — a most uftcommon harmony among themselves. Yet, after spending four pages on this curious digression, Mr. Galloway himself must grant — that some act of the crown, or a multitude of proprietors (as it happened in Carolina)^ or a dissention between them, tho' few, will be such a circumstance as will produce the conjuncture I mentioned. But I will waive these probabilities. I will indulge Mr. Galloway so far as to suppose they are too uncertain or remote to be ex- pected or regarded. What will this concession prove? That none of those occurrences will afford a favourable mode of making the attempt. But does it prove the pres- ent mode to be a good one? or that any necessity is so urgent as to force us to make use of it^-tho^a bad one. By no means ! If I should see a man about to pass a * Pretended Speech, pa. 15, line 18. "They and every of them "a strong and beautiful expression frequently occurring in Jacob'' s law dic- tionary ^ and in any book oi precedents. 94 REPLY TO THE SPEECH broad, deep* river, over which I had reason to think he could not swim, would it be an unwise or an unkind act in me to advise him to walk along the bank, and en- deavour to find a bridge, or a narrower or shallower place — tho' I had no certainty that there was such a bridge or such a place ? Or would this be acknowledging that he was under a necessity of passing the river? My advice would at least have a chance of saving him, and could do him no harm — for, after being disappointed in his search, he might return to [19] the spot where I found him — and would be at liberty to drown himself at last. Mr. Galloway mixes all points so confusedly together, that he not only leads himself into a variety of errors, but renders it very difiicult for another, in answering, to re- duce into any order what he has so loosely scattered about This I shall, however, endeavour to do. Had he attended to the objections against the manner of the present attempt, he might have perceived that they were three. The first was — that the circumstances attending this proceeding might cause others to attribute it to such passions as are always disgraceful to public councils and destructive to the honor and welfare of a] people. It certainly will be admitted that all reproaches( of this kind ought to be carefully guarded against — es- pecially by a dependent colotty^ whose conduct has been frequently and severely reprehended. / Mr. Galloway^ however, usurps, in his private room, among his chairs and tables, the absurd licettse of railing at me on this occasion for speaking my sentiments with freedom — tho' I spoke in a public council — as the represen- tative of a free people — on a subject in which their reputa- tion and happiness were intimately concerned. Any man who thinks, will instantly perceive — that it was my duty * Pretended speech, pa. 14. OF JOSEPH GALL O WA Y. 95 to mention everything that I apprehended would tend to secure these blessings. When the assembly was deliberat- ing on a step that seemed to me likely to bring discredit and loss upon us, would it have become me to have sup- pressed my opinion? No! But it would have pleased Mr. Galloway and some others — Great reward for havittg been a villain ! I SAID — "Our messages to the governor and our re- *'solves would discover the /r?/^ r^^ KING^S Most Excellent Majesty^ The Petition of the Freeholders^ and other Inhabitants of the MassachU' setts Bay^ Rhode Island^ and Providence Plantations^ New fersey^ Pennsylvania^ the Government of the Counties New Castle^ Kent and Sussex^ upon Delaware^ Province of Maryland^ &c. Most Humbly Sheweth, That the Inhabitants of these Colonies, unanimously de- voted with the warmest Sentiments of Duty and Aflfectioii to your Majesty's sacred Person and Government, inviol- ably attached to the present happy Establishment of the Protestant Succession in your illustrious House, and deeply sensible of your Royal Attention to their Prosperity and Happiness, humbly beg Leave to approach the Throne, and represent * to your Majesty, that these Colonies were originally planted by Subjects of the British Crown, who, animated with the Spirit of Liberty, encouraged by your Majesty's Royal Predecessors, and confiding in the public Faith for the Enjoyment of all the Rights and Liberties essential to Freedom, emigrated from their native Country to this Continent, and by their successful Perseverance in the Midst of innumerable Dangers and Difficulties,! with a Profusion of their Blood and Treasure, have happily added these vast and valuable Dominions to the Empire of Great Britain. That for the Enjoyment of these Rights and Liberties, several Governments were early formed in the said Col- onies, with full power of legislation, agreeable to the Prin- ciples of the English Constitution. * Altered by the Congress to read "Throne, by representing." — Ed. fThe word " together" inserted by the Congress. — Ed. (193) 194 PETITION FROM That under those Governments these Rights and Liber- ties, * thus vested in their Ancestors, and transmitted to their Posterity, have been exercised and enjoyed, and by the in- estimable Blessings thereof, under the Favour of Almighty God, the inhospitable Deserts of America have been con- verted into flourishing Countries; Science, Humanity, and the Knowledge of divine Truths, diffused through remote Regions of Ignorance, Infidelity and Barbarism; the Num- ber of British Subjects wonderfully increased, and the Wealth and Power of Great-Britain proportionably aug- mented. That by Means of these Settlements, and the unparal- lelled Success of your Majesty's Arms, a foundation is now laid for rendering the British Empire the most extensive and powerful of any recorded in History; our Connection with this Empire, we esteem our greatest Happiness and Security, and humbly conceive it may now be so estab- lished by your Royal Wisdom, as to endure to the latest Period of Time. This, with most humble Submission to your "Majesty, we apprehend will be most effectually ac- complished, by fixing the Pillars thereof on lyiberty and Justice, and securing the inherent Rights and Liberties of your Subjects here, upon the principles of the English Constitution. To this Constitution these two Principles are essential, the Right of your faithful Subjects freely to grant to your Majesty such Aids as are required for the Support of your Government over them, and other public Exigencies, and Trials by their Peers. By the one, they are secured from unreasonable Impositions, and by the other, from arbitrary decisions of the executive Power. The Continuation of these Liberties to the Inhabitants of America, we ardently implore, as absolutely necessary to unite the several Parts of your widely extended Dominions * "Rights and " struck out by the Congress.— £" his Friend in LONDON. ProJunT minus rettt excogitata -, atm alios indtcnt faltm ad veritatis mveftigationcm. Fulb. a Bartol. ■■ ■ ' ■■ !■ I I III III II It 1 PHILADELPHIA: fnaXM^ and Sold by WILLIAM BRADFORD, « tht ComCf of Mvkct wd f ront-Strcctt. UJKXJSCi. THE LATE REGULATIONS When I last wrote to you and said, ** that the late meas- ures respecting America^ would not only be extremely in- jurious to the Colonies^ but also to Great- Britain^'*'' I little thought I was entring into an engagement, which would oblige me to exceed the usual limits of a letter : but since you desire to have at large the reasons in support of this opinion, and I always think it my duty to comply with your requests, I will endeavour in the clearest manner I can, to lay my sentiments before you. The American continental colonies are inhabited by per- sons of small fortunes, who are so closely employed in sub- duing a wild country, for their subsistence, and who would labour under such difficulties in contending with old and populous countries, which must exceed them in workman- ship and cheapness, that they have not [4] time nor any temptation to apply themselves to manufactures. Hence arises the *importance of the colonies to Great- * It has been said in the House of Commons, when complaints have been made of the decay of trade to any part of Europe, "That such things ■were not worth regard, as Great-Britain was possest of colonies that could consume more of her manufactures than she was able to supply them with." " As the case now stands, we shall shew that the plantations are a spring of wealth to this nation, that they work for us, that their treasure centers all here, and that the laws have tied them fast enough to us ; so that it must be through our own fault and mismanagement, if they be- come independent oi England." DavenanT on the Plantation trade. "It is better that the islands should be supplied from the Northern Colonies than from England, for this reason ; the provisions we might (213) 2 14 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. Britain. Her prosperity depends on lier commerce; her commerce on her manufactures ; her [5] manufactures on the markets for them ; and the most constant and advan- send to Barbados, Jamaica, &c., would be unimproved product of the earth, as grain of all kinds, or such product where there is little got by the improvement, as malt, salt, beef and pork ; indeed, the exportation of salt fish thither would be more advantageous, but the goods which we send to the Northern Colotiies are such, whose improvement may be justly said one with another to be near four-fifths of the value of the whole commodity, as apparel, household-furniture, and many other things. Idem. " New-England is the most prejudicial plantation to the kingdom of England ; and yet, to do right to that most industrious English colony, I must confess, that though we lose by their unlimited trade with other foreign plantations, yet we are very great gainers by their direct trade to and from Old England. Our yearly exportations of English manufact- ures, malt and other goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opin- ion, to ten times the value of what is imported from thence ; which calcu- lation I do not make at random, but upon mature consideratiofi, and, peradventure, upon as much experience in this veiy trade, as any other person will pretend to ; and therefore, whenever reformation of our cor- respondency in trade with that people shall be thought on, it will, in my poor judgment, require GREAT TENDERNESS, and VERY SERIOUS CIRCUM- SPECTION." Sir JosiAH Child's discourse on trade. " Our plantations spend mostly our English manufactures, and those of all sorts almost imaginable, in egregious quantities, and employ near two-thirds of our English shipping ; so that we have more people in England, by reason of our plantations in America.^'' Idem. Sir JosiAH Child says, in another part of his work, " That not more than fifty families are maintained in England by the refining of sugar." From whence, and from what Davenant says, it is plain, that the advan- tages here said to be derived from the plantations by England, must be meant chiefly of the continental colonies. See notes to pages 12 & 13. " I shall sum up my whole remarks on our American colonies, with this observation, that as they are a certain annual revenue of several millions sterling to their Mother Country, they ought carefully to be pro- tected, duly encouraged, and every opportunity that presents, improved for their increment and advantage, as every one they can possibly reap, must at last return to us with interest." Brawes's Lex mere. red. "We may safely advance, that our trade and navigation are greatly en- THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 215 tageous markets are afforded by the colonies, as in all others the *rest oi Europe interferes with her, and various accidents may interrupt them. The benefit from hence is at present immense ; but in future times when America shall be more fully peopled, must exceed with prudent management the warmest wishes of a British Patriot. Our chief productions are provisions, naval stores, furs, iron and lumber. A few colonies yield tobacco and indigo. Some of these commodities are necessary to Great-Britain; but all that she requires are [6] vastly insufficient to pay for her manufactures which we want. The productions of some of the Southern Colonies may perhaps be equal to their demands, but the case is widely different with the Northern ; for in these, the importations from Great-Brit-"^ ain are computed to be generally more than double the > value of their immediate exportations to that kingdom. The only expedient left us for making our remittances, is to carry on some other trade, whereby we can obtain silver and gold, which our own country does not afford. Hence it is evident, that if our taking off and paying for creased by our colonies, and that they really are a source of treasure and naval power to this kingdom, since they work for us, and i/ieir treasure centers here. Before their settlement, our manufactures were few, and those but indifferent ; the number oi English merchants very small, and the whole shipping of the nation much inferior to what now belongs to the Northern Colonies only. These are certain facts. But since their es- tablishment, our condition has altered for the better, almost to a degree beyond credibility. — Our manufactures are prodigiously encreased, chiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, where they AT least TAKE OFF ONE HALF, and supply us with many valuable commodities for exportation, which is as great an emolument to the Mother Kingdom, as to the plantations themselves." PosTLETHWAYT's univ. diet, ot trade and commerce. * ' ' Most of the nations of Europe have interfered with us, more or less, in divers of our staple manufactures, within half a century, not only in our woolen, but in our lead and tin manufactures, as well as our fisheries." POSTLBTHWAYT, ibid. 2i6 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. her manufactures, is beneficial to Great-Britain^ the chan- nels by which we acquire money for that purpose, ought to be industriously kept open and uninterrupted. Our trade with Spain^ Portugal and the foreign planta- tions in the West-Indies have chiefly answered this end, though with much difiiculty, the mother country having long since drawn the * commercial cords with which the colonies are bound, extremely tight upon them. Every thing produced here^ that Great-Britain chuses to take to herself, must be carried to that king- [7] dom f only — *As far as regulations are requisite to confine the commerce of the colonies to British subjects and to British ships ; to give Great Britain the preference in being supplied with naval stores, so essential to her strength at sea ; with commodities necessary for carrying on her woollen manufactures, or such articles as can bear high duties upon them, and thereby make a considerable addition to the revenue ; or as far as they are requisite to prevent the colonies from being supplied with any thing in the place of British manufactures, they may be reasonable. These regulations, it is apprehended, establish the basis of the British power ; and form such a firm connection between the Mother Country and her Colonies, as will produce all the advantages she ought to wish for, or that they can afford her. Any further attempt to shackle some of the colonies in favour of others, or to advance the revenue in America by restraining her trade, is but regulating by a severe exercise of power, what wants no regulation, and losing by too much haste to gain. {See Notes to page 15.) Unnecessary and irritating restrictions, will at last cast contempt and hatred on those substantial ones, that length of time, and the natural reverence of Colonies for their Mother Country, would have consecrated ; for discontented minds are not apt to distinguish. " Narrow-limited notions in trade and planting, are only advanced by, and can only be of use to particular persons, but are always injurious to the public interests, in preventing the full employment of our own peo- ple, and giving our rivals and competitors in trade, the opportunity of employing greater numbers of theirs, producing greater quantities of merchandizes, and underselling us at foreign markets." POSTLETHWAYT'S univ. diet, of trade and commerce. t Montesquieu, speaking of the contract made hy Poland for selling all her corn to Dantzick only ; and another of the like nature between some Indian princes and the Dutch for spices, says : "These agreements are proper for a poor nation, whose inhabitants are satisfied to forego the hopes of enriching themselves provided they can be seatre of a certain THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 217 Every thing we chuse to import from Europe^ must be shipped in * Great-Britain — Heavy duties have been laid on our importations from the foreign plantations. However under all these restraints and some others that have been imposed on us, we have not till lately been un- happy. Our spirits were not depressed. We apprehended no design formed against our liberty. We for a long time enjoyed peace, and were quite free from any heavy debt, either internal or external. We had a paper currency which served as a medium of domestic commerce, and per- mitted us to employ all the gold and silver we could ac- quire, in trade abroad. We had a multitude of markets for our provisions, lumber and iron. These allowed liber- ties, with some others we assumed, enabled us to collect considerable sums of money for the joint benefit of our- selves and our mother country. [8] But the modern regulations are in every circumstance afflicting. The remittances we have been able to make to Great-Britain^ with all the licence hitherto granted or taken, and all the money brought among us in the course of the late war, have not been sufficient to pay her what we owe ; but there still remains due, according to a late calculation made by the English merchants, the sum of four millions sterling. Besides this, we are and have been for many years heavily taxed, for the payment of the debts contracted by our efforts against the common enemy. These seem to be difficulties severe enough for young col- onies to contend with. The last f sinks our paper cur- subsistence ; or for nations, whose slavery consists either in renouncing the use of those things which nature has g iven them ; or in being obliged TO SUBMIT TO A DISADVANTAGEOUS COMMERCE." * Except Salt from any part of Europe for the fisheries of Newfound- land, New England, New York and Pennsylvania ; and a few things from Ireland. t While the quantity of paper currency is proportioned to the uses for it, it must be beneficial ; and therefore to sink it below that quantity, must be prejudicial. 2 1 8 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. rency very fast. The former sweeps off our silver and gold in a torrent to Great-Britain^ and leaves us continu- ally toiling to supply from a number of distant springs the continually wasting stream. Thus drained, we are prohibited by new and stricter re- straints being laid on our trade, from procuring these coins as we used to do ; and from instituting among ourselves bills of credit in the place of such portions of them as are required in our internal traffic ; and in this exhausted con- dition, our languishing country is to strive to take up and to totter under the additional burthen of the Stamp Act. In defence of the prohibition to institute bills of credit^ it may be said, "that some few colonies, by injurious emissions of paper currency, did great injury to indi- [9] viduals. It is true: But it is as true, that others* always supported the credit of their bills in such a manner, that their emissions were of vast benefit both to the provinces and to Great- Britai7t. The inconveniences under which the colonies laboured before these emissions are well re- membered, and were produced by the same cause that dis^ tresses us at this time; that is, by Great-Britain'' s taking off all our gold and silver. There was then so little money among several of them, that a stop was put in a manner to buying and selling, and then shop-keepers were obliged to barter their goods for food. The effect produced by these emissions was surprizing — Trade revived; and the remark- able and immediate t increase of our importations shewed * No attempt was ever made in this province and some others, to pay English debts any otherwise than according to the rate of exchange ; and no complaint was ever made of injustice from the depreciation of the currency. t Value of the exports from England to Pennsylvania at different periods. In 1723 they were ;^i5,992 19 4 1730 48,592 7 5 1737 56,690 6 7 1742 75,295 3 4 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 219 how advantageous they were to Great-Britain. If any [10] inconveniences were feared from this kind of cur- In the year 1723 the first bills of credit were emitted in Pennsylvania^ to the value of ;^450oo. In 1728, part of the first emission being then sunk, ;^30ooo more were emitted. It appears from the account above, that in seven years from 1723 to 1730, the exports increased ^^32 599 8 i sterling.— In 1738, great part of the preceding emissions beingthen sunk, there was an emission and re-emission amounting in the whole to ^80000. In five years afterwards it appears by the account above, the exports in- creased over ;^2oooo sterling. In later times when larger emissions have been made, the exports have proportionately increased. In 1755 /55000 were emitted; and in 1756 £2pooo. — In 1757, the exports amounted to ^^268,426 6 6. — Afterwards our emissions were still greater, and in one year of the war, the exports rose to more than ^^700,000 sterling. It is not pretended, that the increase of our importations is solely owing to the emissions of paper money ; but it is thought to be a very great cause of that increase. It is undoubtedly owing in part to the increase of people by propagation, and the influx of foreigners. But such ^r^a^ and sud4en increases as have been mentioned in the short space of seven or five years, from 1723 to 1730, and from 1737 to 1742, could not in any great degree proceed from the increase by propagation ; and at that time I think foreigners did not flow in upon us in such numbers as they since have done. In the war large sums were brought among us for the main- tenance of the fleets and armies, it is true : but that our currency was then of great utility is evident, because when the greatest quantity of it was passing, bills of exchange were lower than they were for a long time before, or have been since. It may be objected, that the complaint of the scarcity of money in America, particularly in this province, cannot be well founded, as we have lately had such large emissions. I am very sensible how liable per- sons are to errors in questions of this nature, and therefore I think myself obliged to speak with diffidence on the subject. Perhaps the fol- lowing observations may in some measure answer the objection, ist. About one half of the emissions is sunk. 2dly. A very great part of the bills now circulating, are passing in the neighbouring provinces. 3dly. Our gold and silver are sent to Great Britain, so that but small quantities thereof are now current among us — and therefore we must almost en- tirely rely on our paper for the medium of domestic commerce. Lastly, it docs not seem probable, that we should have heard such great com- plaints of the scarcity of money, if the extreme restrictions of our com- merce had not so generally prevented our usual methods of acquiring it. 220 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. rency, means might have been found to prevent them, without utterly abolishing it: But now the apprehension of mischiefs that might have been more easily obviated, has deprived us of real benefits. Perhaps no mode could be devis'd more advantageous to the public, or to individuals, than our method of emitting bills in this province for our own use. They are lent out upon good security, chiefly real, at the interest of five per cent. The borrowers are allowed a long term for payment, and the sums borrowed being divided into equal portions, they are obliged to pay one of these, with the interest of the whole, every year during the term. This renders the pay- ments very easy; and as no person [ii] is permitted to borrow a large sum, a great number are accommodated. The consequences of such regulations are obvious. These bills represent money in the same manner that money re- presents other things. As long therefore as the quantity is proportioned to the uses, these emissions have the same effects, that the gradual introduction of additional sums of money would have. People of very small fortunes are en- abled to purchase and cultivate land, which is of so much consequence in settling new countries, or to carry on some business, that without such assistance they would be in- capable of managing: For no private person would lend money on such favourable terms. From the borrowers the currency passes into other hands, encreases consumption, raises the prices of commodities, quickens circulation, and communicating a vigour to all kinds of industry, returns in its course into the possession of the borrowers, to repay them for that labour which it may properly be said to have produced. They deliver it, according to the original contracts, into the treasury, where the interest raises a fund without the imposition of taxes, for the public use. While emissions are thus conducted with prudence, they may be compared to springs, whose water an industrious THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 22 1 and knowing farmer spreads in many meandering rivulets through his gardens and meadows, and after it has re- freshed all the vegetable tribes it meets with, and has set them a growing, leads it into a reservoir, where it answers some new purpose. If it could be possible to establish a currency through- out the colonies, on some foundation of this kind, perhaps greater benefits might be derived from it, than would be generally believed without the trial. [12] With respect to the restrictions laid on our trade in foreign plantations y it has been alleg'd, as a reason for them, "that our islands ought to be encouraged." They ought to be: But should the interest of one colony be pre- ferred to that of another? Should the welfare of millions be sacrificed to the magnificence of a few ? If the exorbit- ant profits of one colony must arise from the depression of another, should not such injustice be redressed ? There is a vast difference to be made in calculating the gains of any particular branch of business to ihe public and to individuals. The advantages to the last may be small, and yet great to the first, or the reverse. The statutes made to restrain the trade of the continent in *favour of * " The agents for New York, in their contest with the sugar colonies, affirmed, That their winters being severe, obliged them to take off more of the woollen manufactures of this kingdom (/or which they remitted gold and silver) than all the islands {Jamaica excepted) put together; and which I believe has remained uncontradicted." Beawes's Lex mere. red. If one province then exceeded all our West Indies, except Jamaica, in this particular, what proportion would that single island bear now, to all the rest 0/ the continental colonies ? The following account of the exports from England to the Northern Colonies, and to the West India Islands, will shew they were nearly equal some time ago ; that those to the Northern Colonies now vastly ex- ceed, and are prodigiously increasing, while those to the Islands have continued nearly the same. 222 THE LATE REGULATIONS. the islands, seem to tend rather towards [13] promoting '^partial than general interests, and it appears to me no From 1744 to 1748, inclusive. Northern Colonies. 1744 . . ^^640 114 12 1745 . . 534 316 2 1746 . . 754 945 4 1747 . . 726 648 5 1748 . . 830 243 16 West India Islands. 4 ;^796 112 17 9 5 503 669 19 9 3 472 994 19 7 5 856 463 18 6 9 734 095 15 3 Total ;^3,486 268 i 2 Total ;^3,563 337 10 10 Difference 122 930 10 4 ^3,486 268 1754. 1755- 1756. 1757. 1758. From 1754 to 1758, inclusive. Northern Colonies. West India Islands. £\,2A^ 615 I II ;^685 675 3 o 1,177 848 6 10 694 667 13 3 1,428 720 18 10 733 458 16 3 1,727 924 2 10 776 488 o 6 1,832 948 13 10 877 571 19 II Total ;^7,4i4 057 4 3 Total £2),^(>^ 841 12 n Difference 3,646 215 11 4 .^7,414 057 4 3 Total for the Northern Colonies, in the first Term Ditto, in the second Term ;^3,486,268 I 7,414.057 4 Total for the West India Islands, in the first Term Ditto, in the second Term Increase, ;^3,927,789 3 i ;^3,363.337 10 10 3,767,841 12 II Increase, only ^0,404,504 2 i The difference between the employment afforded to the manufacturers oi England, by the Northern Colonies and by the West India Islands, is still greater than it may appear to be from the first view of the preceding account : For a much greater quantity of East India goods is exported to the last than to the first ; and the English manufactures consumed by them generally derive their value from the richness of the materials, many of which are brought from foreign countries, but those we con- sume, chiefly derive their value from the work bestowed upon them. (Vide note to pages 4 and 5.) * Vide Note to page 6. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 223 paradox to say, that the public would be a great gaiuer, if estates there were so *moderate that not a tenth part of the West-India gentlemen that now sit in the House of Commons, could obtain that frequently expensive honor. It is allowed by those well acquainted with the islands, that they cannot supply Great-Britain and these colonies [14] with sugar and other articles, and that they can by no means consume the productions of these colonies ; yet in t favour to them, we are almost entirely prevented from sending these productions to any other markets. Hence it follows, that we are frequently obliged to sell our com- modities to them at so low a price, as not to pay the first cost and freight ; while we, being in a manner prohibited from getting the West-India productions, for which we * " A great advantage which the French have over the English in their sugar colonies, is their agrarian law, whereby monopolists are prevented from engrossing too much land ; so that the number of whiles is greatly increased, the land improved, more commodities raised, the planters obliged to a more frugal way of living, and all things rendered cheaper. By these means Martinico can muster 16,000 fighting men ; hvX Jamaica, which is near three times as large, only 4,000." Tucker on trade. tit is recited in the 6th of Geo. 2d. ch. 13, now made perpetual, "that the Sugar colonies could not carry on their trade on an EQUAI, FOOTING with the foreign Sugar Colonies, without some advantage and relief given to them by Great Britain." That advantage given by Great Britain — was to compel the continental Colonies to take their pro- ductions at any price they please to ask. — In short, to grant them a MONOPOLY for Sugars. This was taking from one indeed to give to another ; but goes not to the root of the evil ; as the next preceding note evidently shews. For if Great Britain should sacrifice her own interests and those of her continental colonies still more, if it be possible, to the interest of these islanders, they never will " carry on their trade on an EQUAi, FOOTING with the foreign sugar colonies," until there is the same moderation in their estates, and the same frugality in their living. By a very singular disposition of affairs, the colonies of an absolute monarchy are settled on a republican principle ; while those of a kingdom in many respects resembling a commonwealth, are cantoned out among a few lords, vested with despotic power over myriads of vassals, and supported in the promp of Bassa's by their slavery. 224 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. have occasion, any where else but from them, must pay- extravagantly for them. Nor is this management attended, as it is presumed, with any benefit to the Mother Country, but with a disad- vantage ; either where the productions of the foreign plan- tations are consumed among us, or re-exported to Europe. By the compulsion on us to take from our islands, the price of their productions is raised on the people of Great- Britain. The Revenue would be eucreased by this restric- tion being taken oif, as we should willingly pay a moderate duty upon importations from the French and Spaniards^ without attempting to run them ; while a very considerable duty would be paid [15] on the * sugars of our islands, which, instead of coming to us, would then go to Great- Britain. Besides, whatever extraordinary price we pay for the productions of our own islands, must lessen our de- mand for British manufactures ; since it is an t undeniable *The restriction on the trade of the colonies to foreign plantations for Molasses, is particularly grievous and impolitic, as the Molasses brought from thence was distilled for ih& fisheries, the Indian and Guinea trades, the profit of which centered in Great-Britain. It is said, our vessels now buy spirituous liquors on the coast of Guinea from the Dutch. {In Dick- inson's Political Writings this note is altered to read : "The restriction on the trade 0/ the colonies to foreign plantations for molasses, is partic- ularly hurtful and impolitic, as the molasses brought fro^n thence was dis- tilled for the fisheries, the Indian and other trades, the profit of which centered in Great Britain." — Ed.'\ t This cannot be disputed by any one who is acquainted with America. This increase of a man's wealth there shews itself in a great consumption of British manufactures of all kinds.— This reasoning in favour of the continental colonies trade with foreign plantations, is confirmed by what Sir Josiah Child mentions of New- England.— He says, — " England loses by the unlimited trade of this colony to other foreign plantations, but gains by her direct trade to Old England, from whence she exports man- ufactures to ten times the value of her imports." (See the note to page 4.) What was it then that enabled New-England to pay ten times the value of her imports to England, but the profits of her trade to foreign plantations f This appears to be a direct authority in support of the ar- THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 225 truth, that what we [16] should save in that way, would be chiefly spent in this. It may also justly be added, that our commerce with the foreign plantations, carries to them very considerable quantities of British manufactures, for their consumption.* If our importations from them should be re-exported to Europe^ the profits would center in Great-Britain^ accord- ing to the usual course of our trade. The statute passed in the twenty-fifth year of Charles the second, indeed men- tions this practice as injurious. It might be so, if regarded without its attendant circumstances; but if they are taken guments hereafter used. It seems therefore that Great-Britain of late, through too great eagerness to gather golden fruits, has shaken the tree before they were full grown. With a little patience they would ripen and then of themselves drop into her lap. "The inhabitants of our colonies, by carrying on a trade with their foreign neighbours, do not only occasion a greater quantity of the goods and merchandizes of Europe being sent from hence to them, and a greater quantity of the product oi America to be sent from them hither, which would otherwise be carried from, and brought to Europe by foreigners, but an increase of the seamen and navigation in those parts, which is of great strength and security, as well as of great advantage to our planta- tions in general. And though some of our colonies are not only for pre- venting the importation of all goods of the same species they produce, but suffer particular planters to keep great runs of land in their possession uncultivated, with design to prevent new settlements, whereby they imagine the prices of their commodities may be affected ; yet if it be con- sidered, that the Markets of Great-Britain depend on the markets of AI.1, Europe in general, and that the European markets in general depend on the proportion between the annual consumption and the whole quantity of each species annually produced by all nations; it must follow, that whether we or foreigners are the producers, carriers, importers and ex- porters of American produce yet their respective prices in each colony (the difference of freight, customs and importations considered) will always bear proportion to the general consumption of the whole quantity of each sort, produced in all colonies, and in all parts, allowin.'? only for the usual contingencies that trade and commerce, agriculture and manufactures are liable to in all countries." PosTLETHWAYT's Univ. Diet, of Trade and Commerce. * See the preceding note. 226 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. into view, and it be considered, that if we do not carry these productions to Europe^ foreigners will, no mischief seems likely to ensue from our becoming the carriers.* The restriction also with regard to our iron, is thought particularly severe. Whenever we can get a better price in Great-Britain than elsewhere, it is unnecessary; when- ever we can get a better price in other places, it is fpreju- dicial. Cargoes composed of this metal, [17] provisions and lumber, have been found to answer very well at the Portuguese and some other markets; and as the last arti- cles are frequently very low, and our foreign trade is re- duced to so few commodities, the taking away any one of them must be hurtful to us. Indeed, to require us to send all our iron to Great- Britain^ is, in the opinion of some of our most judicious merchants, to require an impossibility: For as this article is so heavy, and such small quantities can be sent in one vessel, they assert, that we cannot find freight directly home for one half of it. Besides the circumstances already mentioned to prove the injurious consequences of the late restrictions, there is * See the preceding note. tif Great Britain really takes off from Sweden iron to the value of ;^200,ooo, according to the calculation that has been made, yet she does not lose all that sum. Not to insist on the merely political advantage of having a commerce with that protestant kingdom, which by being beneficial to her, may more firmly attach her to our interest, it may be observed, that the trade of Great-Britain to Sweden, it is for iron in the gross, which is afterwards worked up, and large quantities of it re-ex- ported : so that money may thereby be brought into the kingdom, and a great number of hands is employed. There is a vast difference between this trade, and that to France, from whence the importations into Great- Britain are merely for consumption, without affording any employment to her people, or any profit by re-exportation. Besides, if the colonies can get more by carrying their iron to foreign ports, than to Great- Britain, (and if they cannot, there is no occasion of a law to compel them to carry it to Great-Britain') they will be more able to make larger demands for British manufactures ; so that Great-Britain will gain the profits of our iron, to make up her loss by what she takes from Sweden. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 227 another, which has great force in persuading me that our trade ought by all means to be more encouraged and ex- tended at this time, than was formerly necessary. Our settlements then only comprehended a narrow strip along the shore of the ocean; they were less populous; and their distance from the sea ports being [18] small, they were supplied with every thing they wanted from thence, with- out any length of inland carriage. But now we have pen- etrated boundless forests, have passed over immense moun- tains, and are daily pushing further and further into the wilderness; the inhabitants of these remote regions, must of necessity hold very little intercourse with those which are near the sea, unless a very extensive commerce shall enable these to supply them with such quantities of *for- eign commodities as they want, and at such prices as they can aflford to pay. Every restriction on our trade, seems to be a restriction on this intercourse, and must gradually cut off the connection of the interior parts with the mari- time and the mother country. But it is unnecessary to endeavour to prove by reason- ing on these things, that we shall suffer^ for we already suffer. Trade is decaying,; and all credit is expiring. fMoney is become so extremely scarce, that reputable free- holders find it impossible to pay debts which are trifling in comparison to their estates. If creditors sue, and take out executions, the lands and personal estate, as the sale must *It is apprehended, that if the greatest part of the commodities de- manded by the back country should not be British but West-Indian, yet it must be beneficial to Great-Britain to promote this trade by all means. For if the country nearer the sea grows rich by supplying them with the productions of the West-Indies, these will certainly consume greater quantities of British manufactures. t It is said that in Virginia, the sheriffs, instead of raising the annual levies, have been obliged to make returns into the treasury, of effects which they have taken in execution, but could not sell, as there were no bidders for ready money. [ This noteis struck out in Dickinson's Political Writings. — Ed.'\ 228 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. be for ready money, are sold for a small part of what tliey were worth when the debts were contracted. The debtors are ruined. The creditors get but part of their debts, and that ruins them. Thus the consumers break the shop- keepers; they break the merchants; and the shock must be felt as far as London. Fortunate, indeed, is the man who can get satisfaction in Money for any part of his debt, in some countries; for in many instances, after lands and goods have been repeatedly advertised in the public gazettes, and exposed to sale, not a buyer appears. By these means multitudes are already ruined, and the estates of others are melting away in the same manner. It must strike any one with great surprize and concern, to hear of the number of debtors discharged every court by our insolvent act. Though our courts are held every quarter, yet at the last term for the county of Philadelphia alone, no less than thirty-five persons applied for the bene- fit of that act. If it be considered, that this law extends only to those who do not owe any single debt above ;^.i50, that many are daily released by the lenity of their cred- itors, and that many more remove, without their know- ledge, it will not be difficult to form a judgment of the con- dition to which the people are reduced. If these effects are produced already, what can we ex- pect, when the same cause shall have operated longer? What can we expect, when the exhaused colonies shall feel the Stamp Act drawing off, as it were, the last drops of their blood ? From whence is the silver to come, with which the taxes imposed by this act, and the duties im- posed by other late acts, are to be paid ? Or how will our merchants and the lower ranks of people^ on whom the force of these regulations will fall first, and with the greatest violence, bear this additional load ? [20] These last are to be considered in a very different light from those of the same classes in Great Britain. THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 229 There the nature of their employments, and the plenty of money, gives them very little occasion to make contracts in writing; but here they are continually making them, and are obliged to do so. The Stamp Act, therefore, will be severely felt by these^ in whose welfare the prosperity of a state is always so much interested ; and* transfers of property, that ought, in new countries particularly, to be made as easy as possible, will be much discouraged. From the necessity they are under of making contracts to be ex- ecuted afterwards^ the lower ranks of people here are fre- quently engaged in law suits; and as the law is already a very heavy tax on the subject in all parts of the British dominions, this act will render it destructive here; for the necessaries, the follies and the passions of mankind, will not suffer them to cease from harassing one another in that way. Neither are the merchants here by any means able to bear taxes, as they do at home. A very great number of them there put such stocks into trade, as would be thought large fortunes among us; and our merchants would think themselves very happy to leave oflf business with such es- tates as the others begin with. I speak of the merchants in general ; for we have on the continent individuals who are rich, but their number [21] is too inconsiderable to de- serve any notice on this occasion. Besides, the interest of money being lower at home than it is here, those who trade on borrowed stocks, can do it to much greater advan- *In the present scarcity of money, the sellers of lands, negroes, &c., &c., always insist on having part of the purchase-money in hand.— The buyers, unless they happen to be rich men, find it impossible to comply ■with this term, unless they borrow money, which cannot now be done but in very small parcels from different persons.— Each of these must have a bond ; and each of those bonds must pay a stamp-duty of one shilling sterling, if the sum be above ten pounds and under twenty— and if above twenty pounds and under forty, one shilling and six pence ster- ling— besides a duty on the original contract. 230 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. tage there than we can. Indeed, among iis it is almost impossible to get money to trade upon at any rate. How unequal, under the present disadvantages, a merchant's commerce will be to the payment of all the taxes imposed by the Stamp Act on his policies, fees with clerks, char- ter parties, protests, his other notarial acts, his letters, and even his advertisements, experience, I am afraid will un- happily prove. Thus, I apprehend, that this Act will be extremely heavy on those who are least able to bear it ; and if our merchants and people of little substance languish under it, all others must be aflfected. Our mode of taxation, hath always been by making as exact an estimate as could be formed of each man's estate ; by which means, our taxes have been proportioned to the abilities of those who were to pay them. Few persons are employed in the collection of them ; their allowance is very moderate ; and therefore the expence is small. No excessive penalties, no tribes of in- formers, no dreadful and detestable courts are necessary. This I imagine, is the mode of taxation, which in young colonies, will be found to be least oppressive and destruc- tive, and certainly the most equal : But by the Stamp Act, the * wealthy who have money to let out at interest, or to make purchases, and undoubtedly ought to pay the most towards the public charges, will escape these taxes, while the whole [22] weight of them will fall on the ne- cessitous and industrious, who most of all require relief and encouragement. But it may be said, "That the merchants will not be affected by these taxes, because they will raise the prices of their goods in proportion, and that at length. M taxes must arise from lands. ' ' * If a rich man buys land, it is generally from the distressed, and there- fore the seller's situation will oblige him to pay for the deed, when the other insists on it ; and when a man borrows money, everybody knows who pays for the bonds and mortgages. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 231 This rule seems more applicable to very populous and rich countries, where the manufacturers and land-holders through necessity or the force of fashions, have pressing demands upon the merchants, than to such a country as this, where a great majority of the people live on their lands in a very plain way. For by practising a strict fru- gality and industry, we may render ourselves more inde- pendent of the merchants, than the circumstances of more populous and wealthy states will permit the other classes of their people to be. The high prices therefore which our merchants impose upon their goods, will discourage the sale of them, and consequently they must "be affected by the taxes," which oblige them to raise the prices in this manner. However, granting that all taxes must arise from lands; it follows, that where the profits of the lands are small, they can bear but small taxes. The more labour is be- stowed on them, the greater the profits will be, and the taxes may be. In old populous countries there is an op- portunity of bestowing this labour, and the manner of do- ing it is well understood. Thus in England^ the profits of land are so great, as to support a very large number of nobility and gentry in splendor, and to afford means of raising taxes to an amazing amount. Nor are the workers of the land unrewarded ; for the farmers have such long leases, and other encouragements, that they thrive and live comfortably, and many of them are very wealthy. [23] How different is the case in America? The inhab- itants being scattered thin through the country, and labourers being very scarce, they think themselves fortu- nate, if they can clear their land, fence it, and any how put their grain into the ground in season. Manuring or* * " Further, it may be observed, that our lands are not sufficiently cul- tivated, even -where they are capable of great improvement. Hence large tracts serve only to maintain a small number of people. If we ask, why 232 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. improving soils is not known, except in some small closes near cities ; but every one must be content with what his land will yield of itself. With this it must be considered, that at least four fifths of the people in America^ live upon farms either of their own, or rented, and spend their small profits in maintaining their families ; and it frequently happens from the length and severity of our winters, that the whole produce of a man's farm is not sufficient to maintain his family and stock. * We are informed, that an opinion has been industriously propagated in Great-Britain^ that the colonies aref wal- our lands (meaning in Scotland) are so ill cultivated, besides the obvious CAUSES arising from the poverty and unskhlfulness of many of our farmers, the SHORTNESS OP THEIR LEASES, and other things which will occur upon the least reflection, it is not a little owing to a want of incli- nation for agriculture, etc." Dissertation on the numbers of mankind. * Small as the value of our land is, it is still daily decreasing, by the number of markets for their produce being lessened; which must in time give the people an inclination to try what they can make by manu- factures. The riches of a people are always in proportion to the number of hands employed in works of skill and labour. Where these are few, there can be but little wealth ; and where there is little wealth, but very small taxes can be borne. [ This note is struck out in Dickinson's Political Writings.— Ed.] t "It is certain, that from the very time Sir Walter Raleigh, the father of our English colonies, and his associates, first projected these estab- lishments, there have been persons who have found an interest in miS' representing, or lessening the value of them. — The attempts were called chimerical, and dangerous. Afterwards many malignant suggestions •were made about sacrificing so many Englishmen to the obstinate desire of settling colonies in countries which then produced very little advan- tage. But as these difficulties were gradually surmounted, those com- plaints vanished. No sooner were these lamentations over but others arose in their stead ; when it could no longer be said, that the colonies were useless, it was alleged that they were not useful enough to their mother country ; that while we were loaded with taxes, they were abso- lutely free; that the planters lived \\ke princes, while the inhabitants of England laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. This produced cus- THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 233 lowing ill wealth and luxury, while she is la- [24] bouring under an enormous load of debt. Never was there a greater mistake. This opinion has arisen from slight ob- servations made in our cities during the late war, when large sums of money were spent here in support of fleets and armies. Our productions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. Having a number of strangers among us, the people naturally not ungenerous or inhos- pitable, indulged themselves in many uncommon expenses. But the cause of this gaiety has ceased, and all the effect remaining, is, that we are to be treated as a rich people, when we are really poor. Tully mentions a man who lost an honorable oflice, by the homely entertainment he gave the people of Rome^ when he could have afforded a better ; but we have lost vastly more by the imprudent excess of kindness, with which we have [25] treated the people of Great-Britain who have come among us, at an expence that did not suit our fortunes. To all the disadvantages that have been mentioned, it must be added, that our markets are much more precarious than those at home. It is computed, that one half of the people there live in cities, and consequently there must be a perpetual domestic demand for the productions of the toms and impositions, which, if grievous to the plantations, must turn to our disadvantage, as well as theirs, and consequently become detrimental to both." PoSTLETHWAYT'S univ. diet, of trade and commerce. In pursuance of this design to bring down the pride of these Princely Planters, such heavy impositions were laid in Great-Britain on to- bacco, that the inhabitants of Maryland and Virginia were discouraged from raising it. Then the mother country eet.T her error, and these Princes were found to be very poor people. The same unhappy spirit is now producing the same mistake There wants but a very little more weight upon Maryland and Virginia, to prevent their raising tobacco, and to make them and all their sister colonies sink under their multiplied burthens. \This note is struck out in Dickinson's Political Writings. —Ed.} 234 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. earth ; and foreign markets are not far distant for the over- plus. Here the quantity sold for consumption among us is small, and most of the foreign markets are very remote. These reasons induce me to think, that the colonies, un- less some fortunate event, not to be expected, should happen, cannot bear the restrictions and taxations laid upon them by the mother country, without suffering very severely. What then can we do? Which way shall we turn ourselves? How may we mitigate the miseries of our country ? Great-Britain gives us an example to guide us. She teaches us to make a distinction between HER INTERESTS AND OUR OWN. Teaclies ! She requires — commands — insists upon it — threatens — compels — and even distresses us into it. We have our choice of these two things — to continue our present limited and disadvantageous commerce — or to promote manufactures among ourselves, with a habit of ceconomy, and thereby remove the necessity we are now under of being supplied by Great- Britain. It is not difficult to determine which of these things is most eligible. Could the last of them be only so far [26] executed, as to bring our demand for British manufactures below the profits of our foreign trade, and the amount of our commodities immediately remitted home, these colonies might revive and flourish. States and families are enriched by the same means ; that is, by being so in- dustrious and frugal, as to spend less than what they raise can pay for. We have examples in this province, which if imitated by others, must unavoidably produce the most happy ef- fects for us : I mean the examples of the industrious, frugal, honest Germans. Their lands are as well cultivated as they can be in this new country, and they have the good sense to require very little provisions and cloaths more than they can get from their own farms, and make with THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 235 their own hands. If we only consider for a moment the consequences of such a conduct, should it be general, we must be convinced it must produce commerce, since all superfluities would be exported, and the Owners having few demands in return, that commerce would of course pro- duce wealth. Indeed we shall be compelled, I apprehend, generally to imitate these examples. The late regulations, and our constant remittances to Great-Britain^ have extremely les- sened the quantity of money among us, and yet these re- mittances are not sufficient to pay for those things we want from home. Necessity will teach us two ways to relieve ourselves. The one is, to keep the British manufactures we purchase longer in use for wear than we have been accus- tomed to do. The other is, to supply their place by man- ufactures of our own. I don't suppose our difficulties will immediately produce expert artists among us; but as the inhabitants here generally [27] reside on their lands, and live in a plain rustic way, they will be able to supply themselves with many articles. Some author, and I think Keysler^ says, that in Switzerland^ every family has all the trades in it that are necessary for its use. Their work is not, it may be presumed, at all in the taste oi London or Paris^ but it serves their purpose; and their coarse cl oaths and simple furniture enable them to live in plenty, and to defend their liberty. Something of this kind will be, nay, already is, practiced by us. It is surprising to see the linen and cloth that have been lately made among us. Many gentlemen in this city dress now in suits produced, manufactured, and made up in this province. The cloth is not equal in fineness to the best broad-cloth, but it is warm, strong, and not very homely; and when the British workmen understand that they may meet with better en- couragement here than they do at home, I believe in a few years we shall have very different kinds of cloth among us 236 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. from these we now make. Instances are not wanting to justify the most sanguine expectations on this head. Spain used formerly to be entirely supplied with cloths from England ; but in the reigns only of their two last kings, Philip the Vth, and Ferdinand the Vth, their manufactures have been improved to such a degree, even by that proud and indolent people, that this commerce has entirely ceased in most parts of that kingdom. The same thing has happened in France^ notwithstanding the de- structive wars in which she has been continually involved. Switzerland some time ago spent large sums of money in foreign commodities; but now they make excellent cloths, and good silks, though the scheme at first laboured under very great difficulties. That country used also to be sup- plied by Savoy with [28] wine; but the Duke laying a duty upon it, the Switzers remonstrated; but in vain. At last some of the principal men promoted the cultivation of vines, though the"ir precedessors had never planted any. The result exceeded their hopes. * "The demand for the Savoyard wine daily decreased, and instead of the precar- ious advantage arising from this impolitic duty^ the certain revenue was irretrieveably lost^ and the industrious subject deprived of the benefit of his labour." *' Before the settlement of these colonies," says Postleth- wayt^ "our manufactures were few, and those but indif- ferent. In those days we had not only our naval stores, but our ships from our neighbours. Germany furnished us with all things made of metal, even to nails. Wine, paper, linens, and a thousand other things, came from France. Portugal supplied us with sugar ; all the pro- ducts of America were poured into us from Spain ; and the Venetians and Genoese retailed to us the commodities of the East-Indies^ at their own price. ' ' *Keysler. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 237 The astonishing alterations in all these particulars, are too well known to need enumeration. These instances, and many others that might be men- tioned, may convince us, that nothing is too difficult for men to effect, whose hearts are filled with a generous love of their country ; and they may convince the world of the dangers that attend provoking innovations in commerce. A branch of trade once lost, is lost for ever. In short, so strong a spirit is raised in these colonies by late measures, and such success- [29] ful efforts are already made among us, that it cannot be doubted, that before the end of this century, the modern regulations will teach America^ that she has resources within herself, of which she never other- wise would have thought. Individuals, perhaps, may find their benefit in opposing her use of these resources ; but I hope very, very few, will wish to receive benefits by such means. The man who would promote his own inter- ests by injuring his country, is unworthy of the blessings of society. It has hitherto been thought, by the people of Great- Britain^ and I hope it will still be thought, that suflScient advantages are derived by her from the colonies, without laying taxes upon them. To represent them as an "ex- pensive appendage of the British empire, that can no other way repay the trouble and treasure they cost her," is cer- tainly one of the greatest errors ; and to spend much time in refuting this notion, would be unnecessary. Every ad- vantage accruing to the colonies by their connection with the mother country, is amply — dearly — paid for, by the benefits derived to her from them, and by the restrictions of their commerce. These benefits have been allowed by the best writers to be immense, and * consist in the var- ious employment and the support they afford her people. * Chiefly ; even the supplying her with naval stores, &c., being incon- siderable, when compared with the other advantages. 238 THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. If the colonies enable her to pay taxes, is it not as useful to her, as if they paid them ? Or, indeed, may not the col- onies with the strictest propriety be said to pay a great part of those taxes, when they consume the British manu- factures * loaded with the advanced prices occasioned by such taxes? Or, further, as the colonies are compelled to take those manufactures thus [30] loaded, when they might furnish themselves so much cheaper from other countries, may not the difference between these prices be called an enormous tax paid by them to Great-Britain ? May they not also be said to pay an enormous tax to her, by being compelled to carry their most valuable productions to her alone^ and to receive what she pleases to give for them, when they might sell them at other markets to much greater advantage ? Lastly, may they not be said to pay a heavy tax to her, in being prohibited from carrying on such manufactures as they could have employed themselves in with advantage, and thus being obliged to resort to her for those things with which they might supply themselves? If these things are true, and can they be denied ! may not * " If it be asked, whether foreigners, for what goods they take of us, do not pay on that consumption a great portion of our taxes ? It is ad- mitted they do." PosTi^ETHWAYT's Great Britain's true sj^stem. By the consumption of British manufactures in America, we pay a heavier tax to Great Britain, than if they were consumed at home. For in the bringing them here, a vast number of merchants, factors, brokers and seamen are employed, every one of which must have such a profit, as will enable him to support himself and his family, if he has any, in a country where everything is dear by reason of the high taxes. So far was the parliament from thinking in the last war, that any fur- ther taxes should be laid on the colonies, so convinced indeed were they that we had exceeded our abilities in the supplies we gave to the crown, that several sums of money were granted to us as indemnifications for the too heavy expences in which we had involved ourselves. The sums thus given, paid part of our debts, but we are still labour- ing under the remainder. THE LA TE REG ULA TIONS. 239 the mother country more justly be called expensive to her colonies, than they can be called expensive to her ? What would France give for such extensive dominions ? Would she refuse the empire of North America^ unless the inhabitants would submit to any taxes she should please to impose ? Or would she not rather afford them her ut- most protection, if ever they should [31] be wretched enough to require it, for one half of the emoluments Great- Britain receives from them? In short, the amazing in- crease of the wealth and strength of this kingdom, since the reign of queen Elizabeth^ in whose time the colonies began to be settled, appears to be a sufficient proof of their importance : And therefore I think it may justly be said, that THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE POWER AND GLORY OP Great Britain are laid in America. When the advantages derived by the mother country from her colonies are so * important and evident^ it is amazing, that any persons should venture to assert, " that she poured out her wealth and blood in the late war, only for their defence and benefit ; and that she cannot be re- compensed for this expence and loss, but by taxing them^ If any man who does not chuse to spend much time in considering this subject, would only read the speeches from the throne during that period, with the addresses in an- swer to them, he will soon be convinced for whose benefit Great-Britain thought she was exerting herself For my part, I should not now be surprized, if those who maintain the abovementioned assertions, should contend, that Great-Britain ought to tax Portugal. For was not that kingdom "defended by the troops and treasure of Great- Britain f^ And how can she be ''otherwise recompensed for this expence and loss ?" If the protection of Portugal^ though no taxes are received from thence, was beneficial * Vide notes to page 4. 240 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. to Great- Britain^ infinitely more so was the protection of the colonies. So far I must beg leave to dissent from these gentlemen, that if the colonies, by an increase of industry [32] and frugality, should become able to bear this taxation, it will, in my apprehension, notwithstanding be injurious to Gr-eat- Britain. If the sum be trifling, it cannot be worth the discontent and unhappiness the taking it will produce among so many faithful subjects of his Majesty. If it be considerable, it must also be hurtful in another respect. It must be granted, that it is not merely the bringing money into a nation that makes it wealthy, but the bring- ing money into it by the general industry of its inhabi- tants. A country may perpetually receive vast sums, and- yet be perpetually poor. It must also be granted, that al- most all the money acquired by the colonies in their other branches of trade, is spent by them in Great- Britain^ and finds employment for her people. Whatever then lessens the sum so spent, must lessen that employment. This I think will be one consequence of the Stamp Act : For our demand will be as much less for British manufactures, as the amount of the sums raised by the taxes. So much the fewer British merchants, artists, seamen and ships will be employed by us, and so much the more distressed at first, and afterwards so much the more frugal, * ingenious, la- borious and independent will the colonists become. It is evident from the concurrent testimony of her own most noted authors on this subject, that Great-Britaift is sure of having our money at f last ; and it appears no diffi- cult matter to determine, whether it is better to take it in * Great Britain •will not only lose in such case, the annual amount of the taxes, but the people of America establishing manufactures through discontent, will in time entirely withdraw their intercourse with her. — And therefore her loss of the whole American trade, may be justly at- tributed to this inauspicious beginning. t See notes to page 4. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 241 taxes or trade. — Suppose the [33] Stamp Act, enforced by uucommon penalties and unheard of jurisdictions, should pick up every piece of gold and silver that shall wander into the plantations, what would Great-Britain gain by this measure ? Or rather what would she not lose, by attempting to advance her revenue by means so distress- ing to commerce? But if the late restrictions shall not prove profitable; perhaps they may by some be called prudent for another reason. We are informed that many persons at home af- fect to speak of the colonists^ as of a people designing and endeavoring to render themselves independent, and there- fore it may be said to be proper as much as possible to de- press them. This method for securing obedience, has been tried by many powerful nations, and seen to be the constant policy of commonwealths: But the attempt in al- most every instance from Athens down to Genoa^ has been unsuccessful. Many states and kingdoms have lost their dominions by severity and an unjust jealousy. I remem- ber none that have been lost by kindness and a generous confidence. Evils are frequently precipitated, by impru- dent attempts to prevent them. In short, we never can be made an independent people, except it be by * Great-Brit- * " If we are afraid that one day or other the colonies will revolt, and set up for themselves, as some seem to apprehend, let us not drive them to a necessity to feel themselves independent of us ; as they will do, the moment they perceive that they can be supplied rvith all things from ■within themselves, and do not need our assistance. If we would keep them still dependent upon their mother country, and in some respects subservient to their views and welfare ; let us make it their INTEREST always to be so." Tucker on trade, " Our colonies, while they have English blood in their veins, and have relations in England, and whii,e THEY can GET by Trading with us, the stronger and greater they grow, the more this crown and king- dom will get by them ; and nothing but such an arbitrary power as shall make them desperate can bring them to rebel." Davenant on the plantation trade. 242 THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. ain herself ; [34] and the only way for her to do it, is to make us frugal, ingenious,* united and discontented. "The Northern colonies are not upon the same footing as those of the South ; and having a worse soil to improve, they must find the recom- pence some other way, which only can be in property and dominion. Upon which score, any innovations in the form of government there, should be cautiously examined, for fear of entering upon measures, by which the industry of the inhabitants be quite discouraged. 'Tis ai^w^ays UNFORTUNATE for a people, either by consent or upon COMPUI.SION, to depart from their primitive institutions, and those fundamentai^, by which they were FIRST united together." Idem. * The most effectual way of uniting the colonies, is to make it their common interest to oppose the designs and attempts of Great Britain. "All wise states will well consider how to preserve the advantages arising from colonies, and avoid the evils. And I conceive that there can be but Two ways in nature to hinder them from throwing oif their dependence ; one, to keep it out of their power, and the other, out of their will. The first must be by force ; and the latter, by using them well, and keeping them employed in such productions, and making such manufactures, as will support themselves and families comfortably, and procure them wealth too, and at least not prejudice their mother country. Force can never be used effectually to answer the end, without destroy- ing the colonies themselves. Liberty and encouragement are necessary to carry people thither, and to keep them together when they are there ; and violence will hinder both. Any body of troops considerable enough to awe them, and keep them in subjection under the direction too of a needy governor, often sent thither to make his fortune, and at such a distance from any application for redress, will soon put an end to all planting, and leave the country to the soldiers alone, and if it did not, would eat up all the profit of the colony. For this reason, arbitrary countries have not been equally successful in planting colonies with free ones ; and what they have done in that kin J, has either been by force at a vast expence, or by departing from the nature of their government, and giving such privileges to planters as were denied to their other subjects. And I dare say, that a few prudent laws, and a little prudent conduct, would soon give us far the greatest share of the riches of all America, perhaps drive many of other nations out of it, or into our colonies for shelter. There are so many exigencies in all states, so many foreign wars, and domestic disturbances, that these colonies can never want opportuni- ties, if they watch for them, to do what they shall find their ititerest to do ; and therefore we ought to take all the precautions in our power, THE LATE REGULATIONS. 243 But if this event shall ever happen, which Providence I hope will never permit, it must when the present genera- tion and the present set of sentiments are extinct. Late measures have indeed excited an universal and unexampled grief and indignation throughout the colonies. What man who wishes the welfare of America^ can view with- out pity, without passion, her restricted and almost stag-"- nated trade, with its numerous train of evils — taxes [35J torn from her without her consent — Her legislative assem- bties, the principal pillars of her liberty, crushed into in- significance— A formidable force established in the midst of peace, to bleed her into obedience — The sacred right of trial by jury, violated by the erection of arbitrary and un- constitutional jurisdictions — and general poverty, discon- / tent and despondence stretching themselves over his unof- fending country ? - The reflections of the colonists on these melancholy sub- jects are not a little embittered by a firm persuasion, that they never would have been treated as they are, i^ Canada still continued in the hands of the French. Thus, their hearts glowing with every sentiment of duty and affection towards their mother country, and expecting, not unrea- sonably perhaps, some mark of tenderness in return, are pierced by a fatal discovery, that the vigo-[36] rous assist- ance which they faithfully afforded her in extending her domains, has only proved the glorious but destructive cause of the calamities they now deplore and resent. that it shall never be their interest to act against that of their native country ; an evil which can no otherwise be averted, than by keeping them fully employed in such trades as will ificrease their own, as well as our wealth ; for it is much to be feared, if we do not find employment for them, they might find it for us. The interest of the mother country, is always to keep them dependent, and so employed ; and it requires all her address to do it ; and it is certainly more easily and effectually done by gentle and insensible methods, than hy power alone." Cato's letters. 244 THE LATE REG ULA TIONS. Yet still their resentment is but the resentment of duti- ful children, who have received unmerited blows from, a beloved parent. Their obedience to Great-Britain is se- cured by the best and strongest ties, those of affection; which alone cait, and I hope will form an everlasting union between her and her colonies. May no successes or suspicions ever tempt her, to deviate from the natural generosity of her spirit — And may no dreadful revolution of sentiments, ever teach them, to fear her victories or to repine at her glories. [37] I a?n, <2fc. POSTSCRIPT. I have omitted mentioning one thing that seems to be connected with the foregoing subject. With a vast expence of blood and wealth, we fought our way in the late war up the doors of the Spanish treasuries, and by the possession of Florida, might obtain some re- compence for that expence. Pensacola and the other ports in that country, are convenient places, where the Span- iards might meet us, and exchange their silver for the manufactures of Great- Britain, and the provisions of these colonies. By this means, a commerce inconceivably ben- eficial to the British subjects, might be carried on. This commerce the Spaniards wish and have endeavoured to carry on. Many hundred thousand dollars have been brought by them to Pensacola to lay out there; but the men of war at that station have compelled them to take back their cargoes, the receipt of which, it may from thence be presumed, would be destructive to the interests of Great Britain. — Thus we receive less advantage from Florida, now it belongs to us, than we did when in was possessed by our enemies ; for then by permission from the Spanish governors, to trade there, we deprived considerable emolu- ments from our intercourse with them. THE LA TE REGULA TIONS. 245 . Upon what reasons this conduct is founded, is not easy to determine. Sure no one considers Florida in the same light with these colonies, and thinks that no vessels should be permitted to trade there, but British shipping. This would be to apply the acts of navi- [38] gation to purposes directly opposite to the spirit of them. They were in- tended to preserve an intercourse between the mother coun- try and her colonies, and thus to cultivate a mutual affec- tion; to promote the interests of both, by an exchange of their most valuable productions for her manufactures; thereby to increase the shipping of both ; and thus render them capable of affording aid to each other. Which of these purposes is answered by prohibiting a commerce, that can be no other way carried on ? That is, by forbid- ding the Spaniards to bring their wealth y^r us to Florida, which is an unhealthy sandbank, held by a garrison, at a great expence of money, and a greater of lives, that can- not for ages, if ever it will, yield a single advantage to Great- Britain, but that she refuses to enjoy. FINIS. AN ADDRESS TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE IN BARBADOS. BY JOHN DICKINSON. 1766. NOTE. The letter of the Committee of Correspondence, appointed by the As- sembly of Barbados, to the agent of the colony in London, in relation to the Stamp Act, was printed "by authority" in the Barbados Mercury of April 19, 1766. In its republication from that or some other source, it •was altered, so as to charge the American provinces with "rebellious opposition," the true text merely having styled it "present opposition." After careful search, I have not been able to trace this garbling to its origin, but it was the version generally printed in the American news- papers, and was the one on which Dickinson based the attack contained in the following pamphlet, which was printed with the title of : An / Address / to / The Committee of Correspondence / in / Barbados, / Occasioned by a late letter from them / to / Their Agent in London. / By a North-American. / This word Rebellion hath froze them up / Like Fish in a pond. Shakespeare. / Philadelphia. / Printed and Sold by William Bradford, at / his Book-Store in Market-Street, adjoining the / London Coffee-House. M,DCC,LXVI. 8vo, pp. 18. The fact that the text printed and answered by Dickinson was not the correct one, stirred up the writers in Barbados, and three replies were published as follows : A / Letter / to the / North -American, / On Occasion of his / Address / to the / Committee of Correspondence / in / Barbados. / By a Native of the Island. / All your attempts / Shall fall on me, like brittle Shafts on Armour / That break themselves ; or like Waves against a Rock, / That leave no Sign of their o'erboiling Fury / But Foam and Splinters : My Innocence, like these, / Shall stand triumphant— Massinger. / Bar- bados : / Printed by George Esmand and Comp. / M.DCCLXVL / Sm. Svo, pp. 47. An / Essay / Towards the Vindication / of the / Committee of Corres- pondence / in / Barbados, / from the Aspersions and Calumnies thrown upon / them in an anonymous Piece, printed in Phi- / ladelphia, under the Title of an Address to / them, occasioned by their Letter to their (249) 250 NOTE. Agent / in London. / In a letter to a Friend. / By a Barbadian. / Though Loyalty, well held, to Fools does make / Our Faith mere Folly ; — Shakespear. / Barbados : / Printed by George Esmand and Comp. / M,DCC/LXVL / Sm. 8vo, pp. 24+. Candid / Observations / on / Two Pamphlets lately published, / viz. / "^« Address to the Committee of Correspondence / in Barbados." By a North-American. / and / "An Essay towards the Vindication of the Com- 1 mittee of Correspondence .^^ By a Barbadian. / By a Native of Barbados. / Amicus Plato, Amicus Socrates, sed magis Amica Veritas. / Barbadoes : / Printed by George Esmand and Comp. / M.DCCLXVI. / 8vo, pp. 37. A series of extracts from the second of these replies, was republished in The Pennsylvania Chronicle of August i and 8, 1768 ; and the former issue also contains a reply to Dickinson's Address^ by "a Countryman." Editor. A N ADDRESS T O The Committee of Correspondence IN BARBADOS. Occafioned by a late kcter from them T O Their Agent in London. By A NORTH-AMERICAN. This word REBELLION hath froze them up Like Fijb in a pond, Shakespeare. PHILADELPHIA. Printed and Sold by WILLIAM BRADFORD, at his Book-Store in Market-Stheet, adjoining the London CoFPEt-HousE. M,DCC,LXVI. PREFACE. Had the charge of rebellion been made by a private person against the colonies on this continent, for their opposition to the Stamp Act, I should not have thought it worth answering. — But when it was made by men vested with a public character, by a com- mittee of correspondence, representing two branches of legislature in a considerable government, and the charge was not only ap- proved, as it is said, by those branches, but was actually published to the world in newspapers, it seemed to me to deserve notice. I waited some time, in hopes of seeing the cause espoused by an abler advocate ; but being disappointed, I resolved, 'favente Deo,'^ to snatch a little time from the hurry of business, and to place, if I could, the letter of those gentlemen to their agent in a proper light. It is very evident from the generality ^M«r accusation against their ''fellow subjects on the northern continent''; of the expres- sions they use in the latter part of their letter, when they speak of the ''violent spirit raised in the North American colonies,'" and from what follows, that they do not apply the opprobrious term they use, only to those few of the lower rank, who disturbed us with two or three mobs in some of the provinces, nor to any other particular class of people ; but that the censure is designed for ALL the inhabitants of these colonies who were any way concerned in the opposition that has been given, and consequently that the modes of that opposition are thereby condemned. Two consider- ations therefore have induced me to undertake their [ii] defence. First, to vindicate the honour of my country, which I think grossly and wantonly insulted. Secondly, to refute opinions, that in un- fortunate times, may, if adopted, be injurious to liberty. Many good pieces have been published in these colonies to shew their title to the rights claimed by them ; the invasion of those rights by the Stamp Act ; the other hardships imposed on them, and the bad consequences that probably would follow these meas- (253) 254 PREFACE. ures ; but nothing has appeared, at least I have seen nothing that I recollect, in defence of the principle on which the opposition has been made, and of the manner in which it has been conducted. These are points entirely new ; and the consideration of them is now rendered necessary, by the public reproach that has been thrown on the people of this continent. A LETTER from the COMMITTEES/CORRESPONDENCE i7i BARBADOS, to their Agent in London. Sir, ' In compliance with the united resolution of the two branches ' of our legislature, of which we have severally the honor to be ' members, and to compose their committee of correspondence, * We are now to desire you to lay our complaints before his ' Majesty and the Parliament, on the hardships which this com- ' munity labours under by the imposition of the Stamp Duties, 'lately put in force amongst us. We have, indeed, submitted, ' with all obedience, to the act of Parliament ; yet our submis- * sion has, by no means, arisen from any consciousness of our 'ability to bear the burden of these taxes, or from the want of ' a due sense of the oppressive weight of them in all its parts, but [iii] ' from a principle of loyalty to our King and Mother Coun- * try, which has carried us above every consideration of our ' own distresses : yet, if we have suffered without resistance, we ' have leanit by it to complain with reason ; and, since we have ' raised no clamours from our own fears, we must surely have ' the better title to remonstrate from our feelings. But, with re- *spect to the manner in which our grievances in this case, ' along with so good a proof of our obedience to the laws of out ' mother country, are to be reported to his Majesty and the par- 'liament, we must refer ourselves to your good judgment and dis- ' cretion ; so much better circumstanced as you are on that side 'of the water to judge for us, than we can do at this distance ' for ourselves ; and so perfectly assured as we are also of your ' ability and zeal, in the conduct of every matter of importance ' that can be intrusted to your agency for this country's service. ' To you. Sir, therefore we give the power, in the name of our ' council and assembly, to present such a memorial, or memor- PREFACE. 255 ^ials, to his Majesty, and the two houses of parliament (if to 'all be necessary) as to yourself shall seem most proper and ' adviseable ; setting forth the anxiety and distresses of our 'country, under this new and extraordinary burden of taxation, ' by which we not only find ourselves loaded with a charge more ' than is proportioned to our circumstances, but deprived also of a * privilege, which renders the oppression beyond measure grievous. ' We see two of the most important objects to such a colony as 'ours, ira^ and justice crouching under the load of these new ^duties ; and bylKT manner in which the duties have been im- * posed, we find too the most valuable of all otir civil rights and ' liberties sinking alotig with them. The design of this new and 'extraordinary charge upon our country is, towards defraying ' the expences of defending, protecting and securing, the col- *onies of America. But what new and extraordinar)' ex- [iv] 'pence has this colony put the nation to, for the expence of ' maintaining of troops quartered in the several provinces of 'North America, for the protection and security of those 'parts of the British dominions? This is just as reasonable, 'and just as merciful too, as it would be to impose a heavy ' mulct on the inhabitants of this place, by way of a punishment 'for the present REBELLIOUS opposition given to authority ^ ' by our fellow subjects on the Northern continent. But if we are 'to be subject to the power of the parliament of Great Britain in ^ our internal taxes, we must be always liable to impositions, that * have nothing but the will of the imposers to direct them in the ^measure, since we have there no representatives to inform them ' of the true state of our circumstances, and of the degree of our 'strength to bear the burdens that are imposed. How far, 'indeed, we are intitled, by the constitution of England, or ' our own peculiar charter, to an exemption from every other in- ' ternal tax, than such as may be laid upon us by the represen- 'tatives of our own people, in conjunction with the two other 'branches of our legislative body, we cannot positively say ; but 'this is certain, that we have enjoyed that privilege, that seem- *ing birthright of every Briton, ever since the first establish- 'ment of a civil government in this island to the present time. ' And why we should at this period be condemned to the loss 256 PREFACE. ' of so inestimable a blessing of society^ we can see no cause ; since ' the present period has aflforded some instances of loyalty and ' affection to our King and mother country, which might rather 'have intitled us to new favours from the crown and nation, * than have left us exposed to any deprivation of our old and ' valuable rights. Yet, how far it may be prudent and necessary ' to press this last consideration in your memorial to our super- ' iors, must be referred to your good judgment ; for as we mean to ' obtain a redress of our grievances by a dutiful representation [v] ' only of our case, so would we have any thing avoided in the ' stile and substance of that representation as might give offence ' to those from whom only our redress can come, our appeal ' being to the very powers by whom we think ourselves op- ' pressed ; tho' we may remonstrate to them with j ustice, we ^ cannot reproach them, without dajiger ; and the most effectual 'means of giving ourselves all the merit we hope for, and 'intend, both with our sovereign and the parliament, will 'be, we think, by giving our complaint on this matter the ' complexion of our conduct, shewing an humble submission to ' authority, even under the most painful heartburnings of our ' community, at its severe decrees. But, great as our distresses ' are, upon account of this new Taxation in its general course, 'we are yet fortunate enough not to have suffered so much ' greater, as by the particular calamity you seem to have appre- ' hended for us, on the supposed seizure of the North American ' traders ; for the masters of those vessels, producing certificates ' at our custom-house, that no stamp papers were to be had at 'the ports they came from, have been admitted to an entry of ' their several ships and cargoes, being supposed only liable to ' the penalties inflicted by the Stamp Act, and of these no notice ' have been taken ; so that our danger from the circumstances ' you suggested to the ministers is over. But we see another ' arising from the violent spirit raised in the North American ' colonies against this act, which threatens us with the same ill 'consequences ; we mean, from their avowed resentment at the ' people of this island, for having so tamely submitted to the 'act, which they had been pleased so resolutely to oppose. ' This having led them to some extraordinary attempts (as we PREFACE. 257 'have been informed) to prevent any vessels coming hither ' with provisions for our support, how far a combination of this ' kind, which has to struggle with the private interests of so * many indivi-[vi] duals, can be formed amongst them, we may at ' first be led to doubt ; yet, on a second review of things, how * far the excesses of popular fury, which has no bounds, may ' hurry away all those individuals, to their own, as well as our ' immediate prejudice, we may reasonably fear ; and we think * it, at least, necessary to make mention of it to you, that you * may take this, amongst all the other unhappy consequences *we may feel from that injurious act, into your proper consid- 'eration.' N. B. The words in italics, are those animadverted upon in the following address ; and are printed in that manner, to be more easily distinguished and referred to by the reader. AN ADDRESS, &c. Gejitlemen^ I am a North-Amencan^ and my intention is, in address- ing you at present, to answer so much of a late letter from you to your agent in London^ as casts unmerited censure on my countrymen. After this declaration, as you enter- tain such unfavorable sentiments of the "popular fury" on this continent, I presume you expect to be treated with all the excess of passion natural to a rude people. You are mistaken. I am of their opinion, who think it almost as infamous to disgrace a good cause by illiberal lan- guage, as to betray it by unmanly ti7mdity. Complaints may be made with dignity, insults retorted with decency; aud violated rights vindicated without violence of words. You have nothing therefore to apprehend from me, gen- tlemen^ but such reflections on your conduct, as may tend to rouse that remorse in you, which always arises in the minds of ingenuous persons, when they find that they have wounded by their rash calumnies the honor of those, who merit their highest esteem, — their warmest praises. [2] I know there are in the island of Barbados^ many men of sense, spirit, and virtue; and therefore I chuse to consider you rather in the character of such, whose under- standing, resolution, and integrity, have been drugg'd by some pernicious draught into a slumber, than of those who with irretrievable depravity, want all the qualities requi- site to make them serviceable to their countrymen, or just to others. Had I ovXy h^siT^^ gentlemen, that you had called the (259) 26o AN ADDRESS behavior of these colonies, a "rebellious opposition given to authority," I should have thought it a vain at- tempt, to aim at convincing you, how unjustifiable an as- sertion that expression contained; because I should imme- diately have concluded, that you were so ignorant of the rights of British subjects, and so insensible of all concern on the invasion of those rights, that any man who should endeavour to shew you your error, would engage in as unpromising a project, as if he should think to communi- cate an idea of sound to the deaf, or of colour to the blind. When I read your letter, however, with an agreeable surprise I observed that you^ at the same time you have made the attack, have laid the foundation of a defence for my countrymen. Permit me to erect the superstructure, though I had much rather see it built by more skilful hands. You acknowledge, the "burthen of the taxes imposed by the stamp act, to be oppressive in all its parts;" that you are thereby not only ' ' loaded with a charge more than is proportioned to your circumstances, but deprived also of a privilege, which renders the oppression be- yond measure grievous:" that you "see two of the most important objects. Trade and justice crouching uuder the load of the [3] new duties; and by the manner in which these duties have been imposed, find too the MOST VALUABLE OF ALL YOUR CIVIL RIGHTS AND LIBER- TIES SINKING ALONG WITH THEM." You say that if you "are to be subject to the power of the parliament of Great- Britain^ in your internal taxes, you must always be liable to impositions, that have nothing but the WILL OF THE IMPOSERS to direct them in the measure." With what consistency you afterwards hesi- tate, and "cannot say," whether the privilege of taxing yourselves, exclusively belongs to you, or talk of a "seem- ing birthright^^^ I will leave to be determined by your- TO BARBADOS. 261 selves, or the agent to whose "good judgment and discre- tion," you with such strange, I had ahnost said "humble submission" "refer" your most important affairs. How- ever, your sentiments soon veer about again, and you cpeak of "an inestimable blessing of society;" of "old and valuable rights;" and even hazard the hardy appellation of "SEVERE decrees." When it is so evident, that all these assertions are equally true with regard to yourselves, and "your fellow- subjects on the northern continent," it affords no slight cause of amazement, to see in the same letter that contains these assertions, the opposition of those confessedly de- structive measures, branded as "rebellious." Where- fore this needless stroke against your "fellow-subjects?" Could not your "principle of loyalty" sink you to a satis- factory depth of humiliation, unless you flung yourselves down with such a rage of prostration as to spatter all around you? Was not your surrender of "Mndon Book-store, North- / side of King-street. / MDCCLXVIII. / i2mo., pp. 146. Letters / from A / Farmer / in / Pennsylvania, / to the / Inhabitants / of the / British Colonies. / Boston : / Printed and Sold by Edes & Gill, in Queen-Street. / MDCCLXVIII. / lamo, pp. 146. Both these Boston editions reprint the resolutions of the Boston Town Meeting to "The Farmer" and Dickinson's reply, which is also given in the reprint of the " Farmer's Letters" in Dickinson's Political Writ- ings (i, 138). The following edition has added to it a preface, written by Richard Henry Lee : — The / Fanner's and Monitor's / Letters, / to the / Inhabitants / of NOTE. 285 the / British Colonies. / "Williamsburg : / Printed by William Rind, M DCC LXIX. / Sm. 4to, pp. iii, 97, (i). They were reprinted in London, at the instance of Franklin, who wrote a brief preface to the edition : — Letters / from a / Farmer in Pennsylvania, / to the / Inhabitants / of the / British Colonies. / London. / Printed for J. Almon, opposite Burlington-house, Piccadilly. / M DCC LXVIII. / 8vo, pp. (4), iii, 118. Franklin's preface was again reprinted in the following edition, as well as an additional preface by the " Dublin Editor" : Letters / From a / Fanner in Pennsylvania, / To the Inhabitants of the / British Colonies ; / Regarding, / The Right of Taxation, and sev- eral / other Important Points. / To which are Added, as an / Appendix, / The Speeches of/ Lord Chatham, and Lord Camden, / The one upon the Stanip Act, the other / on the Declaratory Bill, / with a / Preface by the Dublin Editor. / Printed for J. Sheppard in Skinner-Row. / M,DCC,LXVIII. /Svo, pp. viii, 9-119, (i), 29. Franklin was also probably instrumental in getting it translated, and republished in France, for the translator and editor, Jean Barbeu Dubourg, was his personal friend, and he included two pieces by Franklin, as well as Franklin's preface. Lettres / d'un / Fermier de Pensylvanie, / aux Habitans. / de I'Am^r- ique Septentrionale, / Traduites de I'Anglois. / A Amsterdam, / Aux d^pens de la Conipagnie. / M.DCC.LXIX. / iznio, pp. xxviij, 258. This edition was really printed in France. The last to be issued, which is a mere reprint of the letters, is the following edition : Letters / from a / Farmer, / in / Pennsylvania, / To the Inhabitants / of the / British Colonies. / Philadelphia / Printed ; and London re- printed for J. Almon / opposite Burlington-House in Piccadilly. / M DCCLXXIV. / Svo, pp. 136. The present reprint is made from the first pamphlet edition. The text of this differs in quite a degree from that of the original newspaper text, but as the larger part of the changes are merely verbal, only those which seemed worth indicating are noted. The same rule has also been applied to the revised text of the "Letters" given in Dickinson's Political Writings, only essential changes being given here. The prefaces, writ- ten by Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Franklin, the "Dublin Editor" and Jean Barbeu Dubourg, precede the reprint as necessary and intA-est- ing additions. Editor. PREFACE TO ENGLISH EDITION. THE BRITISH EDITOR TO THE READER.* When I consider our fellow subjects in America as rational creatures^ I cannot but wonder, that during the present wide diflference of sentiments in the two countries, concerning the power of parliament in laying taxes and duties on America ^ no application has been made to their understandings, no able and learned pen among us has been employed in cotivincing them that they are in the wrong ; proving clearly, that by the established law of nations, or by the terms of their original constitution, they are taxable by our parliament, though they have no representative in it. On the contrary, whenever there is any news of discontent in America, the cry is, "Send over an army or a fleet, and re- duce the dogs to reason y It is said of choleric people, that with them there is but a word, and a blow. I hope Britain is not so choleric, and will never be so angry with her colonies as to strike them ; but that if she should ever think it may be necessary, she will at least let the word go be- fore the blow, and reason with them. To do this clearly, and with the most probability of success, by removing \h€[x prejudices, and rectifying their misapprehen- sions (if they are such) it will be necessary to learn what those prejudices and misapprehensions are ; and before we can either refute or admit their reasons or arguments, we should certainly know them. It is to that end I have handed the following letters (lately published in America) to the press here. They were occasioned * Written by Benjamin Franklin. (287) 288 PREFACE TO ENGLISH EDITION. by the act made (since the repeal of the Stamp-act) for raising a revenue in Amejica by duties on glass, paper, &c. The Author is a gentleman of repute in that country for his knowledge of its affairs, and, it is said, speaks i\iQ ^enei:al_jen- t^ji£nfs of the4ahabitants. How far those sentiments are right or wrong, I do not pretend at present to judge. I wish to see first, what can be said on the other side of the question, I hope this publication will produce a full answer, if we can make one. If it does, this publication will have had its use. No offence to government is intended by it ; and it is hoped none will be taken. London^ May 8, i'^68. PREFACE TO WILLIAMSBURG EDITION. THE PREFACE.* It may perhaps seem strange to slight consideration, that these IvETTERS which have already passed through all America^ should now a second time be produced before the Public in their present form. But a little further reflection will shew the UTILITY of this WORK. The sacred cause of liberty is of too great consequence, and the necessity of freedom for the security of human happiness too obvious, not to render every precaution wise, that tends to prevent the introduction of slavery. Notwithstanding therefore, these letters have been already published, yet here, they have been seen only in the Gazettes, which, from the uncertainty of their dispersion, and the length of time passing between the reception of news- papers in the country, may probably have prevented much benefit to be derived from a collective, uninterrupted view of the manly reasoning, the timely information, and the true con- stitutional principles of liberty with which these letters every where abound. Whoever considers again that the nature of men in authority is inclined rather to commit two errors than retract one,t will not be surprised to see the Stamp- Act followed by a Bill of Rights, declaring the power of^arliament to bind us inj^r^ases whatsoever; and this act again followed by another, imposing a duty on papeTj^paint, glass, &c., imported into these colonies. But however unbounded may be the wish of power to extend itself, however unwilling it may be to ac- knowledge mistakes, tis surely the duty of every wise and worthy American, who at once wishes the prosperity of the mother country and the colonies, to point out all invasions of * By Richard Henry Lee. — Ed. t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. (289) 290 PREFACE TO WILLIAMSBURG EDITION, the public liberty, and to shew the proper methods of obtaining redress. This has been done by the Authors of the following Letters with a force and spirit becoming freemen, English freemen, contending for our just and legal possession of prop- erty and freedom. A possession that has its foundation on the clearest principle of the law of nature, the most evident declara- tions of the English constitution, the plainest contract made between Crown and our forefathers, and all these sealed and sanctified by the usage of near two hundred years. American rights thus resting on the best and strongest ground, it be- hooves all her inhabitants with united heads, hearts, and hands, to guard the sacred deposit committed by their fathers to their care, as well to bless posterity as to secure the happiness of the present generation. In vain 'tis for some few (and very few I hope they are) who, governed either by base principles of fear, or led by vile hopes of gain, the reward of prostituted virtue, to say, "your rights are indeed invaded, but Great-Britain is too strong. What can we do against superior strength ? ' ' I^et these evil designing men remember what the highest authority has told us, /'that the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." And if inspiration needed to receive assistance from genius, Shakespeare says, "thrice is he armed that has his quarrel just, and he but naked, tho' locked up in steel, whose conscience with injustice is oppressed." History also informs us, that Xerxes with his armed millions could not accomplish his purpose of reducing to slavery the much weaker but free States of Greece. Three hundred brave men at Ther- mophylse, contending for liberty, destroyed twenty thousand who attempted its ruin. In later times we see the States of Holland free, and the generous Corsicans likely to be so, al- though the far greater powers of Spain, Germany, and France, have at different periods combined to enslave these noble nations. The truth is, that the great Author of nature has created nothing in vain, and having with the life of man joined liberty, IV the virtuous enjoyment and free possession of property honestly n gained, has undoubtedly furnished all nations with the means of defending their natural rights, if they have the wisdom and PREFACE TO WILLIAMSBURG EDITION. 291 fortitude to make the proper use of such means. In this in- stance we find ourselves three thousand miles removed from g-rea^-Britain, we possess a country abounding with woods in all parts, and in many with mountains of difficult and danger- ous access. The ease with which the staple colonies could put an entire stop to the exportation of their commodities, and the peaceable but vital injury that this would convey to those who might insist on oppressing them, are truths so plain as to re- quire no further animadversion. Verbum sapieniisat est. The nature of the climate, the soil, and its various produce, point out the ease and extent with which manufactories may be con- ducted here. These things are mentioned as proof of what is above asserted, that the bountiful Author of nature has fur- nished his creatures with the means of securing their proper rights, and that the event depends on their own wise and brave determinations. A benevolent mind, indeed, cannot but lament that either ambition, avarice, or ill-placed resentment, should ever be so exercised as to force men into the investigation of those methods by which they may be secure from the operation of those bad passions. For certain it is, that there is nothing more becoming to human nature than well-ordered government, or more valuable than liberty. How ignominious then must his conduct be who turns the first into confusion, and the latter into slavery ! But whatever may be the opinion, or the design of a rapacious ill-advised Minister, the Americans have in their view this happy prospect ; that the people of Great-'Bx\i2\r\ are generous and brave, they know the value of liberty, because they have purchased that knowledge with much of their blood, and therefore they cannot but esteem us their children for ven- erating the good old cause which they themselves have con- tended for in many a well-fought field. It is really wonderful that this unhappy dispute between Great-Britam and her colo- nies should ever have existed, when a moment's retrospection shews the Mother country for near two centuries exercising legislative authority here without complaint, while she ab- stained from that single destructive clause of taking our money from us without consent of our representatives. The exercise of which claim, would indeed reduce Atnerica, to a state of 292 PREFACE TO WILLIAMSBURG EDITION. slavery more deplorable and more iguominious than has ever yet been known in the world. But to what purpose this should be desired is still more amazing, when Britain from her exclu- sive trade to these colonies, and from the manner in which she tied up our manufacturing hands, not only received the entire produce of the lands and labour of these colonies, but has be- sides involved the people here in a heavy debt, which agricul- ture, without arts, and a trade so confined, will probably never pay. Mr. Grenville it seems had the honor of devising this new system of American policy. PREFACE TO DUBLIN EDITION. THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. The Fanner of Pennsylvania has (in our Opinion) treated his Subject with that Loyalty and becoming Spirit, which distin- guishes the Cause of Liberty from that of Licentiousness, In our happy Constitution, no man can be properly said to be just to his prince, without being just to the Rights of his Fellow- subjects ; as on the other hand, he cannot be true to his Coun- try, without being true to his King. A very unfavorable Opinion of the People of America has, I know not how, crept abroad: And there are those in these Kingdoms, who rashly brand their Cause with the name of Rebellion ; but methinks we, who are united under the same Head should be very cautious how we entertain illiberal Pre- judices against our Fellow-subjects; and ought, before we pass our Censure upon them, to examine what their Rights are, and with what justice they can complain that these Rights are in- vaded. This End will be best answered by a careful Perusal of the following Sheets ; where the Irish Reader cannot fail to find many useful and very interesting Reflections. In short, if we are generally tender of the Reputation of an Individual, let us now be tender of the Reputation of a People : By neglecting the former, we may injure the Happiness of one, by neglecting the latter, we may heedlessly conspire with an artful Minister to destroy the Hopes of* Millions. The Right of Great-Britain to tax America, is thoroughly examined in the following Letters. It has been already gene- rously and, I might perhaps say, unanswerably opposed in the grand Council of that Nation. Two noble Lords, the one dis- tinguished for his Abilities as a Statesman, the other for his *The Inhabitants of the British Colonies are estimated at 3,000,000. (293) 294 PREFACE TO DUBLIN EDITION. Knowledge in the Laws, and both for their powerful Elo- quence, have bravely contended for the Liberty of America. Such exalted Characters, who possess so much feeling for the Rights of others, are a Blessing to a Nation : They preserve her from committing Injustice. He who supports the Rights of his own Country is an useful Citizen ; but he who will go fur- ther and generously defend the Rights of others, is a virtuous one. By the Counsel and Conduct of Themistocles, Athens flourished. He raised her to a greater Height of Glory and Re- putation than any of his Predecessors : But his Ambition to augment her Power, drove him to Designs of the blackest Treachery against her Friends and Fellow-conquerors. The Probity and Prudence oi Aristides were a necessary Check upon him. But Justice, indeed, has ever been the peculiar Attribute of Great-Britain. Always watchful and jealous of her own Lib- erty, she regards, as sacred, the Liberty of others. That Free- dom which she enjoys, in the most reasonable Extent, she has imparted to the remotest Corners of her Empire : Wisely judg- ing, that nothing will render her Children so attentive to her Interest, and so affectionate to her Person, as the free Enjoy- ment of their Liberty and Property ; which Rights, once con- founded and destroyed, it might be pretty equal to them who exercised the Despotism. " It is," says an ^Author on trade, "the Interest, and ought to ' be the Care, of such as are entrusted with the Administration ' of Government, to see that every Part of the British Empire 'amply enjoys the Advantages derived from the Laws, and ' that glorious Freedom, which is the Result of maintaining 'them in full Vigour. — "And as Obedience," says he a little farther, "is expected from the remotest Quarters as well as ' from those bordering upon the Center of Government, so they 'are intitled to the same Protection and Encouragement ; which, ' while they receive, there is no Doubt but Affairs will continue 'in a flourishing Condition, and the Fears which ma}^ have ' entertained, that some of the distant Colonies may throw off * Rolt, in his Dictionary of Trade and Commerce, under the Head of Great-Britain. PREFACE TO DUBLIN EDITION. . 295 "their Obedience to their Mother Country, will disappear as ' ' visionary Shadows : For it is in the Body Politic as in the * ' Natural Body ; while the vital Parts are strong and sound, "the Constitution will be every where brisk and lively, and the ' ' Effects of it perfectly felt to its very Extremities. ' ' These Words are remarkably strong and pertinent to the present Pos- ture of Affairs ; and I protest, when I add them to what has been said by other Authors on the same Subject, I am much startled at the present adopted Policy. "*We have hitherto," says Postlethwayt speaking of the Americans, "supplied them with a great Quantity of their Ma- "terials for wearing Apparel, Household Furniture, &c, but if ' ' they should establish these Manufactures among themselves, "and encourage every Species of Artificers to settle among "them, our Plantations may at length prove detrimental, in- " stead of beneficial to these Kingdoms." Whether a more ingenious Way than has lately been taken, could possibly be devised, to bring about all that this Author so justly apprehends, I will leave to every body to determine. We have already seen the spirited Colonists unanimously re- solve to put a stop to British Importations. An armed Force, perhaps, may awe them to compl}'' with strange Taxes ; but we can hardly be persuaded that it will ever be able to dictate to them how they shall dispose of that Fund, which Great Britain may think proper to leave them for their private Necessities. In fine, it were much to be wished by every true Lover of his King and Country, that if any rash Measures have been pro- jected, that they may be wisely and seasonably relinquished : That America, on her Part, may ever adhere to that dutiful Dependence, which, to do her Justice, she continues respect- fully to acknowledge ; and that Great Britain, on her's, may re-assume her wonted Generosity and Good-nature, that, being united firmly with her own Kindred, she may have none to op- pose, but Foreign Enemies. * Postlethwayt's Dissertations on Commerce, Volume the ist. Page the io4tli. PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. pr:&face du traducteur* L'Amerique Septentrionale est aujourd'hui dans un dtat fort different de ce qu'elle 6toit il y a deux cens ans; ce n'est plus cette Terre sauvage & presque d^serte, dont on seroit tente de dire que les Habitans les plus distingues, tant par leur nombre que par leur industrie, ^toient des Castors. Peu-^-peu les Cotes maritimes & les Provinces adjacentes se sont couvertes d'horames, & les progres de la population y ont et6 si rapides, que Ton compte dej^ dans les seules Colonies Angloises du Continent, trois millions d'ames, qui connoissent pen de super- fluit^s, mais ^ qui il ne manque rien, ni pour les besoins, ni m^me pour les commodites de la vie. Comment ces Colonies agricoles sont-elles devenues en si peu de tems si considerables, tandis que les Colonies, tant Militaires que Mercantiles, des autres Nations de 1' Europe, k peu-pres dans les mdmes climats, n'ont pas fait k beaucoup pr^s les m^mes progres? Cette question, quoique de I'Histoire le plus moderne, est aussi int^ressante qu'aucune de I'Histoire Ro- maine, Greque ou Egyptienne. II n'en faut, k mon avis, cher cher la solution que dans la simplicite de leurs moeurs & de leurs loix, Toit doit constam- ment prosperer 1^ ou 1' Agriculture est en honneur, ou 1' indus- trie se developpe sans contrainte, ou 1' Emulation anime tout, & ou I'intrigue ne pent rien ; en un mot, je regarde comme un th^or^me fondamental de toute saine politique, que la prosper- ite d'un peuple est en proportion de son exactitude k se con- former k I'ordre que la Nature nous a elle-meme present. L' intolerance Europ6enne a fait les principaux frais de la population de 1' Amerique Angloise. La haute Commission des * Jacques Barbeu Dubourg. — JSd. (297) 298 PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. Episcopaux, sous Charles Premier, donna la chasse a une mul- titude de non-Conformistes Anglois & Ecossois de differentes Sectes, qui allerent fonder la Nouvelle-Angleterre vers I'an 1628. La m^me espece d' inquisition Protestante occasionna peu apres une semblable emigration de Catholiques, qui, sous la conduite du Lord Baltimore, fonderent le Maryland en 163 1. La Pensylvanie, aujourd'hui si florissante, ne fut fondle qu'en 1681, par Guillaume Pen, ^ la tete de cinq cens Quakers persecutes dans leur Patrie, & qui furent bient6t suivis d'en- viron deux mille autres. Vers le meme terns, un grand nombre de Protestans r^fugi^s d'Allemagne, & sur-tout du Palatinat, trouverent un asyle ^ la Nouvelle-Yorck. Et la Virginie, la plus ancienne de toutes ces Colonies, fut pareillement recrut^e de quantity de Francois r6fugi6s, apr^s la revocation de I'Edit de Nantes, en 1685. La Caroline, la G6orgie, &c. ont tour-^ tour puis4 plus ou moins dans les m^mes sources. Toutes, enfin, ont tendu les bras ^ ces malheureux Herrenhutters, ou Freres Moraves, ^ qui, depuis trois cens ans, la Boh^me, la Hongrie, la Pologne, la Russie, la Prusse, & le Dannemarck avoient successivement interdit le feu & I'eau. II est ^ remarquer que les non-Conformistes qui ont fond^ la Nouvelle Angleterre, porterent dans les forets du nouveau Monde cet esprit d' intolerance, dont ils avoient eu tant ^ souifrir dans leur pays natal ; que le Lord Baltimore, avec ses Catholiques, donna ^ rAm^rique le premier exemple de cette tolerance chretienne, qui a fait la base de sa f61icite ; mais que c'est sur-tout aux Quakers que Ton doit I'^tablissement de la pleine liberte de conscience & de la paix fraternelle, son incom- parable compagne, qui de leur Colonic de Pensylvanie, s'est repandue successivement dans toutes les autres Colonies An- gloises. Est-il surprenant que son example ait fait impression ? Quoique sa fondation ne remonte pas encore ^ un siecle, on I'estime deja quatre fois plus riche elle seule, que ces trois fameuses conqu^tes des Anglois, le Canada, I'Acadie & la Floride, toutes ensemble. PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. 299 I^es premiers Quakers etoient des enthousiastes, des convul- sionaires, des trembleurs, comme leur nom le porte ; mais leur nom est tout ce qui leur en reste, & ne doit pas nous en im- poser. Ce qu'ils ont de plus singulier aujourd'hui, c'est plus de modestie, plus de frugalile, plus de moderation en toutes choses, & consequemment plus d'union entr'eux, qu'on n'en trouveroit peut-^tre cbez aucun autre Peuple de I'Univers. S'ils ont dementi le nom de leur Secte, il paroit qu'ils soutien- nent a merveille celui de leur Ville capitale (Philadelphia, c'est- ^-dire, amour fraternel). Eh! qui ne seroit touche de cette franchise honnete avec laquelle on va voir qu'ils defendent leur Liberie ; de ces sentimens inalterables de respect & de bien- veillance qu'ils ne cessent de temoigner envers ceux qui les maltraitent ; enfin, de cette heureuse ser^nite avec laquelle ils attendent, sans armes, une armee destin^e a les subjuguer? Independamment de I'afiBluence des nouveaux Colons, que la douceur du Gouvernement de la Pensylvanie y attire de jour en jour, ses plus grandes ressources sont & seront toujours en elle-meme. Comme le Pays est grand, le sol fertile. Fair sain, la Libert^ assur^e, tous les hommes s'y marient & tous se mar- ient jeunes, n'ayant aucune inquietude sur I'^tablissement de leur famille, si nombreuse qu'elle puisse ^tre ; de forte que que chaque mariage produisant aisement 4^5 nouveaux sujets, le nombre des hommes y double au moins de vingt ans en vingt ans. La plilpart des autres Colonies Angloises, soit pour ^tre moins heureusement, situ^es ou moins sagement regies, ne prosperent pas autant ; mais il passe pour constant que, le fort compensant le foible, le somme totale des habitans de ces Colonies double tous les vingt-cinq ans. Le Continent de I'Amerique Septentrionale est si vaste, qu'avant que la terre & manque a ses habitans, il faudra qu'elle soit beaucoup plus peuplee que n'est aujourd'hui 1' Europe. Mais quand verra-t-on cela ? Si I'instablite des choses humaines pouvoit ^tre soumise au calcul, des Politiques speculatifs ont suppute que cet evenement ne se feroit attendre gueres plus d'un siecle. On pourra crier au paradoxe ; mais daignons faire attention 300 PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. au cours que les choses ont pris. Deux causes sensibles con- courent a peupler tres promptement ces Regions ; I'une ex- terne, dependante de la deraison & de la mauvaise politique de notre Europe ; 1' autre interne, dependante de la saggesse & de la bonne conduite de ces Colonistes. Quant ^ la premiere, il est vrai que nous avons commerce a reconnoitre nos torts, mais nous ne paroissons pas encore tellement disposes ^ nous corri- ger, que I'Amerique ne puisse encore se promettre de nos vexa- tions politiques, ou religieuses, un assez non nombre d'emigrans. Quant ^ la cause interne, pour savoir ce que Ton en pent atten- dre, suivons un peu la progression cidessus 6tablie. On ne compte encore que trois millions d'habitants dans ces Colonies, tandis qu'on evalue constamment ceux de I'Europe ^ cent mil- lions ; mais si le nombre de ceux-la continue a doubler tons les 25 ans, ils auront au bout d'un siecle seize hommes pour un, & 16 fois 16 ^ la sin du siecle suivant. Multipliez done trois mil- lions par 16, & le produit encore par 16, vous verrez ce qui en r6sultera, & de combien I'Amerique I'emporteroit sur I'Europe avant deux siecles, si ces Peuples pouvoient conserver leur regime autant de tems. La progression r^guliere d'une population si peu commune, aura sans doute des bornes; mais d'ou viendront-elles? peut- ^tre d'ou on les attend le moins. Tout ce que je puis entrevoir au travers des t^nebres d'un futur contingent, c'est que 1° le Paj'S, tout immense qu'il paroit, ne fournira certainement pas toujours de nouvelles terres a defricher. 2° N'est-il pas a pr6- sumer que le luxe &'y introduisant t6t ou tard, amollira & aba- tardira ce Peuple simple & genereux. 3° II est tres probable qu'au defaut de voisins ^ redouter pour eux, la jalousie de I'Angleterre m^me leur suscitera des embarras, qui ralentiront au moins leurs progres, s'ils ne les arretent pas tout-^-fait : cette jalousie a meme deja delate, & de petites menaces paroissent avoir de grandes suites. II ne faut pas confondre les Colonies en question, avec quel- ques autres Etablissemens formes aussi par les Anglois, sur le meme Continent de I'Amerique Septentrionale. Des Comptoirs dtablis pour le seul interet des Marchands de I'ancienne Angle- terre, & des Forts construits pour la siirete de ces Comptoirs, PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. 301 n'ont rien de commun avec les Colonies purement agricoles, dont ils bordent la frontiere. Cependant le Parlement de la Grande-Bretagne, sur lequel les Marcbands Pelletiers de Londres ont plus d' influence que tout les Colons & Planteurs de I'Am^rique, a enterpris depuis quelques anuses de faire supporter aux Colonies la d^pense qu' exige I'entretien de ces Forts, & de leur imposer ^ cet eflet des taxes, non-seulement inusitees, mais encore sous une forme qui leur paroit illegale. Les Assemblies de toutes les Colonies se montrent fermement r^solues a soutenir leurs droits; on les soupfonne d'aspirer ^ I'independance. I,a Prosp^rite les a t-elle enivrees ? ou le Parlement en a-t-il pris ombrage mal-^-propos ? c'est sur quoi je n'oserois prononcer. Quoi qu'il en soit, quiconque aime ^ voir une grande cause bien discutee aura de quoi se satisfaire en cette occasion ; ces Lettres d'un Fermier de 'Pensylvanie suffisent au moins pour remontrer qu'en ce Pays-1^ (& il en pourroit ^tre ainsi de tout autre) la culture des terres n'a point nui ^ celle des esprits. M. Dickinson, de Philadelphie, est I'Auteur de ces Lettres, dont la premiere est datee avec affectation du 5 Novembre, jour anniversaire du d^barquement du Prince d' Orange en Angle- terre. D'ailleurs, elles, sont dcrites avec autant de sagesse que de vigueur. Aussi ont-elles fait un effet prodigieux, en excitant le Peuple de toutes les Colonies ^ s'opposer aux nouvelles im- positions avec la plus grande unanimity. Si 1' Eloquence, dont on n'a communement qu'une tr^s tausse ou tres frivole id^e, n'est autre chose (comme je le crois fermement) que ce grand art de gouvemer les hommes par la parole, I'Orateur Remain fut moins Eloquent que ce bon Fermier. II y a eu trente Editions de ses Lettres en Amdrique dans I'espace de six mois ; & elles ont 6t6 rdimprimdes ^ Londres par les soins de M. Franklin. Quel honneur pour I'Ouvrage, d'avoir mdtitd in tel Editeur ! J'aurois dti sentir qu'il ne m'appartenoit point de traduire un tel Ouvrage, & moins encore de le traduire ^ la hdte ; mais je m'dtois passionn6 ^ le lecture, & la passion ne refldchit gueres. Heureux done si le peu de terns que j'ai eu ^ donner ^ cette Traduction ne m' attire d'autres reproches que celui d'y laisser 302 PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. trop sentir un certain gout de terroir, que je n'aurois pu lui enlever, qu'en la remaniant beaucoup & long-tems ! Pour moi, ce que je regrette le plus, c'est de n'^tre pas assez instruit des affaires de TAmerique, pour mettre le Lectuer par- faitement au fait de la raatiere de ces L,ettres ; cependant comme bieu des gens sont peut-etre encore moins avances que moi ^ cet egard, j'ai cru devoir exposer succinctement ici le peu que j'en sais. Tout Anglois tient pour principe qu'il doit contribuer a pro- portion de ses moyens aux charges de I'Etat, dont la protection fait sa surete ; mais que cette contribution ne doit etre levee que de son consentment, accorde par lui-meme, ou par ses repre- seutans; que c'est un droit essentiel a sa condition de sujet libre, n'y ayant point de liberte, le ou il n'y a point de pro- priete assuree. L,es Anglois ^tablis dans les Colonies ont ^t6 formellement assures, par les Chartes memes de leurs fondations respectives, qu'ils seroient toujours traites comme vrais Anglois, & jouiroi- ent de tous les droits inherens a ce titre. II ont ete maintenus en cette possession depuis peur premier dtablissement. lis de- mandent ce qu'ils ont fait pour meriter d'en etre depouilles? en quoi ont-ils manque a leur Mere-Patrie ? Pendant 150 ans, le Couronne (c'est-^-dire le Roi, ou le Min- istre en son nom) leur a fait de tems-en-tems des demandes pour contribuer aux besoins de I'Etat & leur Assemblees respectives lui ont octroye de bonne grace cequ'elles ont cru que les besoins publics requeroient, & que leur propre situation comportoit. Leur zele les avout m^me tellement aiguillonnes, qu'aj-ant con- tribue pendant quelques annees de la dernier guerre, non-seule- ment en raison de leurs moyens, mais meme beaucoup audel^, le Parlement de la Grande-Bretagne, qui tient par sa constitu- tion la balance generale des devoirs & des droits respectifs de toutes les parties integrantes de 1' Empire Britannique, jugea a propos de leur faire remettre des sommes considerables par forme de restitutions ou d'indemnites. II paroit singulier que ce foit a-peu pres dans ce meme tems qu'un Acte eman6 de ce m^me Parlement a exig6 de ces monies Colonies une chose qui n'^toit pas d' usage, & quelles ne croyoient PREFACE TO FRENCH EDITION. 303 pas qu'il fut en droit d'exiger: c'etoitde foumir difFerentes pro- visions pour 4a subsistance des troupes reparties sur leur terri- toire, ou dans leur voisinage. Les Assemblees de ces diverses Colonies ne voulant ni lutter contre le Parlement, ni abandonner leurs privileges, prirent presque universellenient le parti d'ac- corder, comme de leur propre mouvement, ces provisions aux troupes, sans faiie aucune mention de 1' Acte par lequel on avoit pretendu leur en faire un devoir. La seule Assemblee de la Nouvelle-Yorck, pour marquer un peu mieuxson independance, accorda toutes les monies provisions, a 1' exception de trois arti- cles : du sel, du poivre & du viniagre. La majeste du Peuple Anglois* se trouvant bless^e par cette restriction, on resolut d'en faire repentir les Colonistes de la Nouvelle-Yorck, & d'en imposer aux autres par leur exemple. Pour cet eflfet, le Parlement suspendit, par un Acte exprds, I'Autorite legislative de I'Assemblee de cette Colonic. M. Dickinson s'attache dans sa premiere Lettre, a faire sentir les consequences de cette entreprise Parlementaire, & la n^ces- site de la concorde entre toutes les Colonies de I'Am^rique, qui ressentiroient t6t ou tard le contre-coup d'une telle innovation, mais dont I'attention avoit kXk. d^toum^e de cet objet par un autre, auquel elles ^toient toutes plus directement interessees. Cet autre objet 6toit le fameux Acte du Timbre par lequel le Parlement ^tablissoit des droits sur le papier marqu^, & d^fendoit d'en employer d'autre dans toutes les ecritures publiques, tant judiciaires, qu'extra judiciaires: cet Acte est de I'ann^e 1764. L' opposition des Colonies ^ son execution fut si universelle, si vive & si constante, & parut si legitime ^ quelques personnes du premier ordre, meme en Angleterre, que le Parlement I'a enfin rdvoqu^ au bout de deux ans. Rien n'a tant contribu^ ^ le faire revenirainsi surses pas, que le conspiration patriotique des Colonies a se priver absolument de toutes marchandises des Fabriques de la Grande-Bretagne, jusqu'^ ce qu'on leur e Jits flowing from this usage ever since the settlement of these colonies. Our great advocate, Mr. Pitt^ in his speeches on the de- bate concerning the repeal of the Stamp-Act^ acknowledged, that Great-Britain could restrain our manufactures. His words are these — " This kingdom, as the supreme govern- ing and legislative power, has always bound the colonies by her regulations and restrictions in trade, in naviga- tion, in MANUFACTURES — in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their pockets^ without their CONSENT." Again he says, "We may bind their trade, CONFINE Theiel' MANUFACTURES, and exercise every power whatever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets^ WITHOUT their consent. Here then, my dear countrymen, rouse yourselves, and behold the ruin hanging over your heads. If you ONCE admit, that Great-Britain may lay duties upon her expor- tations to us, for the purpose of levying money on us only^ she then will have nothing to do, but to lay those duties on the articles which she prohibits us to manufacture — and the tragedy of American liberty is finished. We have been prohibited from procuring manufactures, in all cases, any where but from Great-Britain (excepting linens, which we are permitted to import directly from Ireland). We have been prohibited, in some cases, from manufactur- ing for ourselves; and may be prohibited in others. We are therefore exactly in the situation of a city besieged, LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 321 which is surrounded by the works of the besiegers in every part but one. If that is closed up, no step can be taken, but to surrender at discretion. If Great-Britain can order us to come to her for necessaries we want, and can order us to pay what taxes she pleases before we take them away, or when we land them here, we are as abject slaves as France and Poland can shew in wooden shoes, and with uncombed hair*. [13] Perhaps the nature of the necessities of dependent states, caused by the policy of a governing one, for her own bene- fit, may be elucidated by a fact mentioned in history. When the Carthaginians were possessed of the island of Sardinia^ they made a decree, that the Sardinians should not raise corn^ nor get it any other way than from the Carthaginians. Then, by imposing any duties they would upon it, they drained from the miserable Sardinians any sums they pleased; and whenever that oppressed peo- ple made the least movement to assert their liberty, their tyrants starved them to death or submission. This may be called the most perfect kind of political necessity. From what has been said, I think this uncontrovertible conclusion may be deduced, that when a ruling state ob- liges a dependent state to take certain commodities from her alone, it is implied in the nature of that obligation; is essentially requisite to give it the least degree of justice ; and is in^parably united with it, in order to preserve any share of freedom to the dependent state; that those commo- dities should never be loaded with duties^ FOR THE SOLE PURPOSE OF LEVYING MONEY ON THE DEPENDENT STATE. Upon the whole, f the single question is, whether the par- * The peasants of France wear wooden shoes ; and the vassals of Poland are remarkable for matted hair, which never can be combed. [The words "France and Poland" in the text, and this footnote, are struck out in the Political Writings. — Ed.'\ t" The plan of paying the duties, imposed by the late act, appears to me therefore to be totally immaterial," takes the place of these three words in the newspaper text, the remaining words forming a new sentence.— £'rf. 322 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. liament can legally impose duties to be paid by the people of these colonies only^ FOR THE SOLE purpose OF raising A REVENUE, on commodities which she obliges us to take from her alone^ or, in other words, whether the parliament can legally take money out of our pockets, without our consent. If they can, our boasted liberty is but Vox et prceterea nihil. A sound and nothing else. A FARMER. [14] LETTER III. My dear Countrymen^ I rejoice to find that my two former letters to you, have been generally received with so much favour by such of you, whose sentiments I have had an opportunity of know- ing. Could you look into my heart, you would instantly perceive a zealous attachment to your interests, and a lively resentment of every insult and injury offered to you, to be the motives that have engaged me to address you. I am no further concerned in any thing affecting Amer- ica^ than any one of you; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than most of you : But while Divine Providence, that gave me existence in a land of freedom, permits my head to think, my lips to speak, and my hand to move, I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to take care, that my silence and inactivity shall not give my implied assent to any act, degrading my brethren and myself from the birthright, wherewith heaven itself '''^ hath made us free.'''' * Sorry I am to learn, that there are some few persons, who shake their heads with solemn motion, and pretend to wonder, what can be the meaning of these letters. "G^r^^Z- Britain^'''' they say, " is too powerful to contend with; she *Gai,. v. I. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 323 is determined to oppress us; it is in vain to speak of right on one side, when there is power on the other; when we are strong enough to resist, we shall attempt it; but now we are not strong enough, and therefore we had better be quiet; it signifies nothing to convince us that our rights are invaded, when we cannot defend them; and if we should get into riots and tumults about the late act, it will only draw down heavier displeasure upon us." What can such men design ? What do their grave ob- servations amount to, but this — "that these colonies, totally regardless of their liberties, should commit them, with humble resignation, to chance^ time^ and the tender mercies of ministers. ' ' Are these men ignorant, that usurpations, which might have been successfully opposed at first, acquire strength by continuance, and thus become irresistable ? Do they con- demn the conduct of these colonies, concerning the Stamp- Act f Or have they forgot its successful issue? Ought the colonies at that time, instead of acting as they did, to have trusted for relief to the fortuituous events of futurity? If it is needless " to speak of rights " now, it was as need- less then. If the behavior of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and successful too; it will be equally pru- dent and glorious [15] to act in the same manner now, if our rights are equally invaded, and may be as successful. Therefore it becomes necessary to enquire, whether "our rights ^?r^ invaded." To talk of "defending" them, as if they could be no otherwise "defended" than by arms, is as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of several roads to reach his journey's end, should prefer the worst, for no other reason, but because it is the worst. As to "riots and tumults," the gentlemen who are so apprehensive of them, are much mistaken, if they think that grievances cannot be redressed without such assist- ance. 324 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. I will now tell the gentlemen, what is, "the meaning of these letters." The meaning of them is, to convince the people of these colonies, that they are at this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves, in the most firm, but most peaceable manner, for obtaining relief. The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be main- tained in a manner suitable to her nature. Those who en- gage in it, should breathe a sedate, yet fervent spirit, ani- mating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity and magnanimity. To such a wonderful degree were the ancient Spartans^ as brave and free a people as ever existed, inspired by this happy temperature of soul, that rejecting even in their bat- tles the use of trumpets, and other instruments for excit- ing heat and rage, they marched up to scenes of havoc, and horror,* with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace — "exhibiting," as Plutarch says, "at once a terrible and delightful sight, and proceeding with a deliberate valor, full of hope and good assurance, as if some divinity had sensibly assisted them." I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every col- ony, be upon your guard against those, who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretences of patriot- ism, to any measures disrespectful to our Sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people, as to wisdom, valor and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray GOD, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your pos- terity, to the latest ages, with a spirit of which I have an idea, that I find a difficulty to express. To express it in * Plutarch in the life of Lycutgus. Archbishop Potter's Archaeologia Grseca. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 325 the best manner I can, I mean a spirit, that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine whether an American'' s character is most distinguishable, for his loyalty to his Sovereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native soil. Every government at some time or other falls into wrong measures. [16] These may proceed from mistake or pas- sion. But every such measure does not dissolve the obli- gation between the governors and the governed. The mis- take may be corrected ; the passion may subside. It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the mistake, and to appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing, as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are disre- garded, then that kind of opposilion becomes justifiable,! which can be made without breaking the laws, or disturb-! ing the public peace. This consists in the prevention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppressions^ and not in their punish- ment. For experience may teach them, what reason did not; and harsh methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed. If at length it become undoubted, that an inveterate resolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the gov- erned, the English history affords frequent examples of re- sistance by force. What particular circumstances will in any future case justify such resistance, can never be ascer- tained, till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to say generally, that it never can be justifiable, until the people are fully convinced, that any further submission will be destructive to their happiness. When the appeal is made to the sword, highly probable is it, that the punishment will exceed the offence; and the 326 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. calamities attending on war out-weigh those preceding it. These considerations of justice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wise men. To these reflections on this subject, it remains to be added, and ought for ever to be remembered, that resist- ance, in the case of colonies against their mother country, is extremely different from the resistance of a people against their prince. A nation may change their king, or race of kings, and, retaining their antient form of govern- ment, be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain^ un- der the illustrious house of Brunswick.^ a house that seems to flourish for the happiness of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown in the reigns of the Stewarts. But if once we are separated from our mother country, what new form of government shall we adopt, * or where shall we find another Britain^ to supply our loss ? Torn from the body, to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affec- tions, relation, language and commerce, we must bleed at every vein. In truth — the prosperity of these provinces is founded in their dependence on Great-Britain; and when she returns to her "old good humour, and her old good nature," as Lord Clarendon expresses it, I hope they will always think it their duty and interest, as [17] it most certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the means in their power. We cannot act with too much caution in our disputes. Anger produces anger ; and differences, that might be ac- commodated by kind and respectful behavior, may, by im- prudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels between countries, as well as in those between indi- viduals, when they have risen to a certain height, the first cause of dissension is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. , * In the newspaper text this is "accept."— £'rf. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 327 When feuds have reached that fatal point, all considera- tions of reason and equity vanish; and a blind fury gov- erns, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regards their interest, but the gratification of their wrath. The sway of the * Cleans and Clodius' s^ the designing and detestable flatterers of the prevailing passion^ becomes confirmed. Wise and good men in vain oppose the storm, and may think themselves fortunate, if, in attempting to preserve their ungrateful fellow citizens, they do not ruin themselves. ^h.&\r prudence will be called baseness; their moderation will be called guilt; and if their virtue does not lead them to destruction, as that of many other great and excellent persons has done, they may survive to receive from their expiring country the mournful glory of her ac- knowledgment, that their counsels, if regarded, would have saved her. The constitutional modes of obtaining relief, are those which I wish to see pursued on the present -occasion; that is, by petitions of our assemblies, or where they are not permitted to meet, of the people, to the powers that can afford us relief. We have an excellent prince, in whose good dispositions towards us we may confide. We have a generous, vSensi- ble and humane nation, to whom we may apply. They may be deceived. They may, by artful men, be provoked to anger against us. I cannot believe they will be cruel or unjust; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Let us complain to our parent; but let our complaints speak at the same time the language of affliction and veneration. If, however, it shall happen, by an unfortunate course of affairs, that our applications to his Majesty and the par- * Cleon was a popular firebrand of Athens, and Clodius of Rome ; each of whom plunged his country into the deepest calamities. 328 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. liament for redress, prove ineffectual, let us then take another step^ by withholding from Great-Britain all the advantages she has been used to receive from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, industry, and frugality, will not give weight to our remonstrances. Let us all be united with one spirit, in one cause. Let us invent — let us work [i8] — let us save — let us, continually, keep up our claim, and incessantly repeat our complaints — But, above all, let us implore the protection of that infinitely good and gracious being, * ''by whom kings reign, and princes decree justice." Nil desperandutn. Nothing is to be despaired of. A FARMER. LETTER IV. My dear Countrymen^ An objection, I hear, has been made against my second letter, which I would willingly clear up before I proceed. "There is," say these objectors, "a material difference between the Stamp-Act and the late Act for laying a duty on paper, &c. that justifies the conduct of those who op- posed the former, and yet are willing to submit to the lat- ter. The duties imposed by the Stamp- Act vj^r^ internal taxes; but the present sltq external, and therefore the par- liament may have a right to impose them." To this I answer, with a total denial of the power of parliament to lay upon these colonies any "tax" what- ever. This point, being so important to this, and to succeed- ing generations, I wish to be clearly understood. To the word "/(ar;i;," I annex that meaning which the constitution and history of England require to be annexed *Pro. viii. 15. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 329 to it; that is — that it is an imposition on the subject^ for the sole purpose of levying money. Ill the early ages of our monarchy, certain * services were rendered to the qxo\^\\ for the general good. These were personal:! But in [19] process of time, such institutions being found inconvenient, gifts and grants of their own property were made by the people, under the several names of aids, tallages, tasks, taxes and subsidies, &c. These were made, as may be collected even from the names, for public service upon "need and necessity."! All these sums were levied upon the people by virtue of their voluntary gift.§ Their design was to support the * In the newspaper text in place of ' ' certain ' ' the word ' ' the ' ' is used. —Ed. t It is very worthy of remark, how watchful our wise ancestors were, lest their services should be encreased beyond what the law allowed. No man was bound to go out of the realm to serve the King. There- fore, even in the conquering reign of Henry the Fifth, when the martial spirit of the nation was highly enflamed by the heroic courage of their Prince, and by his great success, they still carefully guarded against the establishment of illegal services. "When this point (says Lord Chief Justice Coke') concerning maintenance of wars out of England, came in question, the commons did make their continual claim of their ancient freedom, and birthright, as in the first of Henry the Fifth, and in the seventh of Henry the Fifth, &c. the commons made a PROTEST, that they were not bound to the maintenance of war in Scotland, Ireland, Calice, France, Normandy, or other foreign parts, and caused their PROTESTS to be entered into the parliament rolls, where they yet re- main ; which, in effect, agreeth with that which, upon like occasion, was made in the parliament of 25th Edward I." 2d Inst. p. 528. 1 4th Inst. p. 28. ? Reges Angliae, nihil tale, nisi convocaiis primis ordinibus, etassenti- ente populo suscipiunt. Phil. Comines, 2d Inst. These gifts entirely depending on the pleasure of the donors, were proportioned to the abilities of the several ranks of people who gave, and were regulated by their opinion of the public necessities. Thus Edrvard I. had in his nth year a thirtieth from the laity, a. twentieth from the cletgy ; in his 22d year, a tenth from \.h.e laity, a. sixth from London, and other corporate towns, half of their benefices from the 330 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. national honor and interest. Some of those grants com- prehended duties arising from trade; being imposts on mer- chandizes. These Lord Chief Justice Coke classes under "subsidies," and "parliamentary aids." They are also called "customs." But whatever the 7iame was, they were always considered as gifts of the people to the crown^ to be employed for public uses. Commerce was at a low ebb, and surprizing instances might be produced how little it was attended to for a suc- cession of ages. The terms that have been mentioned, and, among the rest, that of "/^;f," had obtained a na- tional, parliamentary meaning, drawn from the principles of the constitution, long before any Englishman thought of i^nposition of duties^ for the regulation of trade. Whenever we speak of "taxes" among Englishmen^ let us therefore speak of them with reference to Xh.^ principles on which, and the intentions with which they have been established. This will [20] give certainty to our expres- clergy ; in bis 23d year an eleventh from the barons and others, a tenth from the clergy, a seventh from the burgesses, &c. Hume's Hist, of England. The same difference in the grants of the several ranks is observable in other reigns. In the famous statute de tallagio non concedendo, the king enumerates the several classes, without whose consent, he and his heirs never should set or levy any tax . . . " nullum tallagium, vel auxilium per nos, vet hceredes nostras in regno nostro ponatur scu levetur, sine voluntate et assensu archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, ccmitum, baronum, milituvt, burgensium, et alienum liberorum com. de regno nostra.'' 34th Ed- ward I. Lord Chief Justice Coke, in his comment on these words, says . . . " for the quieting of the commons, and for a perpetual and constant law fat ever after, both in this and other like cases, this act was made. These words are plain, without any scruple, absolute, without any SAVING." 2d Coke's Inst. p. 532, 533- Little did the venerable judge imagine, that " other -Li^iS. cases" would happen, in which the spirit of this law would be despised by Englishmen, the posterity of those who made it LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 331 sioii, and safety to our conduct: But if, when we have in view the liberty of these colonies, we proceed in any other course, we pursue a Juno * indeed, but shall only catch a cloud. In the national, parliamentary sense insisted «/c»z^jr)/, respecting liberty, is absolutely re- quisite in all free-states. The very texture of their consti- tution, in mtxt governments, demands it. For the cautions with which power is distributed SiVnong the several orders, imply, that each has that share which is proper for the general welfare, and therefore that any further [58] ac- quisition must be pernicious. * Machiavel employs a whole chapter in his discourses, to prove that a state, to be long lived, must be frequently corrected, and reduced to its first principles. But of all states that have existed, there never was any, in which this jealousy could be more proper than in these colonies. For the government here is not only mixt, but dependent, which circumstance occasions a peculiarity in its form, of a very delicate nature. Two reasons induce me to desire, that this spirit of apprehension may be always kept up among us, in its ut- most vigilance. The first is this — that as the happiness of these provinces indubitably consists in their connection * MachiaveV s Discources—Book 3. Cap. i. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 387 with Great-Britain., any separation between them is less likely to be occasioned by civil discords, if every disgust- ing measure is opposed singly ., and while it is new : For in this manner of proceeding, every such measure is most likely to be rectified. On the other hand, oppressions and dissatisfactions being permitted to accumulate — if ever the governed throw off the load, they will do more. A peo- ple does not reform with moderation. The rights of the subject therefore cannot be too often considered, explained or asserted : And whoever attempts to do this, shews himself, whatever may be the rash and peevish reflections of pretended wisdom, and pretended duty, a friend to those who injudiciously exercise their power, as well as them over whom it is so exercised. Had all the points of prerogative claimed by Charles the First, been separately contested and settled in preceding reigns, his fate would in all probability have been very different ; and the people would have been content with that liberty which is compatible with regal authority. But * he thought, it would be as dangerous for him to give up the powers which at any time had been by usurpation exercised by the crown, as those that were legally vested in it. This produced an equal excess on the part of the people. For when their passions were excited by mnlti- piied grievances, they thought it would be as dangerous for them to allow the powers that were legally vested in the crown, as those which at any time had been by usur- pation exercised by it. Acts, that might by themselves *The author is sensible, that this is putting the gentlest construction on Charles's conduct ; and that is one reason why he chooses it. Allow- ances ought to be made for the errors of those men, who are acknowl- edged to have been possessed of many virtues. The education of this unhappy prince, and his confidence in men not so good or wise as him- self had probably _/?//^^ him with mistaken notions of his own authority, and of the consequences that would attend concessions of any kind to a people, who were represented to him, as aiming at too much power. 388 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. have been upon many considerations excused or extenu- ated, derived a contagious malignancy and odium from other acts, with which they were connected. They were not regarded according to [59] the simple force of each, but as parts of a system of oppression. Every one there- fore, however small in itself, became alarming, as an additional evidence of tyrannical designs. It was in vain for prudent and moderate men to insist, that there was no necessity to abolish royalty.* Nothing less than the utter destruction of monarchy, could satisfy those who had suf- fered, and thought they had reason to believe, they always should suffer under it. The consequences of these mutual distrusts are well known : But there is no other people mentioned in history, that I recollect, who have been so constantly watchful of their liberty, and so successful in their strug- gles for it, as the English. This consideration leads me to the second reason, why I "desire that the spirit of ap- prehension may be always kept up among us in its utmost vigilance." The first principles of government are to be looked for in human nature. Some of the best writers have asserted, and it seems with good reason, that "government is founded on* opinioft.'''* * "Opinion is of two kinds, viz. opinion of interest, and opinion of RIGHT. By opinion oi interest, I chiefly understand, the sense of the public advantage which is reaped finm government ; together with the persuasion, that the particular government which is established, is equally advantageotis with any other, that could be easily settled. ^^ ^' Right is of two kinds, right to power, and right to property. What prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanc- tion of antiquity. Antiquity ahvays begets the opinion of right." . . . "It is suflBciently understood, that the opinion oi right to property, is of the greatest moment in all matters of government." Hume^s Essays. ■ This footnote is not printed in the newspaper text. — Ed. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 389 Custom undoubtedly lias a mighty force in producing opinion.^ and reigns in nothing more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It gradually reconciles us to objects even of dread and detestation ; and I cannot but think these lines of Mr. Pope as applicable to vice \w politics^ as to vice in ethics — " vice is a monster of so horrid mien, " As to be hated, needs but to be seen ; " Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, " We first endure, then pity, then embrace.'''* When an act injurious to freedom has been once done, and the people bear it, the repetition of it is most likely to meet with submission. For as the mischief oi the one was found to be tolerable, they will hope that of the second will prove so too ; and they will not regard the infamy of the last, because they are stained with that of the first. Indeed nations, in general, are not apt to think until theyy^^/*/ and therefore nations in general have lost their liberty : For as violations of the rights of ih& governed^ are commonly not only t specious^ [60] but small at the begin- ning, they spread over the multitude in such a manner, as to touch individuals but slightly. % Thus they are disre- *la the newspaper text this reads: "are more apt to feel than to think;"— ^fif. t Omnia mala exampla ex bonis initiis orta sunt. SALI.UST. Belt. Cat. S. 50. X * ' The republic is always attacked with greater vigor, than it is defended f For the audacious and profligate, prompted by their natural enmity to it, are easily impelled to act by the least nod of their leaders : Whereas the honest, I know not why, are generally slow and wiwilling to stir; and 'neglecting always the BEGINNINGS of things, are never roused to exert themselves, but by the last necessity : So that through irresolu- tion and DEI.AY, when they would be glad to compound at last for their QUIET, at the expence even of their honor, they commonly lose them. BOTH." Cicero's <9ra/. /o/- Sextius. Such were the sentiments of this great and excellent man, whose vast abilities, and calamities of his country during his time, enabled him, by 390 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. regarded. The power or profit that arises from these vio- lations, centering in few persons^ is to them considerable. For this reason the governors having in view their par- ticular purposes, successively preserve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them. They regularly encrease the first injuries, till at length the inattentive people are com- pelled to perceive the heaviness of their burthens. — They begin to complain and enquire — but too late. They find their oppressors so strengthened by success, and themselves so entangled in examples of express authority on the part of their rulers, and tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded: For millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power, than that it is founded on the exercise of power. They voluntarily fasten their chains, by adopting a pusillanimous opinion., "that there will be too much danger in attempting a remedy," — or another opinion no less fatal, — " that the government has a right to treat them as it does." They then seek a wretched relief for their minds, by persuading themselves, that to yield their obedience.^ is to discharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of spirit., that prostrates all the dignity bestowed by Divine Providence on our nature — of course succeeds. From these reflections I conclude, that every free state should incessantly watch, and instantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power exercised over them. Innumerable instances might be produced to shew, from what slight beginnings the most extensive consequences have flowed : But I shall select two only from the history of England. Henry the Seventh was the first monarch of that king- ■ dom, who established A standing body of armed men. This was a band of fifty archers, called yeomen of the mournful experience, to form a just judgment on the conduct of the friends and enemies of liberty. This footnote is not in the newspaper text. — Ed. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 391 guard : And this institution, notwithstanding the small- ness of the number, was, to * prevent discontent, f "dis- guised under pretence of majesty and grandeur." In 1684 the standing forces were so much augmented, that [61] Rapin says — "The king, in order to make his peopley^^/Zj/ sensible of their new slavery^ affected to muster his troops, which amounted to 4000 well armed and disciplined men." I think our army, at this time, consists of more than seventy regiments. The method of taxing by excise was first introduced amidst the convulsions of civil wars. Extreme neces- sity was pretended for it, and its short continuance prom- ised. After the restoration, an excise upon beer^ ale and other liquors^ was granted to the % king, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court of wards. Upon fatnes the Second's accession, the parliament § gave him the first excise, with an additional duty on wine, tobacco, and some other things. Since the revolution it has been extended to salt, candles, leather, hides, hops, soap, paper, paste- boards, mill-boards, scale-boards, vel- lum, parchment, starch, silks, calicoes, linens, stufTs, printed, stained, &c. wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, cho- colate, &c. Thus a standing army and excise have, from their first slender origins, tho' always hated, aXv^sys, feared, always opposed, at length swelled up to their vast present bulk. These facts are sufficient to support what I have said. 'Tis true, that all the mischiefs apprehended by our ances- tors from a standing army and excise, have not yet hap- pened: But it does not follow from thence, that they will *In the newspaper text, "occasional discontent" is used in place of "was to prevent discontent," and the rest of the sentence is omitted. — Ed. ■\ Rapin' s History oi England. % 12 Char. II, Chap. 23 and 24. § I James II. Chap, i and 4. 392 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. not happen. The inside of a house may catch fire, and the most valuable apartments be ruined, before the flames burst out. The question in these cases is not, what evil has ac- tually attended particular measures — but, what evil, in the nature of things, is likely to attend them. Certain circum- stances may for some time delay effects, that were reason- ably expected., and that must ensue. There was a long period, after the Romans had prorogued his command to * Q Publilius Philo^ before that example destroyed their liberty. All our kings, from the revolution to the present reign, have been foreigners. Their ministers generally continued but a short time in authority ;t and they them- selves were mild and virtuous princes. A bold, [62] ambitious prince, possessed of great abil- ities.^ Himly fxed in his throne by descent, served by min- isters like himself and rendered either venerable or terrible by the glory of his successes., may execute what his prede- cessors did not dare to attempt. Henry the Fourth tottered in his seat during his whole reign. Henry the Fifth drew the strength of that kingdom into France., to carry on his wars there, and left the commons at home, protesting., "that the people were not bound to serve out of the realm." * In the year of the city 428, "Duo singularia hasc ei viro primum con- tigere ; prorogatio imperii non ante in ullo facta et acto honore tri- umphus." Liv. B. 8. Chap. 23. 26. "Had the rest of the Roman citizens imitated the example of L. Quin- iius, who refused to have his consulship continued to him, they had never admitted that custom of proroguing of magistrates, and then the prolongation of their commands in the army had never been introduced, which very thing was at length the ruin of that commonwealth.'^ Mach- iaveVs Discourses, B. j. Chap. 24. 1 1 dont know but it may be said, with a good deal of reason, that a quick rotation of ministers is very desirable in Great Britain. A min- ister there has a vast store of materials to work with. Long Adtninis- trations are rather favorable to the reputation of a people abroad, than to their liberty. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 393 It is true,* that a strong spirit of liberty subsists at pres- ent in Great-Britain^ but what reliance is to be placed in the temper of a people, when the prince is possessed of an unconstitutional power, our own history can sufficiently inform us. When CJiarles the Second had strengthened himself by the return of the garrison of Tangier^ ''''Eng- land (says Rapin) saw on a sudden an amazing revolution ; saw herself stripped of all her rights and priveleges^ except- ing such as the king should vouchsafe to grant her : And what is more astonishing^ the English themselves delivered tip these very rights and privileges to Charles the Second, which they had so passionately^ and if I may say it, fur- iously defended against the designs of Charles the First." This happened only thirty-six years after this last prince had been beheaded. Some persons are of opinion, that liberty is not violated, but by such open acts of force ; but they seem to be greatly mistaken. I could mention a period within these forty years, when almost as great a change of disposition was produced by the secret measures of a long administration, as by Charleses violence. Liberty, perhaps, is never ex- posed to so much danger, as when the people believe there is the least; for it may be subverted, and yet they not think so. Public disgusting acts are seldom practiced by the am- bitious, at the beginning of their designs. Such conduct silences and discourages the weak, and the wicked, who would otherwise have been their advocates or accomplices. It is of great consequence, to allow those who, upon any account, are inclined to favor them, something specious to say in their defence. Their power may be fully estab- lished, tho' it would not be safe for them to do zvhatever they please. For there are things, which, at some times, even slaves vf\\\ not bear. Julius Ccesar and Oliver Crom- * " Granted" in newspaper text. — Ed. 394 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. well^ did not dare to assume the title oi king. The Grand Seignor dares not lay a new tax. The king of France dares not be a Protestant. Certain popular points may be left untouched, and yet freedom be extinguished. The commonalty of Venice imagine themselves free, because they are permitted to do what they ought not. But I quit a subject, that would lead me too far from my purpose. By the late act of parliament, taxes are to be levied upon us, for "defraying the charge of the administratiojt of Jus- tice— the support of civil government — and the expences of defending his Majesty's dominions in America.'^'' If [63] any man doubts what ought to be the conduct of these colonies on this occasion, I would ask him these questions. Has not the parliament expressly AVOWED their inten- tion of raising money from us for certain purposes? Is not this scheme popular in Great- Britain? Will the taxes, imposed by the late act, answer those purposes? If it will, must it not take an im?nense sum from us? If it will not, is it to be expected^ that the parliament will not fully execute their intention when it \s pleasing at kome^ and not opposed here? Must not this be done by imposing NEW taxes ? Will not every addition thus made to the power of the British legislature, by increasing the number of officers employed in the collection ?* Will not every addi- tional tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them ? When a branch of revenue is once established, does it not appear to many people invidious and undutiful^ to attempt to abolish it? If taxes, sufficient to accomplish the intention of the parliament, are imposed by the par- liament, what taxes will remain to be imposed by our as- semblies ? If no material tax remains to be .imposed by them, what must become oi them^ and the people they rep- resent ? *This section is not in the newspaper text. — Ed. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 395 -' • • -■ ■- * "If any person considers these things, and yet thinks our liberties are in no danger, I wonder at that person's security." One other argument is to be added, which, by itself, I hope, will be sufficient to convince the most incredulous man on this continent, that the late act of parliament is only designed to be a precedent, whereon the future vas- salage of these colonies may be established. Every duty thereby laid on articles of British manufac- ture, is laid on some commodity, upon the exportation of which from Great- Britain^ a drawback is payable. Those drawbacks^ in most of the articles, are exactly double to the duties given by the late act. The parliament therefore might, in half a dozen lines^ have raised much more MONEY, only by stopping the drawbacks in the hands of the officers at home, on exportation to these colonies, than by this solemn imposition of taxes upon us, to be collected here. Probably, the artful contrivers of this act formed it in this manner, in order to reserve to themselves, in case of any objections being made to it, this specious pretence — "that the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies, and that the late act only lessens those gifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encouragement and promotion of British manufactures and commerce, and are allowed on exportation to any Joreign parts^ as well as on exportation to these provinces. Besides, care has been taken to slide into the act, some articles on which there are no drawbacks, f However, the whole duties laid by the late act on all the articles therein specified are so small^ * Demosthenes' s 2d Philippic. t ''Though duties by the late act are laid on some articles, on which no drawbacks are allowed, yet the duties imposed by the act are so small, in comparison with the drawbacks that are allowed, that all the duties to- gether will not amount to so much as the drawbacks. ' ' Footnote in news- paper text. — £d. 396 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. that they will not amount to as much as the drawbacks which are allowed on pari of them only. If therefore, [64] ihe sum to be obtained by the late act^ had been the sole ob- ject in forming it, there would not have been any occasion for "the COMMONS of Great-Britain.^ to GIVE and granT^ to his Majesty rates and duties for raising a revefiue in his Majesty s dominions in Kvci^xxQ-z.., for making a more cer- tain and adequate provision for defraying the charges of the administration of justice, the support of civil govern- ment, and the expence of defending the said dominions;" — nor would there have been any occasion for an * expensive board of commissioners, and all the other new charges to which we are made liable. Upon the whole, for my part, I regard the late act as an experimefit made of our disposition. It is a bird sent out over the waters, to discover, whether the waves, that lately agitated this part of the world with such violence, are yet subsided. If this adventurer f gets footing here, we shall *The expence of this board, I am informed, is between Four and Five Thousand Pounds Sterling a year. The establishment of officers, for col- lecting the revenue in America, amounted before to Seven Thousand Six Hundred Pounds /»^r annum ; and yet, says the author of " The regula- tion of the colonies," "the whole remittance from all the taxes in the colonies, at an average oi thirty years, has not amounted to One Thous- and Nine Hundred Pounds a year, and in that sum Seven or Eight Hun- dred Pounds per annum only, have been remitted from North America.^* The smallness of the revenue arising from the duties in America, de- monstrates that they were intended only as regulations OF trade: And can any person be so blind to truth, so dull of apprehension in a matter of unspeakable importance to his country, as to imagine, that the board of commissioners lately established at such a charge, is instituted to assist in collecting One Thousand Nine Hundred Pounds a year, or the trifling duties imposed by the late act? Surely every man on this continent must perceive, that they are established for the care of a new SYSTEM OE REVENUE, which is but now begun. fin the newspaper text this letter concludes : " If this adventurer gets footing here, we shall quickly be convinced, that it is not a Phoenix ; for we shall soon see it followed by others 0/ the same kind. We shall find it rather to be of the breed described by the poet — ' ' — Ed. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 2>91 quickly find it to be of the * kind described by the poet — calamities. A FARMER. [65] ' ' Infelix vates. ' ' A direful foreteller of future calamities. LETTER XII. My Dear Countrymen, Some states have lost their liberty by particular acci- dents: But this calamity is generally owing to the decay of virtue. A people is travelling fast to destruction, when in- dividuals consider their interests as distinct from those of the public. Such notions are fatal to their country, and to themselves. Yet how many are there, so weak and sordid as to tlmik they perform all the offices of life,, if they earn- estly endeavor to encrease their own wealth,, power., and credit,, without the least regard for the society, under the protection of which they live ; who, if they can make an immediate profit to themselves,, by lending their assistance to those, whose projects plainly tend to the injury of their country, rejoice in their dexterity,, and believe themselves entitled to the character of able politicians. Miserable men ! Of whom it is hard to say, whether they ought to be most the objects of pity or contempt: But whose opinions are certainly as detestable., as their practices are destructive. Tho' I always reflect, with a high pleasure, on the in- tegrity and understanding of my countrymen, which, joined with a pure and humble devotion to the great and gracious author of every blessing they enjoy, will, I hope, ensure to them, and their posterity, all temporal and eternal happiness ; yet when I consider, that in every age and country there have been bad men, my heart, at this threatening period, is so full of apprehension, as not toper- * "Dira cselaeno," &c. ^neid 3. 398 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. mit me to believe, but that there may be some on this con- tinent, against whom you ought to be upon your guard — Men, who either * hold, [66] or expect to hold certain ad- * It is not intended by these words, to throw any reflection upon gen- tlemen, because they are possessed of offices : For many of them are certainly men of virtue, and lovers of their country. But supposed obli- gations oi gratitude, and honor, may induce them to be silent. Whether these obligations ought to be regarded or not, is not so much to be con- sidered by others, in the judgment they form of these gentlemen, as whether they think they ought to be regarded. Perhaps, therefore, we shall act in the properest manner towards them, if we neither reproach nor imitate them. The persons meant in this letter, are the base-spirited wretches, who may endeavour to distinguish themselves, by their sordid zeal in defending and promoting measures, which they know beyond all question, to be destructive to the just rights and true interests of their country. It is scarcely possible to speak of these men with any degree oi patience — It is scarcely possible to speak of them with any degree of propriety — For no words can truly describe their ^«z7/ and meanness — But every honest bosom, on their being mentioned, y/iW feel what cannot be expressed . If their wickedness did not blind them, they might perceive along the coast of these colonies, many men,t remarkable instances of wrecked am- bition, who after distinguishing them^selves in the support of the Stamp- Act, by a courageous contempt of their country, and of justice, have been left to linger out their miserable existence, without a government, col- lectorship, secretaryship, or any other commission, to console them as well as it could, for loss of virtue and reputation — while numberless offices have been bestowed in these colonies on people from Great-Brit- ain, and new ones are continually invented, to be thus bestowed. As a few great prizes are put into a lottery to TEMPT multitudes to lose, so here and there an American has been raised to a good post. — '^Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto." Mr. Greenville, indeed, in order to recommend the Stamp-Act, had the unequalled generosity, to pour down a golden shower of offices upon Americans ; and yet these ungrateful colonies did not thank Mr. Green- ville for shewing his kindness to their countrymen, nor them for accept- ing it. How must that great statesman have been surprised, to find, that the unpolished colonies could not be reconciled to iiifamy by treachery? Such a bountiful disposition toward us never appeared in any minister before him, and probably never will appear again : For it is evident, that such a system of policy is to be established on this continent, as, in a t In the newspaper text this reads, " many skeletons of wretched ambition."— £rf. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 399 vantages, by setting examples of servility to their country- men. Men, who trained to the employment, or self taught by a natural versatility of genius, serve as decoys for draw- ing the innocent and unaware into snares. It is not to be doubted but that such men will diligently bestir them- selves on this and every like occasion, to spread the in- fection of their meanness as far as they can. On the plans they have adopted, this is their course. This is the method to recommend themselves to \\\€v[ patrons.* From them we shall learn, hovf pleasant and profitable a thing it is, to be for our submissive behavior well spoken of2X St. James or St. Stephen'' s ; at Guildhall^ or the Royal Exchange. Specious fallacies will be drest up with all the arts of delusion, to persuade one colony to distinguish her- self from another^ by unbecoming condescensions, which will serve the ambitious purposes of great t7ien at home, and therefore will be thought by them to entitle their as- sistants in obtaining them to considerable rewards. Our fears will be excited. Our hopes will be awakened. It will be insinuated to us, with a plausible affection of wisdom and concern^ hovi prudent it is to please \.\\q power- ful— how dangerous to provoke them — and then comes in the perpetual incantation that freezes up every generous short time, is to render it utterly unnecessary to use the least art in order to conciliate our approbation of any measures. Some of our countrymen may be employed to^.r chains upon us, but they will never be permitted to hold them afterwards. So that the utmost, that any of them can ex- pect, is only a temporary provision, that may expire in their own time ; but which they may be assured, will preclude their children from having any consideration paid to them. Natives of America must sink into total NEGLECT and CONTEMPT, the moment that THEIR COUNTRY loses the constitutional power she now possesses. [/« the newspaper text this note continues • ''Most sincerely do I wish and pray, that every one 0/ us may be convinced of this great truth — that industry and integrity are the 'paths of pleasantness ' which lead to happiness.'" — Ed. *In the newspaper text this paragraph continues : "They act consist- ently, in a bad cause. They run well, in a mean race."— -fi"^. 400 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. purpose of the soul in cold, inactive expectation — " that if there is any request to be made, compliance will obtain a favorable attention." Our vigilance and our union are success and safety. Our negligence and our division are distress and death. They are worse — they are shame and slavery. Let us equally shun the benumbing stillness [67] of overweening sloath^' and the feverish activity of that ill informed zeal., which busies itself in maintaining little., 7nean., and narrow opin- ions. Let us, with a truly wise generosity and charity., banish and discourage all illiberal distinctions., which may arise from differences in situation., forms oi governments or modes of religion. Let us consider ourselves as men — FREEMEN — CHRISTIAN FREEMEN — separate from the rest of the world., diW^ firmly bound together by the same rights.^ interests and dangers. Let these keep our attention in- flexibly fixed on the GREAT OBJECTS, which we mnst con- tinually REGARD, in order to preserve those rights., to promote those interests., and to avert those dangers. Let these truths be indelibly impressed on our minds — that we cannot be happy, without being FREE — that we cannot be free, without being secure in our property — that we cannot be secure in our property, if without our con- sent., others may., as by right., take it away — that taxes im- posed on us by parliament., do thus take it away — that duties laid for the sole purpose of raising money., are taxes — that atte7ttpts to lay such duties should be instantly and firinly opposed — that this opposition can never be effectual, unless it is the united effort of these provinces — that there- fore BENEVOLENCE of temper towards each other., and unanimity of councils., are essential to the welfare of the whole — and lastly, that for this reason, every man amongst us, who in any manner would encourage either dissension., diffidence., or indifference., between these colonies, is an enemy to himself and to his country. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 401 The belief of these truths, I verily think, my country- men, is indispensably necessary to your happiness. I be- seech you, therefore, * "teach them diligently unto your children, and talk of them when you sit in your houses, and when you walk by the way, and when you lie down, and when you rise up." What have these colonies to ask^ while they continue free ? Or what have they to dread., but insidious attempts to subvert their freedom? Their prosperity does not depend on ministerial favors doled out \.o particular provinces. They form one political body, of which each colony is a member. Their happiness is founded on their constitution; and is to be promoted, by preserving that constitution in unabated vigor, throughout every part. A spot, a speck of decay, however small the limb on which, it appears, and however remote it may seem from the vitals, should be alarming. We have all the rights requi- site for our prosperity. The legal authority of Great- Britain may indeed lay hard restrictions upon us; but, like the spear of Telephus^ it will cure as well as wound. Her unkindness will instruct and compel us, after some time, to discover, in our industry or frugality., surprising rem- edies— if our rights continue unviolated : For as long as i\\t. products of our labor., and the [68] rewards of our care^ can properly be called our oivn., so long it will be worth our while to be industrious and frugal. But if when we plow — sow — reap — gather — and thresh — we find that we plow — sow — reap — gather — and thresh for others., whose PLEASURE is to be the SOLE LIMITATION how much they shall take., and hoiv much they shall leave., why should we repeat the unprofitable toil ? Horses and oxen are content with that portion of the fruits of their work., which their owners assign them, in order to keep them strong enough to raise successive crops ; but even these beasts will not submit to draw for their masters., until they are subdued by whips and goads. *Deuteron, vi. 7. 402 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. Let us take care of our rights^ and we therein take care of our prosperity . * t " SLAVERY IS EVER PRECEDED BY SLEEP." Individuals may be dependent on min- isters, if they please. STATES should scorn it ;— and if you are not wanting to yourselves^ you will have 2. proper regard paid you by those ^ to whom if you are not respect- able^ you will be contemptible. But — if we have already forgot the reasons that urged us, with unexampled un- animity, to exert ourselves two years ago — if our zeal for the public good is worn out before the homespun cloaths^ which it has caused us to have made — if our resolutio7is are sofaint^ as by our present conduct to condemn our own late successful example — if we are not affected by any rev- erence for the memory of our ancestors, who transmitted to us that freedom in which they had been blest — if we are not animated by any regard for posterity, to whom, by the most sacred obligations, we are bound to deliver down the invaluable inheritance — then, indeed, any miiiister — or any tool of a minister — or any creature of a tool of a minister — or any lower % instrument of% adininistration^ if * In the newspaper text this is "property." — Ed. t Montesquieu' s Spirits of Laws, Book 14, Chap. 13. X "Instrumenta regni." Tacitus' s Ann. Book 12, § 66. \ If any person shall imagine that he discovers, in these letters, [/« the newspaper text is here inserted: *' in these letters the least disaffection towards our most excellent sovereign, and the parliament of Great- Brit- ain;"—Ed. ] the least dislike of the dependence of these colonies on Great- Britain, I beg that such persons will not form any judgment on particular expressions, but will consider the tenor of all the letters taken together. In that case, I flatter myself, that every unprejudiced reader will be con- vinced, that the true interests of Great-Britain are as dear to me, as they ought to be to every good subject. If I am an Enthusiast in any thing, it is in my zeal for the perpetual dependence of these colonies on their mother country. — A dependence founded on mutual benefits, the continuance of which can be secured only by mutual affections. Therefore it is, that with extreme apprehen- sion I view the smallest seeds of discontent, which are unwarily scattered abroad. Fifty or Sixty years will make astonishing alterations in these LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 403 lower there be, is 2, personage whom it may be dangerous to ofifend. I shall [69] be extremely sorry, if any man mistakes my colonies ; and this consideration should render it the business of Great- Bi itain moro. and more to cultivate our good dispositions toward her: But the misfortune is, that those great men, who are wrestling for power at home, tliink themselves very slightly interested in the prosperity of their country Fifty or Sixty years hence, but are deeply concerned in blowing up a popular clamour for supposed immediate advantage. For my part, I regard Great-Britain as a Bulwark, happily fixed be- tween these colonies and the powerful nations of Europe. That kingdom remaining safe, [In the newspaper text this passage reads: " That king- dom is our advanced post or fortification, which remaining safe," — Ed.'\ we, under its protection, enjoying peace, may diffuse the blessings of re- ligion, science, and libertj-, thro' remote wildernesses. It is therefore in- contestably our duty, and our interest, to support the strength of Great- Britain. When confiding in that strength, she begins to forget from whence it arose, it will be an easy thing to shew the source. She may readily be reminded of the loud alarm spread among her merchants and tradesmen, by the universal associations of these colonies, at the time of the Stamp-Act, not to import any of her manufactures. In the year 17 18, the Russians and Swedes entered into an agreement, not to suffer Great-Britain to export any naval stores from their do- minions but in Russian or Swedish ships, and at their own prices. Great- Britain was distressed. Pitch and tar rose to Three pounds a barrel. At length she thought of getting these articles from the colonies ; and the attempt succeeding, they fell do'wn to Fifteen shillings. In the year 1756, Great-Britain was threatened with an invasion. An easterly wind blowing for six weeks, she could not man her fleet, and the whole nation was thrown into the utmost consternation. The wind changed. The American ships arrived. The fleet sailed in ten or fifteen days. There are some other reflections on this subject, worthy of the most deliberate attention of the British parliament ; but they are of such a nature, that I do not chuse to mention them publicly. I thought it my duty, in the year 1765, while the Stamp-Act was in suspence, to write my sentiments to a gentleman of great influence at home, who afterwards distinguished himself, by espousing our cause, in the debates concerning the repeal of that act. [/« the newspaper text this last sentence reads : " I thought I discharged my duty to my country, by taking the liberty, in the year 1765, while the Stamp-Act was in suspence, of writing my sentiments to a man of the greatest influence at home, who afterwards distinguished himself bj' es- pousing our cause, in the debates concerning the repeal of that act. ' ' — Ed."] 404 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. meaning in anything I have said. Officers employed by the crown, are, while according to the laws they conduct themselves, entitled to legal obedience, and sincere re- spect. These it is a duty to render them ; and these no good or prudent person will withhold. But when these officers, thro' rashness or design, desire to enlarge their authority beyond its due limits, and expect improper con- cessions to be made to them, from regard for the employ- ments they bear, their attempts should be considered as equal injuries to the crown and people, and should be cou- rageously and constantly opposed. To suffer our ideas to be confounded by names on such occasions, would certainly be an inexcusable weakness^ and probably an irremediable error. We have reason to believe, that several of his Majesty's present ministers are good men, and friends to our country; and it seems not unlikely, that by a particular concurrence of events, we have been treated a little more severely than they wished we should be. They might not think it pru- dent to stem a torrent. But what is the difference to ?/^, whether arbitrary acts take their rise from ministers, or are permitted by them? Ought any point to be allowed to* a good minister, that should be denied to a bad one? The mortality of ministers, is a very frail mortality. A may succeed a Shelburne — A may succeed a Corn- way. We find a new kind of minister lately spoken of at home — "The minister of the house of commons." The term seems to have peculiar propriety when referred to these colonies, zvith a different meaning annexed to it^ from that in which it is taken there. By the word "min- ister" we may understand not only a servant of the crown^ *Ubi imperinm ad ignaros ant minus bonos pervenit; novum illud ex- emplum, ad dignis, & idoneis, ad indignos & non idoneos transfertur. Sail. Bell. Cat. g 50. LETTERS FROM A FARMER. 405 but a man of infiuence among the commons, who regard themselves as having a share in the sovereignty over us. The "minister of the house" may, in a point respecting the colonies, be so strong, that the minister of the crown in the house, if he is a distinct person, may not choose, even where his sentiments are favorable to us, to come to a pitched battle upon our account. For tho' I have the highest opinion of the deference of the house for the King's minister, yet he may be so good natured, as not to put it to the test, except it be for the mere and immediate profit of his master or himself. But whatever kind of minister he is, that attempts to in- novate a single iota in the privileges of these colonies, him I hope you will undauntedly oppose; and that you will never suffer yourselves to be either cheated or frighteried into any iimuorthy obsequiousness. On such emergencies you may surely, without presumption, believe, that AL- MIGHTY GOD himself will look down upon your right- eous contest with gracious approbation. You will be a ''"' band of brothers^'*'' cemented by the dearest ties, — and strengthened with inconceivable supplies of force and con- stancy, by that sympathetc ardor, which animates good men, confederated in a good cause. Your honor and welfare will be, as they now are, most intimately concerned ; and be- sides— you are assigned by divine providence^ in the ap- pointed order of things, the protectors of unborn ages^ whose y^/^ depends upon your virtue. Whether they shall arise the generous and indisputable heirs of the noblest patrimonies, or the dastardly and hereditary drudges of imperious task-masters, you must determine. To discharge this double duty to yourselves., and to your posterity., you have nothing to do, but to call forth into use the good sense and spirit of which you are possessed. You have nothing to do, but to conduct your affairs peaceably — prudently— frtnly— jointly. By these means 4o6 LETTERS FROM A FARMER. you will support the character oi freemen., without losing that oi faithful subjects — a good character in any govern- ment— one of the best under a British government — You will prove., that Americans have that true magnanimity of soul, that can resent injuries, without falling into rage ; and that tho' your devotion to Great-Britain is the most affectionate, yet you can make proper distinctions, and know what you owe to yourselves., as well as to her — You will, at the same time that you advance your interests., ad- vance your reputation — You will convince the world of the justice of your demands., and ^^\Q. purity of your intentions. — While all mankind must, with unceasing applauses, confess, [71] that Youlndeed deserve liberty, who so well understand xt., so passionately love it, so temperately enjoy it, and so wisely., bravely., and virtuously assert., maintain., and defend it. ^"^ Certe ego libertatem., qucB mihi a parente meo tradita est., experiar : Verum id frustra an ob rem faciam., in vestra manu situm est., quirites^ For my part I am resolved to contend for the liberty de- livered down to me by my ancestors ; but whether I shall do it effectually or not, depends on you, my countrymen. *'How little soever one is able to write, yet when the liberties of one's country are threatened, it is still more difl&cult to be silent" A FARMER. Is there not the strongest probability, that if the uni- versal sense of these colonies is immediately expressed by RESOivVES of the assemblies, in support of their rights, by INSTRUCTIONS to their agents on the subject, and by peti- tions to the crown and parliament for redress, these meas- ures will have the same success now, that they had in the time of the Stamp- Act. D. FINIS. AN ADDRESS READ AT A MEETING OF MERCHANTS TO CONSIDER NON-IMPORTATION. BY JOHN DICKINSON. April 25, 1768. NOTE. In the third "Letter of a Farmer," in commenting upon the act " for raising a further revenue," better known as the act granting duties on paper, glass, etc., Dickinson recommended petitions to the colonial as- semblies asking them to protest against that act; and that failing to obtain its repeal, then an opposition which should consist in "the pre- vention of the oppressors reaping advantage from their oppression," by " withholding from Great-Britain all the advantages she has been used to receive from them. ' ' The effect of this iernmmfp(\atinn followed quickly. February ii, 1768, the Massachusetts Assembly, taking "into their ser- ious Consideration the great Difficulties that must accrue to themselves and their Constituents by the Operation of the several acts of Parliament, imposing Duties and Taxes," by their famous circular letter to the var- ious assemblies, which is, in truth, a paraphrase of the Farmer's letters stated that they had so petitioned the home government and "shall take it kind in your House to point out to them any Thing further which may be thought necessary." This letter was laid before the Pennsylvania Assembly, May loth. That body had already instructed their Agent to protest against the acts, but controlled by Galloway, it paid no attention to the circular letter beyond entering it upon its minutes. Nor was this the only discouragement to the Massachusetts extremists. At a meeting on October 28, 1767, the Boston freeholders had voted to discontinue the use of British manufactures, as well as encourage the use of American products in every possible way, and directed that these reso- tions should be forwarded to the different towns in the colonies. Frank- lin wrote that the "resolutions about manufactures have hurt us much, and one of the Ministry in Parliament stated that but for them the ob- noxious tax act would have been at once repealed." The popular party in Philadelphia, however, agreed with the Bostonians, and upon receiving the letter, called a meeting to consider what action should be taken upon (409) 4IO NOTE. it. The result, however, was disappointing to the callers of the meeting, for it was voted merely to return an expression of sympathy. Upon the receipt of this answer the Boston merchants once more wrote to Philadel- phia pleading for a non-importation agreement, and stating that they would suspend all importations of goods from Great Britain during twelve months from December 31st, 1768, provided the " colonies of New- York, Pennsylvania, &c.," would do the same. This was considered at a meeting of the Philadelphia merchants, March 26, 1768, but the proposition was unsatisfactory to the Philadelphia mer- chants and after a heated debate the meeting ended in no definite action. The merchants urged, that the non-importation should only extend to the articles actually taxed in the obnoxious act, and that the non-impor- tation should be made immediate and not at so late a date as to allow the merchants to lay in a large stock of goods. Indeed, the Philadelphia mer- chants looked upon the proposition partly in the light of a trick, for they well knew that the New-England ports were notorious for smuggling, and that therefore a non-importation agreement would little aflfect New- England, while practically destroying the trade of their city, and they therefore considered such a proposition unfair. Despairing of any united compulsory action from the merchants, the popular party then brought forward a voluntary association, not to im- port any goods after October ist, 1768. To induce the merchants to sign it a meeting was called for April 28, 1868, which the popular party suc- ceeded in having addressed by Dickinson, who, though in sympathy with Thomson, Reed, Mifflin, and the other extremists, was nevertheless re- spected by the leading men of the city, and therefore likely to exert more influence. Under these circumstances the following address was read. The subsequent proceedings will be !bund post in the note to a "Letter to a Merchant in Philadelphia," post. This address of Dickinson's was printed without his name in the Penn- sylvania Journal of April 28, 1768, and also as a broadside, with the head-lines: The following / Address / was read at a Meeting of the Merchants, at the Lodge, in Philadelphia, on Monday, / the 25th of April, 1768. / It was later printed in the Prior Documents, with the statement that it was "written by Mr. Dickinson, author of the Farmer's Letters." Editor. AN ADDRESS. Gentlemen, Friends, and Fellow-citizens: You are called together to give your Advice and Opin- ion, what Answer shall be returned to our Brethren of Boston & New York^ who desire to know, whether we will unite with them, in stopping the Importation of Goods from Great-Britain ; until certain Acts of Parlia- ment are repealed, which are thought to be injurious to our Rights, as Freemen and British subjects. Before you come to any Resolution it may be necessary to explain the Matter more fully. When our Forefathers came to this Country, they con- sidered themselves as Freemen, and that their coming and settling these Colonies did not divest them of any of the Rights inherent in Freemen ; that, therefore, what they possessed, and what they or their Posterity should ac- quire, was and would be so much their own, that no Power on Earth could lawfully, or of Right, deprive them of it without their Consent. The Governments, which they, with the consent of the Crown, established in the respective Colonies, they considered as political Govern- ments, "where (as Mr. Locke expresses it) Men have ''Property in their own Disposal." And therefore (ac- cording to the Conclusion drawn by the same Author in another Place) "No Taxes ought or could be raised on "their Property without their Consent given by them- " selves or their Deputies," or chosen Representatives. As they were Members of one great Empire, united under one Head or Crown, they tacitly acquiesced in the superintending Authority of the Parliament of Great- (411) 412 AN ADDRESS Britain and admitted a Power in it, to make Regulations to preserve the Connection of the whole entire. Though under Colour of this, sundry Regulations were made that bore hard on the Colonies; yet, with filial Respect and Regard for Great-Britain their Mother Country, the Col- onies submitted to them. It will be sufficient here just to enumerate some of the most grievous. 1. The Law against making Steel or erecting Steel Furnaces, though there are not above 5 or 6 Persons in England engaged in that Branch of Business, who are so far from being able to supply what is wanted, that great Quantities of Steel are yearly imported from Germany. 2. Against Plating and Sliting Mills and Tilt Hammers; though Iron is the Produce of our Country, and from our Manner of building, planting, and living, we are under a Necessity of using vast Quantities of Nails and Plated Iron, as Hoes, Stove-Pipes, Plates, &c.^ all which are loaded with double Freight, Commissions, (2fc. 3. The Restraint laid on Hatters, and the Prohibition of exporting Hats. 4. The Prohibition of carrying Wool or any Kind of Woollen Goods manufactured here, from one Colony to another. A single Fleece of Wool or a Dozen of home- made Hose carried from one Colony to another is not only forfeited, but subjects the Vessel, if conveyed by Water, or the Waggon and Horses, if carried by Land, to a Seiz- ure, and the Owner to a heavy Fine. 5. Though the Spaniards may cut and carry Logwood directly to what Market they please, yet the Americans cannot send to any foreign Market, even what the De- mand in Engla7id cannot take off, without first carrying it to some British Port, and there landing and re-shipping it at a great Expence and loss of Time. 6. Obliging us to carry Portugal and Spanish Wines, TO THE MERCHANTS. 413 Fruit, (St'^:., to England., there to unload, pay a heavy Duty and re-ship them, thus subjecting us to a great Ex- pence, and our Vessels to an unnecessary Voyage of 1000 Miles in a dangerous Sea. 7. Imposing a Duty on Madeira Wines, which, if re- shipped to England.^ are subject to the Payment of the full Duties there without any Drawback for what was paid here. 8. The emptying their Jails upon us and making the Colonies a Receptacle for their Rogues and Villains ; an Insult and Indignity not to be thought of, much less borne without Indignation and Resentment. Not to mention the Restrictions attempted in the Fish- eries, the Duties laid on foreign Sugar, Molasses, &c. I will just mention the Necessity they have laid us under of supplying ourselves wholly from Great-Britain with European and East-India Goods, at an Advance of 20, and as to some Articles even of 40 per Cent, higher than we might be supplied with them from other places. But as if all these were not enough, a ^arty has lately arisen in England^ who, under Colour of the superintend- ing Authority of Parliament are labouring to erect a new Sovereignty over the Colonies with Power inconsistent with Liberty or Freedom. The first Exertion of this Power was displayed in the odious Stamp- Act. As the Authors and Promoters of this Act were sensible of the Opposition it must necessarily meet with, from Men, who had the least Spark of Liberty remaining, they accompanied it with a Bill still more odious, wherein they attempted to empower Officers to quarter Soldiers on private Houses, with a view, no Doubt, to dragoon us into a Compliance with the former Act. By the Interposition of the American Agents and of some London Merchants who traded to the Colonies, this Clause'was dropt; but the Act was carried, wherein the Assemblies of the respective Colonies were ordered at the 414 AN ADDRESS Expence of the several Provinces, to furnish the Troops with a Number of Articles, some of them never allowed in Britain. Besides, a Power is therein granted to every Officer, upon obtaining a Warrant from any Justice, (which Warrant the Justice is thereby empowered and ordered to grant, without any previous Oath) to break into any House by Day or by Night, under Pretence (these are the Words' of the Act) of searching for Deserters. By the spirited Opposition of the Colonies, the first Act was repealed ; but the latter continued, which, in its Spirit differs nothing from the other. For thereby the Liberty of the Colonies is invaded and their property disposed of without their Consent, no less than by the Stamp-Act. It was rather the more dangerous of the two, as the Ap- pearance of the Constitution was preserved, while the Spirit of it was destroyed, and thus a Tyranny introduced under the Forms of Liberty. The Assemblies were not at Liberty to refuse their Assent, but were to be forced to a litteral Compliance with the Act. Thus, because the As- sembly of New- York hesitated to comply, their Legisla- tive Power was immediately suspended by another Act of Parliament. That the Repeal of the Stamp-Act might not invalidate the Claims of Sovereignty now set up, an Act was passed, asserting the Power of Parliament to bind us with their Laws in every respect whatever. And to ascertain the Extent of this Power, in the very next Session they pro- ceeded to a direct Taxation; and in the very Words in which they dispose of their own Property, they gave and granted that of the Colonies, imposing Duties on Paper, Glass, dr"^., imported into America^ to be paid by the Col- onists, for the Purpose of raising a Revenue. This Revenue when raised, they ordered to be disposed of in such a Manner as to render our Assemblies or Legis- lative Bodies altogether useless, and to make Governors, TO THE MERCHANTS. 415 & Judges, who hold their Commission during Pleasure, and the whole executive Powers of Government ; nay, the Defence of the Country, independant of the People, as has been fully explained in the Farmer'' s Letters. Thus with a Consistency of Conduct, having divested us of Property, they are proceeding to erect over us a des- potic Government, and to rule us as Slaves. For "a "despotical Power, says Mr. Locke.^ is over such as have "no Property at all." If, indeed, to be subject in our Lives and Property to the arbitrary Will of others, whom we have never chosen, nor ever entrusted with such a Power, be not Slavery, I wish, any Person would tell me what Slavery is. Such then being the State of the Case, you are now, my Fellow-Citizens, to deliberate, not, whether you will tamely submit to this System of Government — That I am sure your Love of Freedom and Regard for yourselves and your Posterity will never suffer you to think of — But by what Means you may defend your Rights and Liberties, and obtain a Repeal of these Acts. In England^ when the Prerogative has been strained too high, or the People oppressed by the executive Power, the Parliament, who are the Guardians and Protectors of the People's Liberties, always petition for Redress of Grievances, and enforce their Petitions, by withholding Supplies until they are granted. Our Assembly, who are the Guardians and Protectors of our Liberties, I am told, has applied for Relief from their Acts of Parliament. But having nothing left to give, they could not enforce their Application by withholding any Thing. It is, however, in our Power, in a peaceable and consti- tutional Way, to add Weight, to the Remonstrance and Petition of our Representatives, by stopping the Importa- tion of Goods from Britain^ until we obtain Relief and Redress by a Repeal of these unconstitutional Acts. 4i6 AN ADDRESS But this, it may be said, is subjecting ourselves to pres- ent Loss and Inconvenience. I would beg Leave to ask, whether any People in any Age or Country ever defended and preserved their Liberty from the Encroachment of Power, without suffering pres- ent Inconveniences. The Roman People suffered them- selves to be defeated by their Enemies, rather than submit to the Tyranny of the Nobles. And even in the Midst of War, the Parliament of England has denied to grant Sup- plies, until their Grievances were redressed; well knowing that lio present Loss, Suffering, or Inconvenience, could equal that of Tyranny or the Loss of Public Liberty. To cite an Example, which our own Country furnishes ; you all remember that in the very Heighth of the late terrible Indian War, our Assembly and that of Maryland chose rather to let the Country suffer great Inconvenience, than immediately grant Supplies on Terms injurious to the public Privileges and to Justice. As then we cannot enjoy Liberty without Property, both in our Lives and Estates; as we can have no Property in that which another may of Right take and dispose of as he pleases, without our Consent ; and as the late Acts of Parliament assert this Right to be in them, we cannot en- joy Freedom imtil this Claim is given up, and until the Acts made in Consequence of it be repealed. For so long as these Acts continue and the Claim is kept up, our Property is at their Disposal, and our Lives at their Mercy. To conclude, as Liberty is the great and only Security of Property; as the Security of Property is the chief Spur to Industry, (it being Vain to acquire what we have not a Prospect to enjoy); and as the Stopping the Importation of Goods is the only probable Means of preserving to us and our Posterity this Liberty and Security, I hope, my Brethren, there is not a Man among us, who will not chearfully join in the Measure proposed, and with our TO THE MERCHANTS. 417 Brethren of Boston and New- York freely forego a Present Advantage; nay, even submit to a present Inconvenience for the Sake of Liberty, on which our Happiness, Lives, and Properties depend. Let us never forget that our Strength depends on our Union, and our Liberty on our Strength. " United we conquer^ divided we die.'''' A SONG FOR AMERICAN FREEDOM. BY JOHN DICKINSON. July, 1768. NOTE. The greatest problem in American politics for over one hundred years, was to obtain united action, and to this, nearly every American states- man gave his chief thought and labor. As early as May, 1754, Franklin printed his divided serpent, with the legend "Join or die," and from that time on, its constant republication in various forms and versions proved how pressing every American felt the question of union to be. This feeling produced the Massachusetts circular letter of February 11, 1768, pleading for united opposition to England, and when the Philadel- phia Merchants quickly met to consider what action should be taken, Dickinson ended his address to them with the words : "United we con- quer, divided we die." But a few weeks later, he wrote and published a song, enforcing the same idea, in which he struck the phrase : " By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall" — a line so epigrammatic of our crying need, that it has lived to this day, and grafted upon another song, is still sung, as our ancestors sang it, in now forgotten words and tune, one hundred and twenty-five years ago. Dickinson sent a copy of the song to Otis, with the following letter : Phii . w u * ••J' <« 'E 5 •• ^ «» E c 2 2 <- rf"* r - 6 » 5-5 XiSo > y — .* o « £ > je r S o > » c - • •* 2 w •> V * c ». 2 "ST i.|«.9j I? .2 a »» o NOTE. 427 The song was also reprinted in Edes' and Gills' Almanac for 1770, under the title of: "A New Song, now much in vogue in North Amer- ica, to the tune of the Hearts of Oak," and again, in the Virginia edition of the lyctters of a Farmer. The song was at once parodied in one entitled "The Parody," printed in The Boston Gazette of Sept. 26, 1768, where it was stated that, "last Tuesday the following song made an appearance from a garrett at Castle William :" THE PARODY, Come shake your dull noddles, ye pumpkins, and bawl, And own that you're mad at fair Liberty's call ; No scandalous conduct can add to your shame, Condemn'd to dishonor, inherit the fame. In folly you're bom, and in folly you'll live. To madness still ready, And stupidly steady. Not as men, but as monkeys, the tokens you give. Your grandsire, old Satan, now give him a cheer. Would act like yourselves, and as wildly would steer : So great an example in prospect still keep. Whilst you are alive, Old Belza may sleep. Such villains, such rascals, all dangers despise. And stick not at mobbing when mischiefs the prize ; They burst thro' all barriers, and piously keep Such chattels and goods the vile rascals can sweep. The Tree, which the wisdom of justice hath rear'd. Should be stout for their use, and by no means be spar'd : When fuddled with rum the mad sots to restrain. Sure Tyburn will sober the wretches again. Your brats and your hunters by no means forget. But feather your nests, for they're bare enough yet ; From the insolent rich sure the poor knave may steal, Who ne'er in his life knew the scent of a meal. When in your own cellars you've quaffed a regale, Then drive, tug and , the next house to assail ; For short is your harvest, nor long shall you know The pleasure of reaping what other men sow. 428 NOTE. Then plunder, my lads, for when red coats appear You'll melt like the locust when winter is near ; Gold vainly will glow, silver vainly will shine, But, faith, you must skulk, you no more shall purloin. Then nod your poor numskulls, ye pumpkins, and bawl, The de'il take such rascals, fools, whoresons and all ; Your cursed old trade of purloining must cease, The dread and the curse of all order and peace. All ages shall speak with contempt and amaze. Of the vilest banditti that swarm'd in these days ; In defiance of halters, of whips and of chains, The rogues would run riot, — fools for their pains. Gulp down your last dram, for the gallows now groans. And, over depress'd, her lost empire bemoans While we quite transported and happy shall be, From mobs, knaves and villains, protected and free. This was in turn parodied by a song entitled '* The Parody parodized* printed, with music, in Edes' and Gills' Almanac for 1770. This latter; according to Lossing and "Winsor, was by Mercy Warren. But they evi dently are in error, for in the quotation from Adams' diary, already quoted in this note, it is spoken of as written by Dr. Benjamin Church. It wat^ as follows : THE PARODY PARODISED. Come swallow your bumpers, ye tories, and roar, That the sons of fair Freedom are hamper'd once more; But know that no cut-throats our spirit can tame, Nor a host of oppressors shall smother the flame. In freedom we're born, and, like sous of the brave, We'll never surrender, But swear to defend her. And scorn to survive, if unable to save. Our grandsires, blest heroes! we'll give them a tear, Nor sully their honors, by stooping to fear ; Thro' deaths and thro' dangers their trophies they won, We dare be their rivals, nor will be outdone. Let tyrants and minions presume to despise. Encroach on our rights, and make freedom their prize: The fruits of their rapine they never shall keep ; Tho' vengeance may nod, yet how short is her sleep ! NOTE. 429 The tree, which proud Haman for Mordecai rear'd, Stands recorded, that virtue endanger'd is spar'd, That rogues whom no bounds and no laws can restrain, Must be stript of their honors, and humbled again. Our wives and our babes, still protected, shall know, Those who dare to be free, shall forever be so ; On these arms and these hearts they may safely rely. For in freedom we'll live, or like heroes we'll die. Ye insolent tyrants ! who wish to enthrall Ye minions, ye placemen, pimps, pensioners, all. How short IS your triumph ! how feeble your trust ! Your honor must witber and nod to the dust. "When oppress'd and reproached, our king we implore. Still firmly persuaded our rights he'll restore 1 When our hearts beat to arms, to defend a just right. Our monarch rules there, and ibrbids us to fight. Not the glitter of arms, nor the dread of a fray. Could make us submit to their chains for a day • Withheld by aflfection, on Britons we call, Prevent the fierce conflict which threatens your fall ! AU ages shall speak, with amaze and applause, Of the prudence we i'how in support of our cause ! Assur'd of our safety, a Brunswick still reigns. Whose free loyal subjects are strangers to chains. Then ]oin tiand in nand, brave Americans all ! To be free is to live, to be slaves is to fall : Has the land such a dastard, as scorns not a lord. Who dreads not a fetter much more than a sword. In freedom we're bom, and, like sons of the brave, We'll never surrender. But swear to defend her, And scorn to survive, if unable to save. Editor. A NEW SONG. To the Tune of " Hearts of Oak, eic," COME join Hand in Hand, brave AMERICANS all, And rouse your bold Hearts at fair LIBERTY' Call ; No tyrannous Acts shall suppress your just Claim Or stain with Dishonor AMERICA'S Name — In FREEDOM we're born, and in FREEDOM we'll I,IVB, Our Purses are ready. Steady, Friends, Steady, Not as SLAVES, but as FREEMEN our Money we'll give. Our worthy Forefathers — ^let's give them a Cheer — To Climates unknown did courageously steer ; Thro' Oceans to Deserts for Freeaom they came, And dying bequeath'd us their Freedom, and Fatne.-^ In FREEDOM we're born, etc. Their generous Bosoms all Dangers despis'd, So highly^ so wisely, their Birth-Rights they priz'd , We'll keep what they gave, we will piously keep, Nor frusQ-ate their Toils on the Land and the Deep. In FREEDOM we're born, etc. The Tree their own Hands had to LIBERTY rear'd, They liv'd to behold growing strong and rever'd ; With Transport then cry'd, " Now oxir Wishes we gain, For our Children shall gather the Fruits of our Pain." In FREEDOM we're born, etc:^ * In the text given in the Pennsylvania Chronicle, the following stanza is here in- ert ed: " How sweet are the labors that Freemen endure, That they shall enjoy all the Profit, secure — No more such sweet Labors Americans know If Britons shall >-ons, Merchants, Farmers, nay School- Boys and Orphans, were alike subject to its baneful influ- ence. "The Sufferings of all Ranks of People induced the7n to CONCERNING NON-IMPOR TA TION 441 oppose it — Business was consequently at a Stand. — The civil Courts were shut, and you could sue no Man for the Recovery of a Debt — You were therefore obliged to sacri- fice a very considerable Interest ; and you determined to import no Goods from Great- Britain, until it was repealed. — This was your Virtue ! — This your Resolution ! — Your Patriotism and private Interests were so intimately con- nected, that you could not prostitute the one, without en- dangering the other : And you would have been partic- ularly fortunate, if Great-Britain, when she repealed the Stamp-Act, had redressed all your Grievances ; and had never thought of imposing new ones — You would, then^ have been distinguished, in the Annals of America, among her best and most virtuous Sons, for a timely and resolute Defence of her Liberties ; and the Virtues, which under the present Tax you have despised and slighted, would have been, tho' unmerited, your greatest Glory — But Charles Townshend, with an artful and penetrating Eye, saw clearly to the Bottom of your Hearts — He knew, that, the private Interests of the Merchants were the Rocks against which Greenville's favorite Argo had unfortunately split ; and that no Act of Parliament, for raising a Revenue in America, could be executed without their Consent and Approbation. "To this Gentleman, you must attribute the Loss of your Reputation : and it was, certainly, your Misfortune, and the Misfortune of all America^ that you did not know him^ as well as he knew you^ — He imposed Duties upon Paper, Glass, and Painter's Colours; Articles of Commerce, which will prove most grevious Taxes upon the Country in general ; but cannot affect you, as Merchants : For it is notorious, that a Merchant must have his Profit on every Article of his Trade, let the Original Cost be what it may : 'The Purchaser of any Article, very seldom reflects that 'the Seller raises his Price, so as to indemnify himself for 442 LETTER TO THE MERCHANTS ' the Tax he has paid. He knows that the Prices of things 'are continually fluctuating, and if he thinks about the 'Tax, he thinks at the same Time, in all probability, that 'he might have paid as much, if the Articles he buys had 'not been taxed. He gets something visible and agree- 'able for his Money ; the Tax and Price are so confounded 'together, that he cannot separate, or does not chuse to 'take the Trouble of separating them.' — Thus have the People of your Province been deceived into a Pacific Com- pliance with this particular Act, the Preamble of which declares it is intended to raise a Revenue in America. You did not esteem it your Duty, as Merchants nor as American Freemen, to oppose it ; because it did not DiRECTi^Y AFFECT YOUR PRIVATE INTERESTS. The Par- liamentary Right, of Taxing America, you thought of little Consequence, when compared with your own Ease and Safety. — You concluded, that although it was uncon- stitutional^ it could not do much Harm in your Time, and, that, if your Posterity did not like it, or found it insup- portable,— they might endeavour to remove it. — By such deceitful Reasoning, you persuaded yourselves you were discharging your Duty; when you were industriously riveting Chains upon your Descendants, who will have no great Cause of Obligation to you for such distinguished Favours. — The Merchants in the Northern Colonies, de- spised these inglorious Motives : They were willing to lose their whole Trade^ rather than suffer their Country to be enslaved — and for this Reason determined to suspend the Importation of Goods from Great-Britain, until the several Acts of P 1 imposing Duties on America, were re- pealed.— This was their Virtue ! This their Resolution ! — Your Opposition to this Measure, prevented it from taking Effect, and you may thank yourselves for the blessed Con- sequences which are like to follow. — "These Reflections may appear harsh and uncharitable ; CONCERNING NON-IMPORTATION. 443 but they are the Reflections of every man, who is not tinc- tured with the local Prejudices of your Province — Believe me, your Opposition to the Proposal of the Merchants of New- York and Boston, although it might have been founded upon specious Arguments, has done infinite Preju- dice to the American Cause ; and created great Jealousies in your Neighbours Breasts ; which, nothing, but j^our determined Resolution to assist in removing those heavy Burthens, with which they and you are equally oppressed, will effectually heal. — An Union, between the several Colonies in Sentiment and Action, is essentially necessary to their Preservation ; and had not my Lord H h been informed, that we were dis-united in both — he would never have treated the Inhabitants of the Massachusetts- Bay with so much severity ; nor the other Colonies with such indignity. His Lordship imagined, from the Dis- union of these Provinces, of which no Doubt he has had faithful Intelligence, that Dragooning of One would in- timidate and silence the Rest; and his Judgment was founded upon a plausible Principle. — However, 'there are things which at some-times even Slaves will not bear ;' and I apprehend his Lordship's Letter will prove too hard even for you to bear. This Letter is an express Declara- tion, that the Ministry intend to direct and influence our Assemblies, by threatening them with a Dissolution, whenever they may have the Confidence, contrary to min- isterial Mandates, to consult or promote the Safety, Honor and Interest of their Constituents. I hope your Assembly will take the first Opportunity to resent the grossest Indig- nity ever offered to the Representatives of a free and loyal People, and shew no Symptoms of that Modesty of which Mr. Pitt so justly complained in the House of Commons. — If a B M r imagines he can intimidate an Amer- ican Assembly, Threats, nay Punishments, will be made use of to execute the most slavish Maxims ; and the very 444 LETTER TO THE MERCHANTS Men, whom we may invest with Power to promote and secure our Interests, will under such Infiiience^ effectually ruin us. For what Faith can we repose in our Assemblies, when they do not esteem themselves answerable to us for their Conduct ; but to arbitrary Ministers^ who will always make it their Interests to oppress and enslave us? We had better have no Representatives, if we cannot, when we think proper, instruct and direct them ; and, at the same time, have a reasonable Assurance of their obeying our Orders. The People are to all Litents and^gurposes. Masters. — Their Representatives are their dignified Ser- vants.— And we shall be justly chargeable with /^/zVzV«/ Suicide^ if we are stupidly fond of an Establishment, which, on the Principle of ministerial Supremacy^ will de- stroy our Civil Existence. "It is, certainly, a most cruel Dilemma, to be obliged to sacrifice every Thing that is most dear and valuable among Men, or to contend with our Mother Country. — But let us not, in this Case, distinguish Great-Britain from any other Power — To Freemen it must be indifferent, who their Oppressors are— If Britons oppress us, and strive might and main to enslave us — all pretended Ties of an- cient Favours, Friendship, Duty, are destroyed: G B , France, or any Power on Earth, pursuing the same Measures, ought indiscriminately to be opposed. — I shall conclude this Letter with an historical Fact very appli- cable to the present Subject. "The Privernates had been several Times subdued by the Romans, and had as often revolted; but their City was at last retaken by the Consul Plautius— In these distressed Circumstances they sent Ambassadors to Rome, to sue for Peace — Upon a Senator's asking them what Punishment they thought they deserved; one of them answered, 'That which is due to Men who think themselves worthy of Lib- erty.' Then the Consul asked them, whether there was CONCERNING NON-IMPORTATION. 445 any Room to hope, that they would observe the Peace, if their Fault was pardoned? 'The peace shall be perpetual between us,' replied the Ambassador, 'and we shall faith- fully observe it, if the Conditions you lay tipon us are just and reasonable ; but if they are hard and dishonorable^ the peace will not be of long Continuance, and we shall very soon break it.' "Though some of the Senators were offended at this Answer, yet most of them approved of it, and said that 'it was worthy of a Man and of a Man that was born free ;' acknowledging therefore the Force of the Rights of human Nature, they cried out, that 'those alone deserved to be Citizens of Rome, who esteemed nothing in comparison of Liberty.'^ Thus the very Persons, who were at first threat- ened with Punishment, were admitted to the Rights of Citizens, and obtained the Conditions they wanted; the generous Refusal of the Privernates to comply with the Terms of a dishonourable Treaty, gained them the Privi- lege of being incorporated into a State, which at that Time could boast of the bravest, and most virtuous Subjects in the Universe." A PETITION FROM THE ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYLVANIA TO THE KING DRAWN BY JOHN DICKINSON. March 9, 1771. NOTE. Dickinson's course in opposing the petition to the King in 1764, to make Pennsylvania a royal colony, was so unpopular that it resulted in his de- feat as a candidate to the Assembly in the October election of 1766 ; and from that time, till the election of 1770, the influence of Galloway was strong enough to secure his exclusion from that body. But the questions over the colonial charter became less important, while the greater ques- tions of the relation of the colonies to the parent state became more and more vital. This change brought Dickinson once more into popular favor, and despite Galloway's opposition, he was elected to the Assembly from the City of Philadelphia, in October, 1770. Led by Galloway, that body had hitherto taken what the extremists had deemed a very lukewarm attitude. It had paid no heed to the Mas- sachusetts circular letter, or the Virginia resolutions of May, 1768. In- deed, Lord North, in Parliament, praised Pennsylvania for having "be- haved with more moderation than the other colonies." The Assembly had indeed in 1768 voted a petition to parliament, denying to that body the right of taxation, (which was drawn by Allen with the aid Dickin- son, according to StilU,) but it had otherwise taken no action since the passage of the Stamp Act resolutions of 1765. Dickinson's election, however, marked a momentary change of party power, and this was quickly shown by the Assembly's transmitting, on his motion, another petition, though that sent three years before remained still unnoticed. How far the petition conformed to the draft Dickinson prepared, cannot be ascertained, as the draft was recommitted for amendment. The history of this petition is recorded in the Votes and Proceedings, (VI) as follows : Upon Motion by a Member, [Feb. 4, 1771]. That Part of the Duties imposed by a late Act of Parliament on cer- tain Articles imported into the Colonies, remains unrepealed, and that great Danger to the rights of the Americans is justly apprehended (449) 450 NOTE. from the Continuance of such a precedent for taxing them without their Consent. Ordered, That Mr. Fox, Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Browne, Mr. Morton, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Swope, Mr. Montgomery and Mr. Edmonds be a Committee to prepare and bring in a Draught of a Petition to his Ma- jesty in Council, humbly praying Relief, by his gracious Interposition with the Parliament for obtaining a Repeal of the Duty remaining on Tea &c. imported into the American colonies. . . . The House resumed the Consideration of the Draught of their Peti- tion to his Majesty, and after some Time spent therein, Objections arising to particular Paragraphs thereof, the said Draught was recom- mitted to the Committee that brought it in, for Alteration. . . . The Committee to whom the Petition to his Majesty was recommitted for Amendment, reported the same with some Alterations, which were read by Order, and referred to further Consideration. . . . The House resumed the Consideration of their intended Petition to his Majesty, and after some Time spent therein, adjourned to Three o'clock, P, M. . . . The House proceeded in the Consideration of their Petition to the King, which being again read, and debated by Paragraphs, was ordered to be transcribed. . . . The Petition to his Majesty being transcribed according to Order, was compared at the Table, [and] signed by the Speaker. . . . This Petition was adopted March 9, 1771, under which date it is printed in the Votes and Proceedings, (VI, 299). Editor. A PETITION. To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty. The Petition of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania. Most humbly sheweth, That we your Majesty's faithful Subjects, the Represen- ^ tatives of the Freemen of Pennsylvania, in General A5>- / sembly met, humbly ask Permission to offer to your Royal ^ Wisdom our dutiful Supplication. In our last Petition to your Majesty, we prayed Relief, of a Grievance, which the good People of this Province . suflfered, by Duties being imposed upon them by Act of Parliament, for the sole Purpose of raising a Revenue ; and though that Act has been repealed as to Part of these Taxes, yet the Duties on Tea, and other enumerated Goods, not made in Great-Britain, but from thence exported to , these Colonies, are still retained with Intent, as we have great Reason to fear, of establishing thereby a Precedent for repeating such Taxations upon us hereafter. Thus we lose Possession of Part of our Property, and the Title to the Remainder becomes extremely precarious: - For as we cannot, from our Situation, be in any Manner represented in Parliament, your Royal Wisdom will per- ceive that we can call nothing our own, which others as- sume a Right to take from us, without our Consent. The Aggrievance still continuing notwithstanding the late Repeal, our Confidence in your Majesty's transcendent ^• Goodness, induce us to hope, that through your gracious Interposition we may yet obtain Redress. — If we attempted • to promote Innovations, we might deserve Censure. We only endeavour to avoid them. — We presume not to re- quest the Grant of any new Right in our favour, nor auj (451) ^"'^ 452 A PETITION TO THE KING. Diminution of the Royal Prerogative ; but only to be re- stored to that which we constantly till of late enjoyed,—^ the invaluable exclusive Privilege of demonstrating our Affection for our Sovereign, and our Duty to his Gover- ment, as heretofore, by voluntary Gifts of our Property to him. ""^ This Privilege, repeatedly recognized by your Majesty and former Kings and Parliaments, our Ancestors trans- mitted inviolate to us, we possessed it without Abuse, and have lost it without Offence : For we beg lycave to assure your Majesty, that none of your Subjects are or can be more affectionately and firmly attached to your Majesty's Person, Family and Government, than your faithful People, the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania. Most gracious Sovereign, Fully confiding, that your Majesty will always make the Preservation of the Constitutional Rights of y-our Subjects a principal Object of your Attention, and that your Royal Disposition delights in the Freedom and Happiness of your People, We most humbly and earnestly implore your Ma- jesty, by your Royal Authority, Influence, and Recom- mendation, to procure us Relief from the Grievance now most respectfully represented. Signed by Order of the House, JOSEPH GALIyOWAY, Speaker. Philadelphia, March 5, 1771. TWO LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. BY JOHN DICKINSON. November, 1773. NOTE. The first of these letters was printed in the Pennsylvania Journal for Wen tgV^ here, by the Association of the Sons ol Liberty, of this City ; a copy of which you have on the other side. Many^of the respectable Inhabitants have already signed it, and those who are disposed to give a decent and firm opposition, to the Design of enslaving the Colonies, are hereby invited to accede to it. The Committee of the Asssociation. New York, December 4, 1773. This broadside was headed : A Letter from the Country, to a Gentleman in Philadelphia : / My Dear Friend [signed] Rusticus. [Folio. Broadside.] Editor. (455) A LETTER. SIR. "I RECEIVED your favor, inclosing the Act of Par- liament, passed this year, to allow a drawback of the duties of customs on the exportation of Tea to any of his Majesty's colonies or plantations in America, &c. " Can it be possible that any person of common under- standing, upon reading this Act, should take up an opin- ion that the Tea sent to America by the East-India Com- pany was discharged from the duty of three pence per pound, which the Act passed in the year 1767, for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, ordered to be paid on its being landed here. To my view, and I think I have read the Act with some attention, there is not the least foundation, on which, to ground such an opinion. This Act relates altogether to the duties of customs paya- ble in England, and for the payment of which, the East- India Company are obliged, by sundry Acts of Parliament, to give security, under the common seal; but it has not the least reference to the duty payable here, which was laid for the purpose of taxing the Ampripgn^; " From the recitals in this Act it appears, that by former Acts of Parliament certain duties were imposed upon all Teas imported by the East-India Company, — that the Company were obliged to give security for the payment of those duties, so soon as their Teas are sold, and were obliged to sell their goods, openly and fairly, by way of auction, or by inch of candle, within the space of three years from the importation, — that the persons, who pur- chased at these sales, were obliged within three days after the sale, to deposit with the Company 40s. for every tub (457) 458 LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. 8l chest, under certain terms and conditions, — and that upon exporting it to Ireland and America, there was granted, for a certain limited time, a drawback of three- fifth parts of the several duties of customs, which were paid upon the importation. "Let us now review this Act, which is made expressly for the benefit and advantage of the East-India Company. In the first paragraph, instead of three-fifths, the whole of the duties payable upon the importation is to be drawn back from all Teas bought at the Company's Sales and exported to America. But lest this encouragement should increase the number of purchasers and exporters, and thereby prevent the Company from reaping the advan- tages of the monoply intended for them by this Act. It is provided in the next paragraph, that every buyer, in- stead of 40s. shall deposit /our pounds. The third para- graph points out a way, whereby the Company, instead of exposing their Teas to sale, may be enabled to export them to any ports beyond the seas; and the paragraph following relieves them from the security given for the payment 01 duties, and provides, that they may export their Tea without paying any duty, or as the Act expres- ses it, 'discharged from the payment of any customs or [duties whatsoever.' But no provision is made to dis- charge these Teas from the duty ordered to be paid upon heir being i7nported into America. This is an objection never bro't into view by this Act, that the custom or duties from which the Teas are here discharg'd, are no other than those, for the payment of which, the Company were obliged to give security, appears plainly by the pro- viso, which immediately follows, whereby the Collector and Comptroller are authorized, upon certain conditions, to write off and discharge the quantity of Tea so exported, from the warrent of the respective ship in which such Tea was imported." Fair-view, October 30, 1773. ^^ LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. 459 My Dear Friend, I AM very sorry for the Piece of Intelligence you were pleased to communicate to me in your last. Five Ships^ loaded with TEA, on their Way to America^ and this with a View not only to enforce the Revenue Act^ but to estab- lish a Monopoly for ths^^East- India Company^ who have espoused the Cause of the Ministry; and hope to repair their broken Fortunes by the Ruin of American freedom and Liberty! No Wonder the Minds of the People are exasperated, as you say, to a degree of Madness. The Scripture tells us: ''''Oppression will make a wise Man ^ mad.'''' And when Insolence is joined with Oppression, I should deem him not far from a Fool or Idiot, who did not feel a degree of Madness. Pray have you heard, whether they and the Minister have not made a Property ^US, and whether We, our Wives and Children, to- gether, with the HARD earned Fruits of our Labour, are not made over to this almost bankrupt Company^ to aug- ment their Stock, and to repair their ruined Fortunes? Justice seems to have forsaken the old World. Three public Robbers in Europe have taken Possession of a neighbouring Kingdom, and divided among themselves as lawful Booty. The Rights of free States and Cities are swallowed up in Power. Subjects are considered as Prop- erty. If I am well informed, not longer ago than last Year, a Company of Merchants in Spain purchased from the King the exclusive Right of the Trade of one of the most considerable Islands in the West Indies^ and to in- demnify themselves for the Purchase Money, are now carrying on that Trade in a Manner that must ruin every Inhabitant of that Island. Are we in like Manner to be given up to the Disposal of the East^ridia_Company ^ who have now the Assurance to step forth in Aid of the Minis- ter, to execute his Plan of enslaving America? Their conduct in Asia^ for some Years past, has given ample 46o LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. Proof, how little they regard the Laws of Nations, the Riglits, Liberties, ~or Live! of Men. They have levied War, excitecl Rebellious, dethroned lawful Princes, and sacrificed Millions for the Sake of Gain. The Revenues of mighty Kingdoms have centered in their Coffers. And these not being sufficient to glut their Avarice, they have, by the most unparalleled Barbarities, Extortions and Mo- nopolies, stripped the miserable Inhabitants of their Prop- erty, and reduced whole Provinces to Indigence and Ruin. Fifteen hundred Thousand, it is said, perished by Famine in one Year, not because the Earth denied its Fruits, but this Company and its Servants engrossed all the Necessa- ries of Life, and set them at so high a Rate, that the Poor could not purchase them. Thus having drained the Sources of that immense Wealth, which they have for several Years past been accustomed to amass, and squan- der away on their Lusts, and in corrupting their Country, they now, it seems, cast their Eyes on America^ as a new Theatre, whereon to exercise their Talents of Rapine, Oppression and Cruelty. The Monopoly of Tea, is, I dare say, but a small Part of the Plan they have formed to strip us of our Property. But thank GOD, we are not Sea Poys, / nor Marattas, but British Subjects^ who are born to Lib- erty, who know its Worth, and who prize it high. We are engaged in a mighty Struggle. The Cause is of the utmost Importance, and the Determination of it will fix our Condition as Slaves or Freemen. It is not the paltry Sum of Three-Pence which is now demanded, but the Principle upon which it is demanded, that we are contend- ing against. Before we pay any Things let us see whether we have any Thing we can call our own to pay. ^.j-y Hitherto the dispute has been carried on with a Spirit, Temper, and Moderation, that must prove us worthy to enjoy that Liberty, for which we contend. And I hope and earnestly wish, that the Prudence we have hitherto LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. 461 exercised, may not be borne down by the Indignation which you say is so justly and universally kindled at these insolent Intruders. I am very sensible how the Spirit of a Man rises, when unworthy Agents are used to destroy him. It is something of Consolation to be overcome by a Lion, but to be devoured by Rats is intolerable. y But, my dear Friend, it is not only the cause, but our Manner of conducting it, that will establish our Character. The Happiness and Prosperity both of the Colonies and of Great-Britain depend upon an intimate Union & Con- nexiofl. This Union, it is true, depends upon Freedom. For without Freedom there can be no Confidence. With- out Confidence no Affection; and without Affection, con-, sidering our Situation and Distance from Britain^ the Union between this Country and that cannot long subsist To preserve, therefore, that Union, and promote the Hap- piness and Prosperity of both Countries, let us resolve to maintain our^iberty. But in doing this, when any Dif- ference arises, as on the present unhappy Occasion, let us act so as to leave Room for a Return of the old good Hu- mour, Confidence and Affection, which has subsisted be- tween Great-Britain and this Country, since the first settlement of the Colonies. — I HEAR a Buz among my Neighbours, that the East- India Company 5 Tea is to be guarded by Men of War, and landed by a Military Force; that the Reason, why the General did not come to review the Troops in your City, was, lest in his Absence the Tea should arrive in New York^ and his Presence might be necessary to land and protect it. Though I have no Doubt but this Company, hackneyed as they are in Murders, Rapine and Cruelty, would sacrifice the Lives of Thousands to preserve their Trash, and enforce their measures; yet I can hardly per- suade myself that the Ministry are so mad, as to give Orders, at the Hazard of losing the Affection of the Amer- \ 462 LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. icajts^ to preserve that, which, considering the Time it has already lain in the East-India Companf s Ware-houses, must already be in a perishing State. But should that be the Case, let us disappoint their Malice. We have yet a command of our Persons. Our Houses, Stores and Wharves are at our own Disposal. Resolve, therefore, nobly resolve and publish to the World your Resolutions, that no Man wnll receive the Tea, no Man will let his Stores, nor suflfer tjie Vessel, that brings it, to moor at his Wharf, and that if any Person assists in unlading, landing or storing it, he shall ever after be deemed an Enemy to his Country, and never be em- ployed by his Fellow Citizens. I am sure, from what I have formerly known of our PORTERS, there is not a Man among them, that will lend a Hand; and I question, whether among the whole Class ot Labourers that ply about the Wharves, there will be found One, who would not rather go without his Dinner than, for double Wages, touch the accursed Trash. Believe me, my Friend, there is a Spirit -^f Liberty and a love of_their C"^^"try among every Class of Men amongjgs, which Experience will evince, and which shew them worthy the Character of free-born A7ner- icans. It is a Question with me, from what I liave seen among the Troops.^ whether any Thing less than the last Exertion of military Discipline will prevail on one Soldier, who has been but one Year in this Country to lend a Hand to unload or store the Tea. I am sure there is not a Re- cruit enlisted here, who would not rather desert, than be compelled to do an Act, which will render him odious to his Countrymen. Besides, it is not to be supposed, that a GENTI.EMAN Soldier, will submit to the indignity of be- coming a Porter to the East-India Company. And as to the Commissioners^ appointed to receive this Tea, notwith- standing you tell me the Answer of one House was not satisfactory; yet from the Knowledge I have of the Gentle- LETTERS ON THE TEA TAX. 463 men, that compose that House, I would venture my Life, they prefer the Esteem of their Fellow- Citizens above the Honour or Emolument of being Servants to that infamous Company. But should they undervalue your Esteem, be assured they will not hazard your Resentment. Confide, therefore, in each other. Be firm, be prudent. And may GOD prosper your Endeavours, and enable you to transmit to your Posterity that Freedom derived from your Ancestors. — I DID not think Politics would have reached this Retreat I have chosen; but you have called on me for my Senti- ments, and when our Country is in Danger, no Man ought to excuse himself. I have trepassed too long on your Pa- tience. I shall therefore conclude with a Proposal that your Watchmen be instructed as they go their Rounds, to call out every night, past Twelve d' Clock ^ bewai'e of the East-India Company. I am, with sincere Affection, Your's, RUSTICUS. Fairview^ Nov. ^7, ///j. LETTERS TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES. BY JOHN DICKINSON. May, 1774. NOTE. In Charles Thomson's letter to W. H. Drayton (Stille's Dickinson, 341), he stated : "When the controversy was again renewed between Great-Britain and America in the year 1772, the merchants of Philadelphia, who first took the alarm at the attempt of introducing tea to America through the medium of the East India Company, were anxious to engage [Dick- inson] in the dispute. But from this he was dissuaded by one of his most intimate friends, \Vho seemed to be persuaded that this new at- tempt of the Ministry would lead to most serious consequences, and terminate in blood, and who theretore wished him to reserve himself for till matters became more serious. For this reason he was not pub- licly concerned in the measures taken for sending back the tea. But in the spring of 1774, as soon as the Boston Port Bill, &c., his friend, who had taken an active part in the measures for sending back the tea, immediately communicated to him the intelligence, and gave his opinion that now was the time to step forward. The measures proper to be pursued on this occasion were secretly concerted between them, and to prepare the minds of the people Mr. D. undertook to address the public in a series of letters." Thomson also wrote to David Ramsay {New York Historical Society Collections for 1878, 221) : "In order to awaken the attention of the people, a series of letters were published, well calculated to raise them to a sense of their danger and point out the fatal effort and consequences of the late acts of Par- liament and the plans of the British Ministry." Even before finding these two references to this series of letters, I had been led by their style and argument to ascribe them to Dickinson's pen. They were printed in the Pennsylvania Journal under date of: Letter I. Letter II. Letter III. Letter IV. Vol. XVI. No. 1642. " " " 1643. " " " 1644. " " 1645. (467) May 25, 1774. June I, 1774. June 8, 1774. June 15, 1774. Editor. LETTERS. LETTER I. To the Inhabitants of the British Colonies in America: Brethren, Divine Providence has been pleased to place us in this age and country under such circumstances, as to be reduced to the necessity of chusing one of these conditions — either to submit to the dominion of others, holding our lives, liberties, and properties, by the precar- iotcs tenure of their Will — or, to exert that understanding, resolution and power, with which Heaven has favoured us, in striving to maintain our rank in the class of Freemen. The importance of these objects is so immensely great, and the treatment of one of these Colonies so extremely alarming, as to call for your most earnest and immediate consideration. The subject of the present dispute between Great Britain and us, is so generally understood, that to enlarge upon it is needless. We know the extent of her claims. We be- gin to feel the enforcemejit of those claims. We may fore- see the consequences of them ; for, reason teaching us to infer actions from principles, and events from examples, should convince us, what a perfection of servitude is to be fixed on us, and our posterity. I call it perfection — be- cause the wit of man, it is apprehended, cannot devise a plan of domination more compleatly tending to bear down the governed into the lowest and meanest state of society, than that now meditated, avowed, and in part executed, on this Continent. If this system becomes established, it may, with truth, (469) 470 LETTERS be said, of the inhabitants of these Colonies, "that they hold their lives, liberties, and properties, by the precarious tenure of the Will of others."* Allowing the danger to be real — At the prospect of so abject and so lasting a subjection, — What must be the sen- timents of judicious & virtuous Americans? They will quickly determine whether the first part of the alternative should be adopted. Here arguments would be absurd. Not more ridiculous would be an attempt to prove, vice preferable to virtue — The climate of St. Vincent more pleasant than that of Pennsylvania — The WdXw^soi Indostan^ under the govern- ment of the East-India Company^ as happy as English Freeholders — Or the inhabitants of Great Britain more loyal subjects, than those of the Colonies. That Liberty is inestimable — and should, if possible, be preserved — you know. To pretend to convince you of the truth of the former proposition, or of the duty of the latter, would be to insult you. You must be, you are resolved, to observe the properest conduct, for securing your best and dearest interests. What that may be, deserves — demands — your closest at- tention— your calmest deliberation. On this head I venture to submit some observations to your consideration. I am, by every tie of interest and duty, an American ; and, unless my heart deceives me, I am an American in affection. My fortunes, hopes, and wishes are bound up in your prosperity. With my coun- trymen I must mourn or rejoice; and therefore, though I am perfectly sensible I cannot present to them reflections arising from great abilities, or extensive learning, and * " Non nobis nati snmus. It is for our posterity we desire to provide — that they may not be in worse case than villians. For a Freeman to be a Tenant at ^i\x,for his Liberty / / will not agree to it. It is a ten- ure not to be found in all Littleton. Speech of Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief Justice. Parliamentary Hist. Vol. 8. Page 6i. TO THE INHABITANTS. 471 adorned by elegance of composition, yet I trust they will lend a careful and candid attention to plain thoughts, dic- tated by honest intentions, and a participation of afflic- tions. Aiming solely at your welfare, and not at the trifling reputation of a writer ; far be from me the over- weening presumption, that my opinions are free from error. Conscious of my frailties, I desire those opinions to be severely examined. The correction of them will confer a real obligation upon me, if it serves my country; and happy shall I esteem myself, if the detection of my mistakes shall open to you a clear view of the m.ost ex- pedient measures to be pursued. There are some men who say, that the late act of Par- liament, abolishing the privileges of the port of Boston, was occasioned by the particular imprudence of the in- habitants, and in no manner concerns the other colonies. To form a true judgement on this point, it will be proper to take a short review of some other transactions. Great Britain triumphant by your assistance in the late war, found at the conclusion of it, by a peace hastily be- stowed on her haughty and hereditary foes, her dominions enlarged, — her fleets formidable, — her armies disciplined, — her trade flourishing — her enemies intimidated and ex- hausted— ^lier colonies thriving, affectionate and dutiful. The cup of prosperity, large and full, courted her lips. Deep she drank of the enchanted beverage, as if the ves- sel like the cruise of Sarepta' s widow, could not fail. After a short, but feverish repose, she roused herself, may I say — as one of Homer's Giants — A race — "By whom no statutes and no rights were known," to injure those who never injured her. She had conquered her enemies. That other kingdoms had done. Should no exploits of a more transcendent energy illustrate the annals of George the Third? No at- chievements, so shockingly great and advantageous, that 472 LETTERS even the pensioned Historians of the animated era must weep in tracing them, and blush in reciting them? Luck- ily for her ia.n\&— perhaps for her profit — the near-sighted policy, and low-spirited humanity of every state, in every period, had left untouched, for her, the novel glory of con- quer! ng/rz'^«^^ — Children — Flesh of her fiesh^ and bone of her bone^ unstained by any former reproach, — resting in perfect tranquility, acknowledged loyal and actual obedi- ent to every kind of authority hitherto by her exercised over them, — perpetually pouring into her lap those fruits of her industry, which she would permit them to collect from the different parts of the world. — Proud of their con- nection with her, — confiding in her — loving — revering — almost adoring her — and ready and willing, as they ever had been, to spend their treasure and their blood at her re- quest— in her cause. *"Parcere superbus^ and debellare subjectos^'' was a thought that had escaped the sagacity of Statesmen, and even the fancy of Poets. The subtlety of MachiaveV s Ital- ian brain had missed it — and no Boeotian had blundered upon it. The temptation was too great to be resisted. The par- ent resolved to seize that treasure^ and if not tamely re- signed, to spill that bloody herself, "f O sapiens et beata regina." The greatest J Ministers, who had heretofore conducted * " 7l> spare the proud ; and to subdue the subjects ■f " O wise and happy Queen.^' X " Sir Robert Walpole and any other Minister to whom the project of taxing the Colonies was tnentioned, rejected it. " When I had the honor of serving his Majesty I availed myself of the means of information, which I derived from my office. I speak, there- fore, from knowledge. My materials were good, I was at pains to col- lect, to digest, to consider them ; and I will be bound 'to affirm, that the ptofit of Great Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you trium- phantly through the last war. The estates that were rented at two thous- TO THE INHABITANTS. 473 her affairs, had discovered and declared, that we were con- tinually toiling for her benefit — that she w^as sure of re- ceiving, in the course of commerce, all those emoluments of our labor, which reason could require — and therefore, tenderly cherished and supported us. Notions too dull ! And advantages too just ! to merit the slightest regard from his Majesty's enlightened and magnanimous Councellors. ''They lavish gold out of the bag, and weigh silver in "the balance — they fall down, yea, they worship (them) — "remember this and show yourselves men." Isaiah ch. 46. P. P. LETTER 11. To the INHABITANTS of the British Colonies in America. Brethren, It is not my design to travel through all the ministerial manoeuvers respecting us, since the commence- ment of this Reign. It is not necessary. Sufficient, I trust, it will prove, to lay before you such a series of correspond- ent facts, as will thoroughly convince you, — that a plan has been deliberately framed, and pertinaciously adhered to, unchanged even by frequent changes of Ministers, un- checked by any intervening gleam of humanity, to sacri- fice to a passion for arbitary dominion the universal pro- and pounds a year three score years ago, are three thousand potinds at present. Those estates sold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchase ; the same may now be sold for thitty. You owe this to America. This is the price that America pays you for her protection. / dare not say how much higher these profits may be augmented— upon the whole I will beg leave to tell the House, what is really my opinion ; it is that the Stamp- Act be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately. That the reason f 01 the repeal be assigned, because it was founded on an erroneous principle." Mr. Pitt's Speech. All the most distinguished writers on the trade of Great Britain, pre- vious to the present Reign, held a language entirely agreeing with Mr. PitVs sentiments. See Davenant, Child, Tucker, Beawes, Fostlewaite, 474 LETTERS perty, liberty, safety, honor, happiness and prosperity of us unoffending, yet devoted Americans — And that every maa of us is deeply interested in the fate of our brethren of Bostoji. If such a series is not laid before you, the combined force of which shall tear up by the roots, and throw out of your bosoms, every lurking doubt, centure me as an enthusiast too violently warmed by a sence of the injustice practised against my beloved country. The danger of a father's life once racked words from a dumb son. Worse than death, in my view, threatens our common mother. Pardon, therefore, a brother's imper- fections. Amidst a volume of institutions called Regulations — wrong at first — corrected into other errors — again corrected — still requiring Regulation — and remaining after all their editions, if not like Draco^s^ codes of blood, yet codes of plunder — confounding by the intricacy and multiplicity of their inventions — and confiscating for having con- founded*— appears the fourth of George the Third, Chap. 15th, stiled "An Act for granting certain duties in "the British Colonies and Plantations in ^;;/^r/m, &c." This was the first comet of this kind, that glared over these Colonies since their existence. Here first we find the Commons oi Great Britain "giving and granting" * ^^ Omitting the immense increase of people, by natural population, in ^' the more northern Colonies, and the migration from every part of Eu- "rope, I am convinced the whole commercial system of America may be " altered to advantage. You have prohibited where you ought to have '^encouraged; and you have encouraged, where you ought to have pro- " hibited. Improper restraints have been laid on the continent in favor "of the islands. You have but two nations to trade with in America. "Would you have twenty! Let Acts of Parliament in consequence of "treaties remain, but let not an English Minister become a Ciistom- " House Officer y<7y Spain or for any foreign pozver. Much is wrong, " much may be amended or for the general good of the whole. Mr. "Pitts' Speech. TO THE INHABITANTS. 475 our money, for the express purpose of "raising a Revenue in America.'''' We, busy in guiding our ploughs, felling our timber, or sailing in the circuits of traffic prescribed us, and still veering like Bees to their hive, with millions of our gains, to Great Britain^ the center of our toils by land and sea, poor harmless Husbandmen and Traders! scarce observed the blow given us. Our hearts filled with confidence by contemplating the pleasing images of her generous distin- guished virtues, from the splendor of which in our judg- ment, those of ancient Greece and Rome hid their dimin- ished heads — suspicion could find no entrance. We saw, in the preamble, something of the usual forms "for ex- tending and securing navigation and commerce," were lulled into security, nor could suppose the stroke was aimed at our vitals. An infant that had trotted along a directed walk in a garden, and loaded with flowers had presented them to a mother, would as soon have expected to be knocked down by her. — Not long were we suffered to enjoy our tranquility. The 5th of George the Third, Chapter the 12th, the ever memorable Stamp-Act, quickly followed. By this, recit- ing the former act, the Commons of Great Britain "gave and granted" duties, so called, of our money on almost every piece of parchment, vellum or paper to be used in these Colonies, and declared every instrument of writing without a stamp to be void. Tax gatherers of a new kind were appointed to collect these duties. The petitions of our Assemblies previous to its passing, on notice received of the design, asserting our rights, and supplicating a re- spect for them, were treated with contempt. You remem- ber the time and its distress. You behaved as you ought. * *" I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millious of people, so "dead to alt the feelinf^s of Liberty, as voluntarily to consent to be "Slaves, would have been fit instruments to make Slaves of the rest. "Mr. Vvtr's Speech. 476 LETTERS Convinced that a people who wish to be free, must resolve to be free, you abolished the "abominable thing" — and proceeded in your usual business without any regard to the illegal edict obtruded upon you. Permit me to add two observations, relating to remark- able attendants on the Taxation comprised in that Act, the memory of which is perhaps grown faint, from length of time, in some minds. By the Statutes granting stamp duties in England or Great-Britain^ especial caution has been taken, that noth- ing more should be levied upon the subject, under any pretence whatsoever, than the duties themselves. These words run through those Acts — "That the Officers shall receive the several duties — and stamp and mark the vel- lum, parchment, and paper, &c., without any other fee or reward — which stamp or mark shall be a sufficient discharge for the respective duties, &c." And "the Commissioners shall take care that the several parts of the kingdom shall, from time to time, be sufficiently fur- nished with vellum, parchment and paper, stamped and marked as is directed, to the end, that the subjects, &c. MAY HAVE IT IN THEIR ELECTION, either to buy the same of the Officers and persons to be employed, &c. at the usual and most common rates above the said duties, or to bring THEIR OWN vellum, parchment, or paper to be stamped or marked as aforesaid."* Was the Stamp-Act for America like those Statutes? Judge. By this it is enacted "that the High Treasurer, "or any three or more of the Commissioners of the Treas- "ury shall once in every year SET THE PRICES, at which "all sorts of stamped vellum, parchment, and paper, shall "be sold, &c." The stamps were kept in j£'?/^/ till we know their resolutions to be unalterably hos- tile.— In the mean time, let us pursue the most proper meth- ods for collecting the sentiments of all the British colonies iu North America^ on the present situation of affairs — the first point, it is apprehended, to which attention should be paid. This may be affected in various ways. The as- semblies that may have opportunities of meeting, may appoint deputies to attend a general congress at such time and place as shall be agreed on. Where assemblies cannot meet, such of the people as are qualified by law to vote in election of representative may meet and appoint — or may request their representatives to meet and appoint. When the inhabitants of this extended continent observe that regular measures are prosecuted for re-establishing harmony between Great-Britain and these Colonies, their minds will grow more calm. Prospects of accommodation, it is hoped, will engage them patiently and peaceably to attend the results of the public councils and such applica- tions as by the joint sense of America may be judged with all our possible means, endeavours and unfeigned duties^ both apply fresh and fertile mold unto it and also water it even with our tears, that so those bruised branches may be recovered aud the whole tree again pros- per and flourish^" Mr. Creskeld's speech in the Parliament that met in 1727. TO THE INHABITANTS. 501 proper to be made to his Majesty and both Houses of Par- liament. "Better is a little with righteousness, than great rev- nues without right." Proverbs 16. — END OF vol.. I. 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